But it is even more apt than that, because Dreamers like Gonzalez
Garnier and Villalobos live lives of surreal extremes, of sublime “I
must be dreaming moments” amid a restless undercurrent of cold-sweat
anxiety that one day they might learn that it really was all a dream,
that they are being sent back to a place they barely know.
Despite their uncertain futures in this country, Gonzalez Garnier and
Villalobos have become deeply involved in politics, volunteering for
campaigns and meeting statewide candidates and presidents. Their
activism is a hallmark of a new generation of immigrants from Mexico and
elsewhere in Latin America who not only are embracing the American
dream but trying to shape it.
Of the pinch-me moments, there was state Sen. Wendy Davis, seated
between Villalobos and Gonzalez Garnier at the Democratic State
Convention in Dallas in June, just before Davis ascended the stage to
accept her party’s nomination for governor.
At the convention, Villalobos was assigned by Democratic State Party
Chairman Gilberto Hinojosa to help draft the party’s platform on
immigration, working the computer’s “Command F” to find and remove any
use of the word “illegal.”
The week before the convention, the pair met Hillary Clinton at
BookPeople in Austin. Gonzalez Garnier, 21, plans to defer law school
until she can help try to elect Clinton president.
Last year, Villalobos introduced Vice President Joe Biden at a West
Lake Hills fundraiser — identifying himself as undocumented, he hailed
Biden as “someone who will always have our back.” At 23, Villalobos has
met five American presidents, more than most heads of state can claim.
And yet, in the 13 years since the Texas Dream Act was enacted, the
attitude of many Texans toward Dreamers has curdled. A University of
Texas/Texas Tribune poll found in June that about half of Texas voters
want to see them not just stripped of their in-state tuition but
deported along with every other undocumented immigrant in the state.
‘The future of activism’
Now comes U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, casting the November election
nationally as a referendum on President Barack Obama’s apparent plans to
expand the very policy — Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or
DACA — that protects Villalobos and Gonzalez Garnier from being
deported. To Cruz, it’s a lawless amnesty that precipitated this
summer’s crisis on the border, with a flood of unaccompanied minors from
Central America, at great peril to themselves, trekking across Mexico
to Texas.
“I don’t like to think about it, but they are playing with my life,”
Gonzalez Garnier said of the efforts to end DACA. “My life hangs in
their hands, and I do think it’s a kind of political football.”
If it is, University of Washington political scientist Matt Barreto,
who has studied the “politics of in-between,” said it is well to
remember that it was activism among those residing in the country
without authorization, which first became apparent during the
immigration protests of 2006, that proved decisive in persuading Obama
to embrace DACA in 2012.
“At first I didn’t understand how to be politically involved and not be able to vote,” Gonzalez Garnier said.
But she has come to see political involvement as a way to compensate
for not having the vote by encouraging others to exercise the franchise
she cannot.
In the eyes of Latino voters, said Barreto, co-founder of the polling
and research firm, Latino Decisions, DACA was the most popular thing
Obama has done and the single biggest reason he rolled up the huge
margins with Latino voters that were crucial to his re-election.
“These kids are the future of activism in this country, and it’s
beautiful. They’re smart, and they’re committed, and they’re focused,”
said Ana Yañez-Correa, director of the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition.
If Republicans repeal the Texas Dream Act and end DACA, she said, it
will be to their ultimate regret: “I think it will be the downfall of
the Republican Party.”
‘Coming out as undocumented’
The Texas Dream Act offered in-state tuition to any public college or
university in the state to unauthorized immigrant students who have
gained admission. They must have graduated from a high school or
received a GED diploma in Texas, have lived in the state for at least
three years and have signed an affidavit affirming they are seeking
legal residency.
According to the most recent numbers available from the Texas Higher
Education Coordinating Board, between 2002 and 2012, 45,803 students
have taken advantage of in-state tuition under the act.
But “Dreamer” has also come to refer more broadly to those who would
have benefited from a federal DREAM (Development, Relief, and Education
for Alien Minors) Act — which has never passed Congress, but which would
have permitted similar students a pathway to temporary, then permanent
legal status and ultimately U.S. citizenship — and to those who are now
covered by DACA, which Obama initiated in June 2012 as a stopgap measure
in the absence of a national DREAM Act or comprehensive immigration
reform.
