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Showing posts with label Paulo Freire. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Paulo Freire. Show all posts

Sunday, October 26, 2025

Dr. Rosa Rivera-Furumoto and the Call for Climate Justice: Mothers, Memory, and the Earth, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Dr. Rosa Rivera-Furumoto and the Call for Climate Justice: Mothers, Memory, and the Earth

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

I recently watched Cal State Northridge Chicana/o Studies professor, Dr. Rosa Rivera-Furumoto’s powerful KAN Talk on Climate Justice, and I have not stopped thinking about it. Her message—delivered with the grace of an educator and the urgency of an activist—reminds us that the fight for environmental sustainability is inseparable from the struggle for cultural survival, educational justice, and community well-being. 

She asks the hardest questions like what difference does policy make if we no longer have clean drinking water? Grounded in the lived experiences of Mexican American and Latina/o mothers, grandmothers, community members, and university students and an organization, Padres Pioneros/Parent Pioneers, that she co-founded, her work reveals how climate justice is also a story of love—for family, for culture, and for the Earth itself.

Dr. Rivera-Furumoto’s model begins with the preservation and revitalization of language, culture, values, and traditions drawn from Chicana/o, Latina/o, and Native American communities. This is not nostalgia; it is survival. The ancestral ways of knowing that she uplifts—reciprocity, gratitude, respect for the land and water—hold deep ecological wisdom that our contemporary systems have forgotten. In her hands, sustainability is not a new idea but an ancient memory calling us home, inviting us to listen again to the teachings of our elders and to the Earth.

Drawing inspiration from Freirean pedagogy, Dr. Rivera-Furumoto teaches climate literacy as liberation. Her practices invite critical reflection and collective action, connecting local challenges such as food deserts, rising heat, and air pollution to global systems of inequality and environmental racism. Through dialogue and shared inquiry, participants learn to see themselves as agents of change rather than passive recipients of environmental harm. It is a pedagogy of hope rooted in praxis—the joining of reflection and action for transformation.

None of this is easy. It is nevertheless a growing movement of educators, mothers, and students leading community-based sustainability efforts rooted in culture and compassion. Her example reminds us that even in the face of systemic inequity, grassroots efforts can plant the seeds of transformation.

Her call echoes loudly here in Texas, where the climate crisis is no longer a distant threat but a daily reality. As heat waves intensify, water grows scarce, and vulnerable communities suffer most, we must recognize that climate justice and educational justice are inseparable. The same structures that devalue public education also devalue the planet and its people. Addressing one without the other only deepens the harm.

Her approach is intergenerational, creating spaces of learning that bring together children, parents, grandparents, and extended kin, where knowledge flows in every direction. In community gardens and workshops, young people dig their hands into the soil beside elders who share stories of traditional planting cycles and herbal medicine. These gatherings transform environmental education into cultural renewal. 

If we are to confront the climate crisis with honesty and courage, we must also confront the systems that disconnect us from the land and from one another. Dr. Rivera-Furumoto shows us that resistance can bloom in gardens, in classrooms, and in every act of care that restores balance to our world. The future, she reminds us, is not something we await—it is something we grow.


Call to action on climate change. Description of some of the strategies and practices employed by Mexican American and Latina/o mothers, grandmothers, community members, and university students to address climate change and sustainability issues in a low-income Latina/o community.  The talk will address challenges and future directions. The model is based on these key principles and practices: 1 Preservation and revitalization of the language, culture, values, and traditions of Chicana/o/Latina/o and Native American community members;
2 Involvement and engagement of multiple generations in the teaching and learning processes including children, parents, grandparents, and other kin and community members;
3 Critical pedagogical practices to promote critical thinking, reflection and action regarding climate change, sustainability, and other social justice issues and;
4 Promoting connection, love, and respect for nature and the environment via outdoors exploration and the establishment of urban gardens and forests.

Wednesday, April 13, 2022

A revealing gender divide for Latinos and Political Clues for 2022 by Jazmine Ulloa | April 12, 2022 | New York Times

I hope that this piece gets the attention it deserves. It speaks, among other things, to the miseducation of our youth and how this translates into the disenfranchisement of our community. It's easy to point the finger at the community, to blame them for their lack of political literacy. 

