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Friday, March 27, 2020

Concerned about Trump's Ratings? Take a Closer Look

There's a lot of talk right now of Trump's approval ratings. Do read this very helpful NPR piece by Domenico Montonaro that puts it all into perspective.  It takes a comparative look of the Trump presidency relative to that of presidents Obama, Clinton, Bush, Carter, and Reagan when they faced crises. 

Key quotes from within: 
"We're seeing although his numbers have inched up, it's still roughly in his zone of support," said Lee Miringoff, director of the Marist College Institute for Public Opinion, which conducts polling for NPR. "Look, he's not getting the rally-around-the-president [effect] that presidents in crisis have gotten."

"We're seeing although his numbers have inched up, it's still roughly in his zone of support," said Lee Miringoff, director of the Marist College Institute for Public Opinion, which conducts polling for NPR. "Look, he's not getting the rally-around-the-president [effect] that presidents in crisis have gotten."
An implicit, underlying dynamic that, among other things, the data may reveal, is that wishy-washiness is not rewarded.  

Read on.

-Angela Valenzuela

by Domenico Montonaro | March 27, 2020  5:00 AM ET | NPR
Asked if he has any regrets about the way he's handled the coronavirus crisis so far, President Trump said no — and he cited polling to back him up.
"No, I think that we've handled it really well," Trump said on Monday. "The American public thinks that we've handled it well, if you look at polling data."
Survey data has been mixed.
Trump has hit his highest approval rating since becoming president – 47%, according to an average of the polls. That's an increase of nearly 3 points over the last two weeks.
On Trump's handling of the pandemic, Gallup found 60% of American adults approve. A Fox News poll out Thursday found it lower, at 51%. Reuters/Ipsos and Economist/YouGov polls similarly had it at 49%.
Those are all increases from two weeks ago, when the NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll found 44% approved of his response to the crisis.



How South Korea Reined In The Outbreak Without Shutting Everything Down


But there are lingering questions about the president's approach. Over the last several weeks, Trump has been inconsistent. He first downplayed the threat of the coronavirus, then appeared to take it much more seriously last week, and then said the White House can't let the "cure" of public health measures be worse than economic harm and suggested "opening up" the country by Easter.


Trump has faced criticism for the United States being slow to test for the virus, and for not using his full authority to distribute needed supplies. The U.S. now has the most confirmed cases in the world, and more than 1,000 Americans have died, according to Johns Hopkins University researchers.

It's possible current polling is a lagging indicator from Trump publicly taking the virus more seriously than he had been previously. Surveys so far largely aren't reflecting Trump's pivot this week to suggesting he wants to reopen the economy within weeks.
Regardless, the 3-point increase in his approval rating so far is not much of a bump, certainly not the kind of increase other presidents have seen in other rally-around-the-flag moments, pollsters say.
"We're seeing although his numbers have inched up, it's still roughly in his zone of support," said Lee Miringoff, director of the Marist College Institute for Public Opinion, which conducts polling for NPR. "Look, he's not getting the rally-around-the-president [effect] that presidents in crisis have gotten."

Largely — as has been the case for the entirety of his presidency — Trump's approval and handling of the pandemic are split sharply along party lines. Overwhelming numbers of Republicans approve, and overwhelming numbers of Democrats don't.



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"Certainly, there's no bounce — it's very minimal," Miringoff said. "It's all playing out depending on the filter people have. The partisan split is as wide as can be. I don't think it's something that reflects a president who is about to break 50% [approval] for the first time."
Historical rally-around-the-flag bounces
Partisanship did not begin in the Trump era.
Its sharp rise appears to have taken hold during the Obama years. That's evident by how little former President Barack Obama's approval fluctuated once his honeymoon period was over and legislation aimed at combating the Great Recession was passed.
According to data from the Gallup Presidential Job Approval Center, George W. Bush after 9/11 and before the Iraq War, George H.W. Bush before the Gulf War, Ronald Reagan during the Grenada military action and the Marine barracks bombing in Lebanon, and Jimmy Carter at the outset of the Iran hostage crisis all saw much bigger rally-around-the flag approval bounces than either Trump (so far) or Obama.