According to the Immigration Policy Center, there are 1.8 million
immigrants in the United States who either are eligible or might become
eligible for “deferred action,” a two-year, renewable reprieve from
deportation to those who meet certain requirements: they are under age
31; they entered the United States before turning 16; they have lived
here continuously for at least five years; they have stayed out of
serious legal trouble, and they are either in school, graduated from
high school, earned a GED certificate or served in the military.
There are an estimated 300,000 beneficiaries or potential beneficiaries in Texas, more than any other state but California.
For the last two years, DACA has enabled Gonzalez Garnier and
Villalobos, both of whom were born in Mexico but grew up in Houston —
Gonzalez Garnier arrived when she was 8 and Villalobos when he was 3 —
to rest easy, and both have applied for a two-year extension.
“For me, the thing that always comes to my head was being able to
have a driver’s license,” said Villalobos. “With DACA you get more
freedom, you feel like you have more room to breathe.”
“I can work now,” he said. “This is some sort of small validation that this is my home country, that America is my home country.
“Honestly, I cried when I first held my Social Security card.”
As his mother admonished him when he started to talk openly about his
status, “If there is anything we’ve taught you from a young age, you
don’t tell people, this is something you don’t do.”
Villalobos has come to view his public affirmation of his status as an obligation.
“I think when people think of an undocumented immigrant, they think
of someone not like me, someone not like Andrea,” Villalobos said. “I’m
in law school. I just graduated from I think the best college in the
state. I think that’s what gets lost in the debate, that we are
contributing members of society, we pay taxes, we’re not criminals. By
me coming out as undocumented, I’m putting a face to it, I’m injecting
my story into the discussion.”
‘We don’t have Perry anymore’
According to the National Immigration Law Center, at least 17 states
provide in-state tuition for unauthorized immigrant students.
The Texas Dream Act passed the Legislature in 2001 with only four dissenting votes and was signed into law by Gov. Rick Perry.
A decade later, Perry would pay a steep political price. When he ran
for president, he came under fire from other Republican candidates for
supporting the in-state tuition. At a debate in September 2011, he
defended himself: “If you say that we should not educate children who
come into our state for no other reason than that they’ve been brought
there through no fault of their own, I don’t think you have a heart.”
The moment he uttered those words, Perry’s candidacy was doomed, said
Texas Christian University political scientist Adam Schiffer, who
closely tracked the polling and social media over the course of the GOP
nominating process. Perry’s “oops” moment at a debate two months later
was, Schiffer said, merely the coup de grace.
As he contemplates another run for president, Perry is cutting a very
different figure on immigration, sending National Guard troops to help
secure a border that he depicts, thanks to federal neglect, as a sieve
for criminal aliens, even terrorists.
GOP primary politics notwithstanding, the DREAM Act remains popular
with the general electorate, said Barreto, the University of Washington
political scientist.
“About the only segment of America that is opposed to the DREAM Act
is tea party sympathizers. Even among mainstream Republicans there is
broad support for the DREAM Act,” he said.
But in Texas, where the tea party holds sway in the Republican Party, attitudes on immigration have been hardening.
The difference between Texas Republicans and Democrats on immigration could not be starker.
The 2014 Texas Republican Party platform called for “ending in-state tuition for illegal immigrants.”
The Democratic State Convention adopted a platform that called for
expanding DACA until comprehensive immigration reform is enacted and
that opposed any effort to repeal in-state tuition.
“Every session this law has been under attack, and every session it’s
been saved because of Perry,” said Yañez-Correa, of the Texas Criminal
Justice Coalition.
But, come the next legislative session, Yañez-Correa said, “We don’t have Perry anymore.”
“I’m concerned that the Legislature will deliver a bill to the
governor’s desk in the next legislative session to repeal the Dream Act
given the current makeup of the House and the Senate. As governor, I
will veto a bill that comes to my desk that attempts to do that,” Wendy
Davis told the American-Statesman in a recent interview.
If Republican Attorney General Greg Abbott is elected governor, a veto is far less likely.
