The
Role
of the Middle-Class
Revisited
By
Rodolfo
F.
Acuña
For
the
last couple of weeks, I have been revisiting pieces that I’d
written in the
past. They express concerns that formed my own consciousness
and they are the
bulk of the over 200 articles that will compose my new book:
“My Journey Out of
Purgatory.”
I
had intended to rewrite the following selection, “The Making
of the Political
Pocho,” but never got around to it.
The
term
pocho is well known among Chicanos or Mexican Americans. It
has been used
for generations by Mexicans to describe Mexicans living in the
United States.
Pocho
can
be a pejorative term that varies according to who is using it.
It differs
from a Mexican who has forgotten his culture, to one that
speaks Spanish less
fluently than a native Mexican.
Pocho
literally
means a fruit that has become rotten or discolored or has
never
ripened. I use the term in the latter sense.
Nationality
has
very little meaning for me. It is a construct and loyalty
greatly depends
on the ability of the state to bring about justice, which is
iffy both here and
in Mexico. Many of those using the term represent classes that
brought about an
uneven political and social landscape that forced the
uprooting of millions of
Mexicans.
Our
grasp
of a language depends on our vocabulary, which is learned; it
is acquired
through exposure to written culture. Vocabulary is enriched
through reading and
intellectual discourse.
The
gist
of the piece is that Chicanas/os and Latinos remain political
pochos because
once they are out of college most do not remain politically
active. Their
principle concern is how to make a living and support a
family.
They
are
influenced by the vocabulary around them. They use words such
as Hispanic
that are gauche among current activists. Graduates of 70s are
more moderate on
social issues.
The
piece
itself was not only directed at the new Chicana/o middle-class
but at the
politicos who they spawned. It is a vicious circle: the masses
of poor, the
middle-class and the Latino politicos.
The
piece
criticizes Chicano politicians for not taking stands on the
horrific
police brutality taking place at the Ramparts Division. The
atrocities involved
were mostly against Salvadorans. I essentially accused the
politicos of paying more
attention to Mexican American voters, forgetting that it was
the large numbers
of Latinos, which included immigrants and non-voters that
constructed their
districts.
I
faulted the Latino middle-class for not pressuring Latino
politicos to defend
the barrios. Was it a lack of political consciousness? A lack
of a political
vocabulary? What happened to the Sixties?
“The Making of the Political Pocho"
Rodolfo F. Acuña
June 2000
A byproduct of
affirmative action
programs such as Educational Opportunities Program and the
creation of Chicano
studies in the 1960s was the dramatic expansion of a Chicano
middle-class.
EOP grew the base
of Mexican
American students in colleges throughout the United States.
California State
University at Northridge had only about 100 Mexican American
students in 1969.
This number has jumped to about 9,000 Latino students by the
1990s.
Theoretically,
the new Chicano
Studies programs were supposed to politicize students and
help bond them to the
community. Indeed, thousands of Chicano students graduated
from such programs
in the past 30 years, dramatically widening the
Chicano/Latino middle class in
the Los Angeles area. While at the university, many of the
graduates were
student activists, participating in Movimiento Estudiantil
Chicanos de Aztlan
(MECHA).
We hoped at the
time that exposure
to Chicano Studies would politically educate professionals
who would work in
the community, offering leadership and help nurture a
political culture.
Unfortunately, it is not that simple, human nature does not
work that way.
As in the case of
students
throughout the world, most former student activists settled
back, formed
families, and reaped the harvest of the entitlements of
being middle-class. It
cannot, however, be concluded that the Chicano/Latino
middle-class does not
care about educational and social issues affecting the
barrio. It is just that
they become less aware of injustices because they are often
separated from the
barrio spatially.
The opportunity
for political
discourse diminishes over time. Chicano professionals become
increasingly
dependent on what they read in the papers or hear on the
news about politics. A
lack of exposure to ideas outside the popular paradigm as
well as social issues
thwart their political development, and, consequently, they
remain what I like
to call "political pochos."
I use the analogy
of a pocho because
when many of us entered the public schools we spoke fluent
Spanish. It was in
fact often our only language.
Unable to learn
advanced forms of Spanish
in school, our development in the language stalled at a
primary school level
and never advanced enough to enable us to read
Spanish-language literature. For
most of us, English became our primary language. Only in
high school were we
allowed to take Spanish classes, where we parroted, "¿HOLA
PACO, QUE TAL?