While, as discussed herein, this is frequently true, the onus resides in a system that refuses to even acknowledge what could be an ennobling curriculum that teaches them of the incredible sacrifices that have been historically made by members of their own community for them to have the right to vote and thusly, exercise agency over their own futures. Borrowing from the late Brazilian educator, Paolo Freire, instead of getting educated for liberation, they are educated for domestication, to be powerless and alienated from schools, policy struggles, and politics, as a whole. If they only new that this, too, is their inheritance...

Considering that education for domestication is the status quo, viewed from this perspective, the educational system is actually succeeding in protecting the incumbencies of those in power who unsurprisingly, do not prioritize equitable school funding policies to provide this vast community with the same high quality education that their peers receive in the most well-funded schools in our state and nation. Not only has "wokeism" not even been a factor in their own political formation, the powers that be seek to ensure that it never manifests to begin with.

All is not lost as these youth remain teachable. And for this, we advocate, and will continue to do so.

-Angela Valenzuela

A new report exploring young Latinos’ views on immigration sheds light on one of the most important voter groups in the midterm elections, and found a noteworthy gender divide.

QAnon conspiracy theories were one of many forms of online misinformation that targeted Latino voters during the 2020 election.Jeff Swensen/Getty Images

Greetings from your co-host Leah Askarinam. Blake Hounshell is off this week. We have an item tonight from our colleague Jazmine Ulloa, who reports on a new analysis of young Latinos’ media habits.

Online disinformation hit Latino communities hard ahead of the 2020 presidential election.

It came in the form of videos, tweets and WhatsApp messages, YouTube videos and the rants of Spanish-language radio hosts. It included false reports of widespread violence on the streets of Democratic cities after the murder of George Floyd, QAnon conspiracy theories, and overblown claims of terrorists and criminals crossing the U.S.-Mexico border.

As the most egregious material spread online — and in the private text chains of young Latinos’ tías and tíos — organizers with United We Dream Action, an immigrant rights organization founded and led by young immigrants, jumped into the fray. The group trained members to provide accurate information to their families and friends and create shareable content across social media platforms that was meant to dispel anti-immigrant and anti-Black narratives.

Now, with the 2022 midterms months away and both parties scrambling for the votes of one of the most crucial swing groups in American politics, the organization released a report today that more deeply explores Latinos’ online engagement with material about immigration. Long exploited by bad actors on the web, the contentious issue is widely expected to be pivotal in elections across the country.

The immigrant advocacy network teamed up with Harmony Labs, a nonprofit research group in New York, to study the television and online consumption habits of more than 20,000 Latinos nationwide who agreed to share their data from Jan. 1 to Aug. 31, 2021. Latinos over 36 were more likely to encounter polarizing anti-immigrant narratives than other cohorts, the analysis found, mainly through right-wing news sites, television and YouTube.

It also found an interesting gender divide among younger Latinos.

Latinas ages 18 to 35 drew from a much wider variety of news and entertainment sources than their older counterparts, the analysis found, and were more likely to seek out stories not just about immigration policy but also about immigrants and the immigrant experience.

Their search queries and content consumption were curious and community-driven, reflecting “a desire to understand and engage with the people and world around them,” according to the findings.

But Latino men in the same age cohort were far different. Those surveyed tended to inhabit “a very insular, virtual world,” the researchers said. Many young Latino men spent much of their time online engaging with anime and fantasy gaming, and did not absorb much media about immigration or immigrants at all, either positive or negative. When they did consume immigration content, it tended to be about policy and stemmed from conservative-leaning sources.

GameStop stocks and Covid news

Beyond that, their news consumption choices tended to be more individualistic and entrepreneurial. Of 45,000 articles read by Latinos in the first nine months of 2021, only two topics appeared to grab the attention of large numbers of young Latino men: the amateurs who drove up the stock price of GameStop, and Covid-related school closures.

Both young Latinos and Latinas demonstrated less interest in politics, and for the young men, the top “political” personalities were influencers who discuss a broad variety of cultural topics and fall across the political spectrum: Philip DeFranco, Joe Rogan and Mr. Beast.

The vacuum of political information for young Latino men, coupled with their desire for economic stability and penchant for individualism, is likely to leave that group more susceptible to right-wing anti-immigrant narratives and disinformation in the future, the groups concluded.