“Greg Abbott believes that the objective of the program is noble. But
he believes the law as structured is flawed and it must be reformed,”
Abbott spokesman Matt Hirsch said when the issue arose last year.
‘They are Texans’
A national Latino Decisions poll in June found that 62 percent of
registered Hispanic voters “personally knew an undocumented immigrant,
including 30 percent of Latino voters who said they have a family member
who is undocumented, and an additional 32 percent saying it was a
friend. A third of Latino voters said they knew an individual or family
facing detention or deportation.”
But amid Democratic fears that any announcement from the Obama
administration of executive actions on immigration before the November
election might swing crucial Senate races in states like Louisiana and
Arkansas — and Senate control — to the Republicans, the president
announced last weekend that he was postponing any action until after the
election.
Barreto believes that, on balance, that was a mistake for Democrats, particularly in a place like Texas.
“Our polling indicates very clearly that had Obama moved forward with
his executive action on immigration, Latino voters would have been much
more enthusiastic about voting, and for voting Democrat,” Barreto said.
Cruz seized on Obama’s retreat as a sign of weakness.
“The decision to delay amnesty until after the election is an attempt
to avoid accountability,” said Cruz, whose father, Rafael, came to the
United States from Cuba on a student visa, and then, when that ran out,
applied for and received political asylum.
DACA is amnesty, Cruz said, and, “Amnesty ensures that tens of
thousands and hundreds of thousands of little boys and little girls will
continue to be victimized, to be physically abused, to be sexually
abused. Amnesty is not compassionate, it is not humane. It is
exacerbating a crisis at the border. It is lawless and it is wrong.”
Legislatively, Cruz can’t win on the issue anytime soon. The
Democratic-controlled Senate won’t approve the legislation ending DACA
that was passed, with Cruz’s active encouragement, in the House. Obama
would veto it if they did. Also, Cruz’s legislation is written such
that, theoretically, it wouldn’t strip those already covered by DACA of
its protections.
But Cruz and his fellow Republicans in Congress and the Texas
Legislature aren’t Gonzalez Garnier’s and Villalobos’ only concern.
In June, the U.S. Supreme Court in a 5-4 decision held that immigrant
children who turned 21, as they both have, while waiting to be issued a
family-based visa, have to get in the back of the line and start the
process all over again.
Villalobos had been in line for permanent resident status with his
parents since 1996. His parents are still waiting and then, only once
they get approved can they petition on his behalf, starting the clock
for him on another potentially decades-long wait.
Gonzalez Garnier’s mother and brother are now permanent residents,
her father’s application is still going through, but, having turned 21,
she’s back at square one.
Also, under new rules, when her number is called, she would have to
return to Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, where she is from in Mexico, while
federal officials process her application, which could take weeks,
months, years. “It depends,” she said. “They never tell you anything.”
In the meantime, she tries to stay focused on her very American dreaming.
She owes her interest in politics to the TV show “The West Wing,” and
her becoming a Russian studies minor to a curiosity piqued by the
Disney movie “Anastasia.”
She came to UT hoping to major in international relations — she
dreamed about a career with the CIA — until she realized it required her
to study abroad and that she can’t do that with any expectation that
she’d be able to return.
Gonzalez Garnier and Villalobos got to know each other through the
University Democrats at UT, and they both worked on Celia Israel’s
campaign for state representative.
“We were building a campaign, and we just wanted them to be on the
team,” said Israel, whose district includes parts of North and Northeast
Austin and Pflugerville. “We didn’t particularly care that they’re here
with or without papers. They were here with their heart and their soul,
and that was what was important to me.”
Israel said she also admires their willingness to “come out.”
“It hadn’t occurred to me until just now, but I’ll make a correlation
to myself as a gay woman, a lesbian,” Israel said. “If you keep it
inside and don’t tell anybody about it, what good is it? Come out of the
closet. Be who you are, be honest about who you are and let the chips
fall where they may. And I’ve learned to do that with my sexuality and,
it may be dangerous to make that connection, but I see these kids having
that freedom of simply saying, `I am who I am. Take me for who I am,’
and I was happy to take them for who they are because they care deeply
about their state, they’re not going back to their country of birth.
They are Texans.”