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Tuesday, September 23, 2025

3rd annual Latino Policy Research Symposium being hosted on Friday, September 26th at the LBJ School—8:00 am to 5:00 pm.

Friends,

I am delighted to share that the 3rd Annual Latino Policy Research Symposium will take place on Friday, September 26th, from 8:00 am to 5:00 pm at the LBJ School of Public Affairs, organized by Unidos-LBJ (@unidoslbj).

This year’s gathering promises to be an inspiring day of dialogue, learning, and community-building that brings together students, scholars, policymakers, and advocates to address critical issues affecting Latino communities in Texas and beyond. 

The symposium is free and open to the public.

To make the day even more welcoming, a complimentary breakfast and lunch will be provided for all registered participants. Scann the the QR code below to register.

Although I'm not at LBJ, I feel comfortable saying that we hope you will join us for this special opportunity to connect, exchange ideas, and advance solutions together.

With appreciation to Unidos who is making this happen.


-Angela Valenzuela












 




Third lawsuit filed against display of Ten Commandments in schools

Friends:

Attorney General Paxton’s claim distorts both history and constitutional principle. While the Ten Commandments in the Bible are part of the religious heritage of many, America’s legal and civic foundation rests not on a single faith tradition but on Enlightenment ideas, English common law, and a deliberate commitment to religious liberty.

Many of the framers themselves descended from those who fled religious persecution in Europe. From this history, they understood that a republic could only survive if it safeguarded freedom of conscience against state-imposed faith—an understanding that was ultimately enshrined in the First Amendment’s guarantee that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.”

In drafting the Constitution, the framers explicitly rejected the establishment of any religion as the basis for government, ensuring that all faiths—and those with none—could belong equally. To insist, as Paxton does, that the Ten Commandments are the cornerstone of American law is to erase the pluralism that has defined this country from the start and to undermine the very protections of the First Amendment. 
It is, in effect, a rewriting of history that asks the public to ignore the evidence before their very eyes.

This is why the third lawsuit filed against the Ten Commandments classroom display law is so significant. As Austin American-Statesman education reporter Keri Heath documents, fifteen families representing a variety of faith backgrounds—including Christian, Jewish, Lutheran, and nonreligious—have joined together to challenge Senate Bill 10 in federal court. Their action underscores that Paxton’s directive is not only constitutionally dubious but also deeply out of step with the diverse religious and civic traditions that make up Texas and the nation.

-Angela Valenzuela

By Staff Writer


A third lawsuit has been filed against school districts over a new state law requiring the placement of the Ten Commandments in school classrooms. / Jay Janner/Austin American-Statesman


A group of families on Monday filed a third lawsuit against a batch of school districts over a law requiring the placement of the Ten Commandments in Texas classrooms. The 14 school districts, which include Georgetown and Comal, are among several dozen that have been sued over the law since Gov. Greg Abbott signed it in June.


The lawsuit also comes about a month after Attorney General Ken Paxton sent a memo to superintendents reinforcing that districts should display posters depicting the 10 Commandments, despite a federal judge temporarily blocking the law for a handful of districts.


The lawsuit also includes the Conroe, Flour Bluff, Fort Worth, Arlington, McKinney, Frisco, Northwest, Azle, Rockwall, Lovejoy, Mansfield and McAllen school districts. All of the districts listed in the lawsuit either received or already posted donated posters depicting the Ten Commandments, according to the lawsuit. 


The new lawsuit was filed in the U.S. Western District Court of Texas by 15 families of students in the named districts. The families are of a variety of faith backgrounds, including Christian, Jewish, Lutheran and nonreligious, according to the lawsuit.


“I address questions about God and faith with great care, and I emphatically reject the notion that the state would do this for me,” said Rev. Kristin Klade, a Lutheran pastor who lives in Fort Worth.


Authored by Sen. Phil King, R-Weatherford, Senate Bill 10 requires that school districts post any donated copies of a specific version of the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms.


The lawsuit filed Monday is the third sparked by SB 10. In June, parents brought a lawsuit against three districts and the Texas Education Agency. In July, additional families brought a lawsuit against 11 other districts. 


A federal judge temporarily blocked the law for the 11 districts last month, prompting Paxton to issue instructions directing every other district in the state to abide by SB 10.


“From the beginning, the Ten Commandments have been irrevocably intertwined with America’s legal, moral, and historical heritage,” Paxton said in a statement when he issued the directive.