This uniquely positions young Latino men for negative arguments “that there isn’t enough for them and that someone else is taking their opportunities,” said Juanita Monsalve, the senior marketing and creative director for United We Dream Action. But it also creates an opportunity to intervene with counter-messaging, she added.

“We have this research to figure out how to create culturally responsive content and show up in the spaces where they want to consume it,” Monsalve said.

The report’s findings track with previous research on Latinos’ political leanings — and they add to the picture that is emerging of how these voters are newly up for grabs.

Latinos in general tend to lean Democratic, but in 2020, Donald Trump improved his performance among these voters in some parts of the country, and with working-class Latino men in particular, by centering his messaging on the economy.

Young Latinas are likely to be more liberal than their male peers, and are more worried about social justice and equity issues like racism, immigration and climate change.

Organizers with United We Dream Action, an immigrant rights organization that has worked to dispel online misinformation targeting Latinos.Evelyn Hockstein/Reuters


More young Latino men voted for Trump in 2020 than they did in 2016, but whether Republicans will continue to build support among the demographic “is an open question,” said Vladimir Enrique Medenica, an assistant professor at the University of Delaware and director of survey research at the University of Chicago’s GenForward project, which surveys voters ages 18-36.

What is known, he said, is that many have no interest in politics, or they identify as independent or do not have an affiliation to either major political party. This is partly because many feel alienated from politics and unrepresented by either party.

Many also face greater barriers to college education and economic opportunities, both of which help shape people’s political views and can be particularly important to the process of politicization for second-generation Latinos, whose parents immigrated to the United States and who may not have developed a strong attachment to either Democrats or Republicans, Medenica said.

Opening for Republicans

In Florida, where Spanish-language hosts have amplified anti-Black narratives and exaggerated claims of election fraud, Republicans have seen an opening to appeal to more young Latino men through YouTube and social media, said Andrea Cristina Mercado, the executive director of Florida Rising, a racial justice organization focused on building political power for marginalized communities.

As an example, she pointed to an ad released last month by Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida with the U.F.C. fighter Jorge Masvidal, who is of Cuban and Peruvian descent.

To counter any political messages this election cycle meant to sow racism, division or voter confusion, Mercado’s group has been relying on “promotoras de la verdad,” Latina organizers who serve as “truth warriors” and have been canvassing homes to combat misinformation on issues including the coronavirus, vaccines, Florida’s recently passed law restricting classroom discussion about sexual orientation and gender identity, and the upcoming midterms.

“Latina women are organizing to take back the narrative and the disinformation poisoning our community,” Mercado said. But they cannot do it alone, she added.


Monday, November 08, 2021

Rodolfo F. Acuña: The purpose of Chicano Studies was “to liberate students through literacy”

Beautiful 2012 piece by Dr. Rudy Acuña. His powerful words on the purpose of Chicana and Chicano (or Mexican American) Studies still resonate. Liberation is simply not achievable without a vigorous life of the mind that a critical education provides. Expressed differently, literacy gets corrupted when it's about testing companies making tests, young people hopefully scoring highly on them, and even internalizing the results as saying something meaningful about them.

Once we relax these assumptions about students' test scores, we must ask not only why they have such a grip on both students' and educators' lives, but also what they say about students' education? 

Dr. Acuña provides some key insights that link pedagogy to the practice of freedom.

-Angela Valenzuela


Rodolfo F. Acuña: The purpose of Chicano Studies was “to liberate students through literacy”


By Rodolfo F. Acuña

June 13, 2012

LatinaLista

“Education either functions as an instrument which is used to facilitate integration of the younger generation into the logic of the present system and bring about conformity or it becomes the practice of freedom, the means by which men and women deal critically and creatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world.”-Paulo Freire. Pedagogy of the Oppressed

I always start a meeting with the farm worker handclap in a tribute to University of Arizona Professor Mark Stegeman, the former president of the Tucson Unified School District, who as a pretext for eliminating the TUSD’s Mexican American Studies (MAS) Program, said that he went after MAS because after listening to Mexican Americans use the clap, he knew that Mexican American Studies was a cult. Stegeman’s statement proves my mother’s saying that “Para pendejo no se estudia. Se nace.”

I joined the struggle to Save Ethnic Studies in Arizona because the stupidity of xenophobes and their intent to destroy all the educational reforms that Mexican Americans have struggled for.