¿COMO ESTAS?
Many former
Chicano activists, due
to a lack of political maintenance, have become political
pochos. They learned
the basics of Chicano studies, its language, but have not
advanced beyond a grasp
of basic cultural forms. They identify with Chicano culture
but not the more complex
political dimensions of culture.
Over time, they
begin to think about
the barrio as a justification for their entitlements.
Notions such as the
transformation of the barrio become foreign to their
political vocabulary.
This lack of a
political development
was painfully evident during the Ramparts Police scandal in
Los Angeles, which
in many ways represented the most blatant violation of civil
rights in the City
of the Angel's history. Yet, the silence of Chicano/Latino
elected officials
and our community's middle-class leaders was deafening. It
was as if we had no
political leaders.
Perhaps it is not
fair to draw
comparisons, but we can recall the reactions of African
American politicos and
leaders during the Rodney King upheaval; of New York Puerto
Rican elected
officials over the situation on Vieques, including the
arrests of Puerto Rican
Members of Congress involved in acts of civil disobedience.
Is it too much to
expect the same
level of commitment from Chicano elected officials? After
all they are the
beneficiaries of the dramatic growth of not only a Mexican
but Central American
population.
Is it too much to
expect some sense
of outrage from the Chicano middle class? After all they are
the recipient of
the sacrifices and the common historical memories of the
1960s. It seems as if
they do not understand the significance of civil rights or
how it protects
them.
Indeed, the
protection of civil
rights has been a centerpiece of the struggle of Jewish
Americans, African
Americans and Mexican American organizations, such as the
League of United
Latin American Citizens and the American G.I. Forum. Why
then the silence? And,
what is the political price?
To put it more
succinctly, what is
the duty of the Chicano middle class to the barrios in
matters concerning civil
rights? Have we grown too complacent? Have we come to
believe that equality and
justice can be gotten solely through the election of Mexican
American elected
officials?
Or, even more
cynically: Is our
contribution to the barrio measured by our individual
success? Don't we have a
duty to others once we make it?
The lack of
response by the Chicano
middle-class has consequences. It delivers the message to
the public at large
and to all elected officials that we simply don't care.
Much
the same
criticism can be leveled at the Latina/o middle-class today.
Even the graduates
that made sacrifices to get Latinos into the universities and
to form Chicana/o
Studies are not reaching back to assist the present generation
of Mexican American
and Latino students.
For
as rough
as previous generations had it, our education was relatively
inexpensive. I
fear that some of us are becoming like the baby boomers that
want their senior
citizen discounts but fail to give back. Getting money for
scholarships is like
extracting teeth.
Police
brutality
has graduated to higher levels. I expected more former
Chicanas/os to
be outraged by the shameful violations of civil rights in
Arizona. Calling a
spade a spade, Joe Arpaio, Russell Pearce and Tom Horne are
Nazis by another
name. The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), the
Southern Arizona
Leadership Council, the Koch brothers and their gaggle of
friends are
subversives. They have an agenda to subvert the U.S.
Constitution – it is called
nullification.
Nullification
is
a constitutional theory that gives a state the right to
declare null and
void any law passed by the United States Congress – it led to
the Civil War.
Today
the
rights of Mexican Americans and immigrants are being blatantly
violated by
state and local officials in Arizona. Where are the voices of
middle-class
Latinos? Where is the fight back?
Just
last week
they fired Sean Arce, the coordinator of the Tucson Unified
School District’s
Mexican American Studies Program. They did not renew the
contracts of the
majority of the teachers in the program. To make things worse
Attorney General
Horne is raising money from private donors to fund a civil
suit against Arce
and Jose Gonzalez. Horne has got a former white MAS employee
to sue them and
charge defamation.
Imagine
what
would happen to whistleblowers in California, if the state
raised private funds
to bring lawsuits against whistleblowers.
The purpose of suing the whistleblower is to harass and
intimidate.
Imagine
the
chilling effect that it would have on a person who complained
about sexual
harassment if the employer could then raise funds to file a
civil lawsuit for the
express of bankrupting the whistleblower.
When
I first
entered into teaching, the principal told us at our opening
faculty meeting,
“If a Jewish or white parent complains, do something right
away. If a “negro”
parent complains, you can take your time. If a Mexican parent
complains, don’t
worry.”
Well,
we
should be worried.
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