That July lawsuit included the Lake Travis and Dripping Springs districts. The Austin school district was eventually dismissed from the case as long as it adhered to any injunction the court placed.


K-12 EDUCATION REPORTER

Erasing Trans Identities: Angelo State’s New Transgender Ban

 Friends,

I write today with a heavy heart regarding troubling news from my alma mater, Angelo State University (ASU). According to recent reporting by the Concho Observer (Staff Report, September 19, 2025, updated September 21, 2025), ASU leadership has announced new policies that will effectively erase the visibility of transgender students, faculty, and staff from campus life.

The directives reportedly include banning classroom discussions on transgender topics, prohibiting the use of chosen names and pronouns, and requiring the removal of safe-space stickers, LGBTQ+ flags, and pronouns in email signatures. Even more concerning, faculty have been warned that if they acknowledge the existence of more than two genders, they risk immediate termination.

As an alumna of Angelo State, I find this profoundly disturbing. A university should be a place of inquiry, openness, and critical engagement with the world—not an institution that silences scholarship, denies students’ lived realities, and criminalizes care. Policies such as these not only undermine academic freedom, but they also place LGBTQ+ students and faculty in direct harm, stripping them of dignity and safety.

Angelo State’s stated defense—that it is “a public institute of higher education” obliged to comply with federal and state directives—should not obscure the deeper truth: universities have a moral obligation to stand up for their students, to nurture diversity, and to model respect and inclusion.

I worry for the faculty who must navigate these unjust mandates, for the students whose identities are being denied, and for the long-term reputation of a campus that once prided itself on fostering opportunity and belonging. My hope is that ASU’s community, alumni, and allies across Texas will continue to voice concern and stand in solidarity with those most directly affected.

This regulating of youth bodies and identities is so incredibly dystopian. Higher education should expand possibilities, not restrict them. The policies being imposed at ASU betray that mission.

-Angela Valenzuela




ASU to Put New Transgender Policies in Place

September 19, 2025. Updated:


Transgender discussions in class, and transgender language in course material will be hounded off college campuses in Texas, following orders from Pres. Donald Trump, and Gov. Greg Abbott, according to news reports, and information from a meeting with the leadership of Angelo State University.


The Concho Observer was furnished with the following information regarding new Transgender policies at the school.


According to our understanding of new policy:

  • There is to be no discussion of transgender topics or any topics that suggest there are more than two genders as determined by one’s biological sex at birth.

  • Information in syllibi about transgender topics must be removed.
  • Instructors must refer to students by their given names and not their preferred names.

  • Safe-space stickers, LGBTQ flags, etc. are not allowed and must be removed. 
  • All employees are to remove pronouns from email signatures.

  • The university will not back up or defend faculty who teach these topics or discuss them in class.

According to a statement from ASU Director of Communications and Marketing Brittney Miller “Angelo State University is a public institute of higher education and is therefore subject to both state and federal law, executive orders and directives from the President of the United States, and executive orders and directives from the Governor of Texas. As such, Angelo State fully complies with the letter of the law.”


Update September 21, 2025 at 5:30 p.m.

The Concho Observer has confirmed that ASU will be holding mandatory meetings for all faculty and staff starting tomorrow Monday September 22, 2025. There are at least three meetings scheduled in various rooms on campus and all employees are required to attend one of them. Apparently legal staff will be present at the meetings to explain the new policies. According to our sources faculty have been told that if they make any statement implying that there are more than two sexes or genders (male and female) they will be fired.






Sunday, September 21, 2025

Generational Dimensions of Decolonization: What the Igbo Can Teach Us About Democracy and Belonging

In a time when so many nations, including our own, are wrestling with questions of democracy, justice, and belonging, I’ve found myself drawn to the history of the Igbo people of Nigeria. One of my mentors, the late Dr. John Ogbu, a UC Berkeley professor and renowned educational anthropologist of Igbo heritage, best known for his cultural-ecological theory of minority school performance, which showed how the histories of slavery, colonization, and systemic exclusion shape the way different communities experience and relate to schooling.

That personal connection is part of why Uche Udenka’s recent piece in The Guardian resonated so strongly with me. Their account reminds us that democracy is not only a Western invention but has long been practiced in deeply participatory ways in other parts of the world. The Igbo story, in particular, offers lessons we can carry into our own struggles today.