In this context I pay tribute to Paulo Freire who has become a legend so much so that we know the legend, but have contesting views of Freire. Our understanding of Freire and his relevance differ due to the fact that several generations separate us and time has a way of distorting reality. In other words, we do not have a common epistemological base, although we are all concerned with education.

Not everyone wants to be educated, however. The forces who benefit from the status quo want this generation to conform to their interests. Consequently, they see Freire as a subservice and worse, according to them, un-American. This is at the crux of the inquisition in Tucson.

When I first read Freire, it was in the context of another time. He was not a legend yet but one among other progressive educators.

The Sixties were a time when we wanted to transform society and create the underpinnings of a democratic and just society. Educators such as Freire were the antithesis of today’s “No Child Left Behind” which reduces learning to indoctrination with subject matter drilled into students.

Education today is reduced to “Roses are red and violets are blue” with no other answer acceptable.

As a junior high school teacher, my education included the great John Dewey who wrote, “Education is not preparation for life; education is life itself.” The purpose of teaching was to educate – to motivate, to engage students to learn – and if they did not, it was your fault not theirs.

Dewey gave literacy a meaning beyond reading the bible. Dating back to the days of Plato and the birth of the notion of democracy literacy has been associated with citizenship.

An American myth is that what makes this nation exceptional is its commitment to public education. The reality is that while Massachusetts Bay Colony had schools, eligibility was limited to race – blacks and Indians could not attend them. As the nation developed, former colonies became states. Compulsory education became more common.

Yet this changed with the growth of cities and the growing number of immigrants; by the second half of the 19th century, education was neither compulsory nor available to the children of immigrants. Reformers fought for compulsory education for the newcomers and the various states passed compulsory education laws — California in 1874 and Texas in 1915. However, the laws were not enforced, especially in the case of migrant children.

As the number of Mexicans grew, organizations such as the Alianza Hispano-Americana and the League of United Latino American Citizens pressed for educational reform. After World War II, educators such as George I. Sánchez demanded better education for Mexican American children and advocated for pedagogies such as bilingual education.

In 1960, the median education of Mexicans in Texas was the third grade and in California the eighth. However, teachers knew that this was an illusion and that large numbers of Mexican Americans were functionally illiterate. They knew that the schools were not teaching Mexicans rather warehousing them.

Reformers were also motivated by Vatican II which began in 1962; it gave birth to Liberation Theology. The poor had the right to enjoy the bounties of the earth – salvation was communal.

This environment produced giants such as Ivan Illich who in 1960 established a center in Cuernavaca, Mexico — CIDOC (Centro Intercultural de Documentación). It was a watering hole for educators and intellectuals throughout the Americas. His books Deschooling Society and Tools of Conviviality were anchors.

Many educators, myself included, looked at a lasting transformation emanating from education. Literacy was not the possession of communism or any other ideology, although note was taken of Mao’s literacy campaign in China.

Educators knew that literacy had broken the isolation of Helen Keller, a blind child with a limited vocabulary. Words freed Keller and words made her a world intellectual.

It did not take much to look around the schoolyard and recognize students mired in poverty and hopelessness. Many would go to jail because of a lack of literacy. I remember teaching literature from Classic Comic Books and occasionally motivating students to read.

I remembered my mother who had been legally blind since the age of four reading the Encyclopedia Britannica peering through the largest magnifying glass I had ever seen. Although she could not help me, she wanted me to read.

In this context I read The Invisible Minority (NEA) in 1966. An essay by a 13 year-old Mexican girl caught my senses:

MeTo begin with, I am a Mexican. That sentence has a scent of bitterness as it is written. I feel if it weren’t for my nationality I would accomplish more. My being a Mexican has brought about my lack of initiative. No matter what I attempt to do, my dark skin always makes me feel that I will fail. Another thing that “gripes” me is that I am such a coward. I absolutely will not fight for something even if I know I’m right. I do not have the vocabulary that it would take to express myself strongly enough…

How could someone who looked at herself in this way learn?

I looked for inspiration to the work of humanist psychiatrist Frantz Fanon. His writings gave me goose pimples:

I ascribe a basic importance to the phenomenon of language. To speak means to be in a position to use a certain syntax, to grasp the morphology of this or that language, but it means above all to assume a culture, to support the weight of a civilization.

When students created an opening in 1968 and 1969, I became part of the first wave of hires. The mission was to set up a Chicano Studies Department.