- Obama and the Great Recession

At the beginning of Obama's presidency, the country was largely behind him, and his approval rating, per Gallup, was in the 60s.
That came down with the partisan fight over the health care bill and languished in the 40s until it hit 50% again with an improving economy by January 2011. His biggest bounce — about 8 percentage points — came with the killing of Osama bin Laden.
That didn't last. Apart from his first months in office, Obama's approval rating never went below 40% or higher than 59%, which he hit once — on the eve of leaving office.
By comparison, Trump's range has been even narrower — from 35% to 49% in Gallup's polling.
- George W. Bush, 9/11 and the Iraq War



Bush's approval hit an astounding 90% immediately after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, jumping 39 points from the day before 9/11.
The Iraq War is remembered as an American foreign policy blunder, but Bush experienced another significant jump on the eve of that war. His approval went up 14 points, from 57% to 71%, in March 2003.
Eventually, his job approval cratered, nosediving to 31%, as Iraq spiraled into civil war in 2006, and then declined again to 25% the month before the 2008 election, as the Great Recession hit.
- Clinton, the Kosovo bombing and his overall popularity

There wasn't much of a bounce for Clinton because of the Kosovo NATO bombings in March 1999. But realize, he was popular already.
According to Gallup, Clinton had a 64% approval rating before the bombing and 64% immediately after it. It fell to 53% months after the bombing, but that was the lowest point in his entire second term — and Clinton had been impeached.



His popularity in office is remarkable considering today's partisanship. Clinton's approval rating peaked at 73% in December 1998, days after he was impeached. He left office with a 66% approval rating.

- George H.W. Bush and the Gulf War

Bush's approval rating jumped 16 points, from 60% to 76% from July to August of 1990 when the Gulf War began.
His approval peaked just before the end of the war at 89% in March 1991. But, as the economy worsened, his approval skidded all the way down to 29% over the next year, leading to Clinton's election.
- The Reagan shooting, the Marine barracks bombing and Grenada

Reagan's presidency started out rough — double-digit inflation, gas lines and getting shot just two months after taking office.
But that event helped his approval rating. He went from 51% when he was sworn in to 68% two months after being shot. (That was tied for the highest of his presidency.)
Reagan saw another bounce in 1983. The economy was improving, but there were rally-around-the-flag moments with the Marine barracks bombing in Lebanon in October, then the U.S. invasion of Grenada the same month.
The invasion lasted through December, and from October to December, Reagan went from 45% to 54% approval, according to Gallup.
Reagan started 1983 with just a 35% approval rating. He started 1984 with a majority approving of the job he was doing. He coasted to reelection that year, winning every single state except Minnesota, along with Washington, D.C.
- Carter and the surprising case of the Iran hostage crisis

The Iran hostage crisis, along with the country's economic problems, are widely believed to have hobbled Carter and led to Reagan's landslide election in 1980.
Initially, the country rallied around Carter during the hostage crisis. In October 1979, Carter's job approval rating stood at a dismal 29%. But November, when the hostages were taken, marked a sharp rise in his rating over the next two months. He jumped to 58% by the end of January 1980.
But the botched attempt to rescue the hostages in April 1980 led to a precipitous slide that put Carter at 31% by June. That's where it stood in November when he lost reelection.

THE CORONAVIRUS CRISISHere are details on how the $2 Trillion Break Down (March 26, 2020)

'For Common Benefit of All,' Ireland Nationalizes Hospitals for Duration of Coronavirus Crisis, Sparking Demand for US to Follow Suit

In a nutshell (see below), "There can be no room for public versus private when it comes to pandemic." This is, of course, the antithesis of "Coronavirus capitalism," as laid out in an earlier blog post.

-Angela Valenzuela

Published on
by

'For Common Benefit of All,' Ireland Nationalizes Hospitals for Duration of Coronavirus Crisis, Sparking Demand for US to Follow Suit

"How wonderful is this. A beautiful silver lining."
by

Thursday, March 26, 2020

Mexico’s Coronavirus Fight Has Just Begun. Doctors Say They’re Already Running Out Of Masks

We think we have it bad in the U.S.  Check out Mexico. As you can read here, President López Obrador’s response to the Coronavirus has undergone much criticism.  The minimum wage in Mexico is $5.00 per day, suggesting just how devastating orders to stay home will be for most families.

Migrant camps along Mexico's northern border with the U.S. are exceedingly vulnerable, too.  I have a lot of family in Mexico.  I fear for them because their health system—like that of most poor countries—is simply unprepared for this pandemic.