Long before colonial rule, the Igbo organized their communities without kings or centralized rulers. Power was distributed across village assemblies, councils of elders, and age-grade associations, creating a highly participatory and consultative form of democracy. 

At its moral core was the principle of Ofo na Ogu—justice and truth—which guided both governance and community accountability. Because authority was so widely diffused, British colonizers struggled to impose their usual model of control. There were no monarchs to dethrone or install, only networks of people bound together by dialogue and collective responsibility.

Fast forward to January 15, 1970. The Biafran surrender had just brought an end to three years of brutal civil war. Nigeria’s Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, addressed the nation in a radio broadcast that reached both those who had fought on the federal side and those who had endured the devastation in the East. In that moment, he declared:

“The so-called Republic of Biafra ceases to exist. The war is over. The nation is now reunited, and no longer will any Nigerian regard another as a stranger. No victor, no vanquished.”

For Gowon, this phrase was meant to set the tone for reconciliation. It was a way of saying that the war should not be remembered as a triumph for one group and humiliation for another. Instead, all Nigerians were to move forward together as a single people.

Yet the gap between rhetoric and reality was devastating. Many Igbos returned to find their savings wiped out, their homes destroyed, and their opportunities curtailed. Gowon’s words became both a hopeful motto and a painful reminder of how difficult genuine reconciliation can be when justice and equity are absent.

What endures in both the precolonial and postwar stories of the Igbo is the lesson that real unity cannot be declared from above. It must be lived out in everyday practices of justice, accountability, and shared responsibility. 

Whether in the village assemblies of the past or in the struggles of nation-building today, the Igbo remind us that democracy flourishes only when it is grounded in truth-telling, shared responsibility, and the moral courage to see one another not as strangers but as kin—and that when these principles are abandoned, the devastation of civil war leaves wounds that are ruinous for communities and corrosive to society as a whole.

In reflecting on all of this, I find myself thinking about Dr. Ogbu. When I was a graduate student—not at Berkeley, but at Stanford—he showed me a kindness and respect that left a lasting impression, treating me not just as a student but as a fellow thinker and emerging scholar. I wish I had known more about his Igbo heritage then, so we might have shared a deeper conversation about the history of his people—their democratic traditions, their struggles, and their resilience. It is a reminder that some of the greatest wisdom is not only written in books or taught in classrooms, but carried quietly in the lived histories of those who walk beside us.

-Angela Valenzuela

Generational dimensions of decolonisation












From the first encounters with British colonial forces in the late 19th century to the postcolonial challenges of nationhood in Nigeria, the Igbo have been active agents in shaping their destiny across generations. Each generation of Igbos—pre-colonial elders, anti-colonial nationalists, post-independence visionaries, civil war survivors, and contemporary activists—has played a distinct role in the complex project of decolonization. Understanding these generational aspects is vital to appreciating both the enduring struggles and resilient aspirations of the Igbo people.

I will examine the generational dimensions of decolonization among the Igbo, analyzing the historical phases and sociopolitical dynamics that defined each generational experience. Decolonization is not merely a historical event marked by the end of British rule in 1960, but a continuing generational process of reclaiming identity, restoring autonomy, resisting internal colonialisms, and reshaping the future.

The Pre-Colonial and Early Colonial Generation: Confrontation and Resistance

Sovereignty in the Village-Republics.
Before the advent of colonial rule, the Igbo operated a decentralized system of governance characterized by community-based assemblies, councils of elders, and age grades. Political authority was diffused, and the people governed themselves through consultative democracy rooted in the values of Ofo na Ogu (justice and moral order). This traditional structure made it difficult for colonialists to establish centralized control, as there were no kings to co-opt or overthrow.

The Anglo-Aro War and Initial Resistance.
British colonization began in earnest in the early 1900s after years of trade contact. The Anglo-Aro War (1901–1902) marked a significant resistance effort by the Aro Confederacy, a powerful Igbo socio-religious network centered around the IbiniUkpabi oracle in Arochukwu. This conflict exemplifies the first generational response to colonial encroachment: military resistance through traditional alliances and spiritual authority.While the British succeeded militarily, the resistance of this elder generation laid the groundwork for the emerging consciousness that colonial domination was a foreign and unwelcome imposition. The generation that lived through this period witnessed the violent disruption of their world and the imposition of foreign rule, education, religion, and law.