My epistemological underpinnings differed from most activists — I did not consider the disciplines to be at the core of Chicano Studies. For me, its purpose was to liberate students through literacy. Its purpose was pedagogical.

This discipline-pedagogy dialogue consumed the next forty-two years. No one seemed to be listening until one day I was invited to speak at the 12th Annual Institute for Transformative Education sponsored by the TUSD Mexican American Studies Department.

I had written about the Arizona-Sonoran Border and published Corridors of Migration (Arizona 2008).

In the early 2000s I accompanied Armando Navarro and others to the border to protest the growing violence against Mexican immigrants. But participating in this conference and witnessing their resurrection of Freire reminded me of an encounter I had had in the 1980s when I got a call to go up to La Paz, the United Farm Workers headquarters.

I was not thrilled at the prospect of spending time there, I was not into rabbit’s food. However, I greatly admired César Chávez.

Much to my surprise when I go there I was introduced to Paulo Freire; César and he were to have a special encuentro. César arrived late and immediately launched into dialectic on how he was in the middle of union business and as a poor man could only control his time so it was a duty to use that time for the union.

I had feared that César was going to get blown away. However, after he finished, Freire got up emotionally and pointed to him and said only one word “praxis.”

My emotions so overwhelmed me at Tucson that I too could only think of the word “praxis” when I met Sean and the MAS teachers. These people were teachers.

So when the “rose are red” people tried to eliminate them I had no other choice but to enlist.

In this struggle I have often recalled the words of Fanon,

Sometimes people hold a core belief that is very strong. When they are presented with evidence that works against that belief, the new evidence cannot be accepted. It would create a feeling that is extremely uncomfortable, called cognitive dissonance. And because it is so important to protect the core belief, they will rationalize, ignore and even deny anything that doesn’t fit in with the core belief.— Frantz Fanon (Black Skin, White Masks)

I understand this but as a teacher I also understand that everyone has the right to be “Me” and feel proud of themselves. Roses can be blue and violets red.

Dr. Rodolfo Francisco Acuña, called the “father of Chicano Studies,” is a historian, professor emeritus, activist and the author of 20 titles, 32 academic articles and chapters in books, 155 book reviews and 188 opinion pieces. Currently, he teaches Chicano Studies at California State University, Northridge.

Sunday, May 03, 2020

12 Libros de Paulo Freire para Educar para la Libertad | 12 Books by Paulo Freire on Education for Liberation

Disfrute estos libros en español escritos por el autor ya fallecido Paulo Freire que muchos de nosotros usamos en el aula universitaria. Gracias a la Dra. Aida Hurtado por compartir este tesoro tan maravilloso de cortesía de La Campaña Latinoamericana por el Derecho a la Educación (CLADE).

Enjoy these books in Spanish written by the late author Paulo Freire that many of us use in the university classroom. Thanks to Dr. Aida Hurtado for sharing this wonderful treasure courtesy of The Latin American Campaign for the Right to Education (CLADE).


-Angela Valenzuela


@redclade


Para garantizar una educación emancipadora, Paulo Freire afirmaba que “se debe construir el conocimiento desde las diferentes realidades que afectan a los dos sujetos políticos en acción, aprendiz y maestro” 

Paulo Freire es uno de los representantes de la pedagogía crítica, que ha sido considerada un nuevo camino por el cual las dos partes involucradas en el proceso educativo puedan reflexionar y crear conciencia de los problemas sociales que se viven a diario y que afectan de manera directa e indirecta a las salas de aula.
Así, para que más personas conozcan y apliquen las ideas del pedagogo con miras a una educación para la libertad, compartimos a continuación 12 de sus libros para descargar:
  1. Pedagogía del Oprimido
  2. Pedagogía de la Esperanza
  3. Pedagogía de la Indignación
  4. Pedagogía de la Autonomía
  5. Cartas a quien pretende enseñar
  6. La Educación como Práctica de la Libertad
  7. La importancia del acto de leer
  8. Hacia una pedagogía de la pregunta
  9. ¿Extensión o comunicación? La concientización en el medio rural
  10. Pedagogía Erótica
  11. Educación y Cambio
  12. Educación popular, cultura e identidad desde la perspectiva de Paulo Freire
Agradecemos a la Revista de Educación y Cultura AZ por crear y poner a disposición esta lista de libros.