-Angela Valenzuela
By: KATE LINTHICUM
As the novel coronavirus spreads in Mexico, doctors and nurses at public hospitals have begun protesting a shortage of personnel and basic supplies such as masks and gloves.
Medical staff held strikes and walkouts across the country this week, warning that a lack of resources increases the risk for them and their families as well as for patients.
“We can’t work without equipment,” implored a nurse in Tabasco state in a widely viewed video on Twitter. “We also have families — children and parents.”
The federal government says that $150 million in additional medical supplies is on the way and that it is rushing to fill roughly 42,000 job openings for doctors, nurses and other medical professionals that predate the coronavirus crisis.
“We invite health personnel ... to heed the call and commit to the future of this country, to being a person who helps face the epidemic,” Deputy Health Secretary Hugo Lopez-Gatell said Tuesday.
But within the medical community there were growing concerns that the government has moved too slowly, leaving Mexico’s public healthcare system unprepared to fight a major outbreak of the disease.
One doctor who screens dozens of people a day for COVID-19 at a public hospital in impoverished, populous Mexico state, which includes Mexico City, said she is allotted just two disposable masks for each 12-hour shift. Ideally she would put on a new mask for each patient.
“We feel unprotected,” said the doctor, who spoke on condition of anonymity because she was not authorized to give interviews.
Even before COVID-19 arrived in Mexico, which has seen more than 400 confirmed cases and five deaths, the nation’s healthcare system was strained.
Lengthy wait times for procedures are common at the country’s vast network of public hospitals and clinics, where most Mexicans receive care. Often, doctors and nurses have been forced to ask patients to buy them surgical masks, gowns and other basic supplies.
By many accounts, things have gotten worse since President Andres Manuel López Obrador took office in December 2018 and embarked on a program of deep cuts in government spending.
The leftist populist — who ran on an anti-corruption platform — has canceled contracts with drug companies, which he alleged were working with a crooked network of hospital administrators.
That may have been true. But López Obrador’s dramatic changes have led to shortages of life-saving drugs. Two of the groups hardest hit by the shortages are children with cancer and patients with HIV.
Last year, the head of Mexico’s Social Security Institute stepped down and issued an unusual public resignation letter declaring that “excessive savings and controls in health spending are inhumane.”
López Obrador’s response to COVID-19 has generated a new wave of criticism.
Compared with other countries in the region, Mexico has been slow to implement preventative measures to stop the spread of the disease.
Mexico had its first confirmed COVID-19 case in late February, yet it wasn’t until this week that it ordered schools to close and recommended that businesses let employees stay home.
The jacaranda-dotted streets of Mexico City are emptier than usual, but many restaurants, businesses and gyms remain open.
To the chagrin of his critics, López Obrador has repeatedly contradicted the advice of his own health authorities. In a video message Sunday, he sat at a table near a supporter in Oaxaca and implored Mexicans to maintain the normal rhythm of their lives.
“Don’t stop going out,” he said.
The Mexican government has held off on implementing more drastic measures because it is deeply worried about its struggling economy. The peso has fallen dramatically in recent weeks, this week hitting a new record of 25 pesos to the dollar, and prices for basic goods are rising. At a market on Mexico City’s south side, the price of a pound of chicken rose by 25 cents in a week, a major jolt in a country where the minimum wage is about $5 a day.
On Tuesday, Lopez Obrador implored business leaders to not lay off employees and said his government would grant loans to some small businesses to help them stay afloat.
He did not directly address demands for more medical personnel and supplies, though he said Mexico was prepared for an onslaught of COVID-19 cases.
On Twitter, political analyst Denise Dresser said Mexicans deserve more details about those preparations.
“What we wanted to hear: We need to equip hospitals, manufacture ventilators, sew face masks, train doctors and nurses and ask for help from industries and laboratories and factories so they can focus on producing what is urgent and necessary,” she wrote.
Of growing concern is the number of COVID-19 tests available in Mexico. Authorities have given a range of figures, from about 9,000 to 35,000. The government has conducted fewer than 3,000 tests, primarily in people who recently traveled to areas with significant numbers of infections.
The World Health Organization has recommended that all suspected cases be tested.
Even at private hospitals, where tests are more readily available, patients have reported long lag times in getting results.
Ariana Sawyer, a human rights worker who recently traveled to France and California, said she was tested for the disease at a private hospital in Mexico City on March 15 after falling ill. Nine days later, she still hadn’t received results, though doctors said it was “probable” that she was infected and ordered her to self-quarantine at home.
She said she is worried about the disease spreading to poorer communities in Mexico or migrant camps along the U.S. border, where there are unhygienic conditions “and people don’t have access to social distancing.”
“It’s going to be devastating for them,” she said.

Why the Coronavirus Has Been So Successful by Ed Yong in THE ATLANTIC

Good information here by Ed Yong who writes for The Atlantic . There remain many, many questions about the Coronavirus.  What we do know is why the virus differentially affects people within age groups.  Some of this could be genetic and/or related to individuals' immune systems, as well as to the amount of virus that one is exposed to.

Matthew Frieman from the University of Maryland School of Medicine offers the following:
“The scary part is we don’t even know how many people get normal coronaviruses every year,” Frieman says. “We don’t have any surveillance networks for coronaviruses like [we do for] flu. We don’t know why they go away in the winter, or where they go. We don’t know how these viruses mutate year on year.”
The scientific community and the science itself have to take a dramatic turn in focus if we are to succeed in battling this pandemic.

-Angela Valenzuela

Why the Coronavirus Has Been So Successful