The Early 20th Century Generation: Adaptation and Strategic Engagement.
Missionary Education and the Rise of the New Elite.
The next Igbo generation (1900s–1940s) emerged under the colonial regime but began to appropriate the tools of colonization—especially education and religion—as strategic instruments of empowerment. Missionary schools flourished in Igbo land, producing a Western-educated elite that became clerks, teachers, catechists, and interpreters. These individuals were shaped by the colonial encounter, they began to question its contradictions. Exposure to Christian ethics, Enlightenment ideas, and pan-Africanist thought led to a growing critique of colonial injustice. This generation began to see education not only as a path to individual success but also as a vehicle for communal advancement and eventual emancipation.

Women’s Revolt and Economic Activism.
It is also within this generational cohort that the 1929 Women’s War (Ogu Umunwanyi) occurred—a mass protest led by Igbo women against colonial taxation and administrative abuse. The rebellion was both a critique of colonial oppression and a defense of traditional gender roles that had been undermined by colonial structures. This unique moment highlights how decolonization also had a gendered and generational character.
The Nationalist Generation: Political Mobilization and the Fight for Independence.

The Rise of Igbo Nationalists.
The mid-20th century produced a generation of politically conscious Igbos who played leading roles in Nigeria’s independence movement. This group, born between 1910 and 1935, included figures like Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Mbonu Ojike, K.O. Mbadiwe, and others. Educated abroad or in elite Nigerian institutions, they absorbed anti-colonial, pan-African, and liberal democratic ideologies. Azikiwe, in particular, became a symbol of modern Igbo identity—a nationalist who transcended ethnic boundaries yet remained rooted in Igbo aspirations. His newspaper, West African Pilot, and political party, the NCNC (National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons), were key instruments of political awakening and mobilization. Under his influence, many young Igbos became politically active, joining student unions, civic groups, and trade unions.

Cultural Renaissance and National Identity.
This generation also witnessed a cultural revival. Writers like Chinua Achebe, with Things Fall Apart, sought to reclaim the Igbo story from colonial distortion. Artists, musicians, and scholars began to articulate a distinctly African—and Igbo—worldview. The decolonization process was thus not only political but also intellectual and cultural. The nationalists of this generation saw decolonization as a path to modernity and progress, believing that independence would restore dignity, prosperity, and self-determination to the Igbo and other Nigerian peoples.

The Post-Independence Generation: Betrayal and the Biafran Dream:
The Crisis of Nationhood.
Nigeria gained independence in 1960, but the dreams of the nationalist generation were quickly dashed. Ethnic rivalries, political instability, and military coups destabilized the country. For many Igbos, the 1966 pogroms in northern Nigeria—where tens of thousands of Igbo civilians were massacred—marked a point of no return. The generation that came of age during this period (1940s–1960s) bore the brunt of the betrayal of the independence dream. The secession of Biafra in 1967 was an attempt to achieve what political independence had failed to deliver: safety, dignity, and self-governance.

The Trauma and Legacy of the Biafran War.
The Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) profoundly shaped this generation. Young Igbos became soldiers, medics, intellectuals, and victims. The war devastated Igbo land—millions died from starvation, disease, and violence. But it also produced a remarkable spirit of resilience and innovation. The Biafraneconomy, science corps, and propaganda machinery showed the capacity for self-reliance. This generation’s experience of war transformed decolonization from a political project into a survivalist ethic. Post-war reintegration into Nigeria was marked by exclusion, marginalization, and suspicion. The slogan “No victor, no vanquished” rang hollow for many Igbos who faced economic devastation and political repression.

Friday, September 19, 2025

Manufactured Outrage and the Assault on Academic Freedom in Texas, by Dr. Pauline Turner Strong

On September 18, 2025, Dr. Pauline Strong—professor of anthropology at UT-Austin and president of the AAUP chapter—published an urgent guest column titled “Manufactured outrage is killing academic freedom in Texas: Enough with the ‘gotcha’ attacks. Let professors teach. Let students learn.”

Dr. Strong recounts the troubling case of a Texas A&M faculty member who was fired after a student objected to a lesson on gender identity in a children’s literature course. The student wrongly claimed the content was “illegal” under a Trump-era executive order and framed the incident as a “gotcha” moment. Yet, as Strong notes, the professor was teaching directly from the syllabus and within her expertise.

The dismissal, backed by A&M President Mark Welsh and accompanied by the removal of a dean and department head, was made possible by recent Texas laws (SB18 and SB37) that eroded due process and faculty governance. Strong argues that these politically motivated attacks—often targeting those who teach race, gender, and sexuality—are designed to instill fear, weaponize syllabi against faculty, and undermine higher education’s mission.

She warns that if professors can be fired for not pre-listing every topic in a catalog description, countless faculty jobs are at risk, and Texas will face inevitable lawsuits. More importantly, students will lose opportunities to learn how gender and sexuality intersect with literature, history, law, health, education and so on.

Her message is clear: “Enough is enough.” Texas must resist the corrosive politics of manufactured outrage, defend academic freedom, and allow professors to teach and students to learn without fear of intimidation or retaliation.

If you are a faculty member, adjunct, graduate instructor, researcher, or higher education professional, you can stand in solidarity by joining Texas AAUP-Texas AFT. Membership offers:

  • Collective protection in the face of politically motivated dismissals.

  • Advocacy for academic freedom and shared governance.

  • A community committed to defending higher education as a space of inquiry, not intimidation.

Together, we can resist manufactured outrage and affirm the right of professors to teach and students to learn without fear.

Texas A&M president resigns after instructor’s firing over gender teachings, Molly Hennessy-Fiske, Washington Post

Friends:

Texas A&M University President Mark A. Welsh III has announced his resignation barely a week after a viral video set off a storm of political outrage that ended with the firing of senior lecturer Melissa McCoul and the removal of both a dean and department head.

The controversy began in Professor McCoul’s children’s literature course when a student objected to her teaching of Jude Saves the World, a novel whose main character is nonbinary. The student insisted the lesson was “illegal” and against religious belief. McCoul, who had successfully taught the text in previous semesters, maintained that her teaching was both lawful and academically appropriate. 

For the record, it's not illegal since anti-DEI, Senate Bill 17 allows us as faculty to continue to teach and conduct research. The moment was nevertheless secretly recorded, uploaded to social media, and swiftly seized upon by political figures eager to weaponize it.

Welsh—a retired four-star general and former member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff—soon found himself under heavy fire from state leaders including Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and Rep. Brian Harrison, who demanded his ouster and the dismantling of all so-called “DEI and LGBTQ indoctrination” in Texas universities. His attempt to appease critics by firing McCoul and demoting administrators did not silence the uproar. In the end, he stepped aside.

Now, faculty and students at Texas A&M face an unsettling reality: a campus climate increasingly shaped by political dictates rather than academic judgment. McCoul, by all accounts a respected instructor with more than a decade of teaching experience, is fighting her termination through an appeal.

From what I have gathered about Welsh’s own defense of academic freedom—including a thoughtful LinkedIn post shared by Dr. Leonard Bright—I cannot help but wonder if his willingness to stand by this principle hastened his exit. It is sobering to realize that one of our state’s largest and most prestigious public university could not shield its president from partisan attack when he appeared to affirm what is, after all, a constitutional right.

As assaults on higher education escalate across the nation, Welsh’s resignation is a stark warning. It signals not only the erosion of academic freedom but also the weakening of democratic norms. The question we face is urgent: Will Texas universities defend the right of professors to teach and students to learn without fear, or will they surrender to political interference? The future of higher education in this state—and the public it serves—depends on the answer.

—Angela Valenzuela

Texas A&M president resigns after instructor’s firing over gender teachings


President Mark A. Welsh III is stepping down after a video of a student accusing an instructor of illegally teaching “gender ideology” led to the instructor’s firing.


Texas A&M University President Mark A. Welsh III (Mark Felix/For The 
Washington Post)


HOUSTON — The president of Texas A&M University’s flagship campus is stepping down a little over a week after a viral video of a student accusing an instructor of illegally teaching “gender ideology” led to the instructor’s firing, the removal of a dean and department head, as well as calls for investigations — including by the Justice Department.

President Mark A. Welsh III is a retired four-star general who trained as a fighter pilot and later served as a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He has also held roles including associate director for military affairs at the CIA, commandant of cadets at the U.S. Air Force Academy and dean of the Bush School of Government and Public Service at A&M.

Welsh took over at Texas A&M two years ago after M. Katherine Banks retired as university president in the wake of a scandal involving the botched hiring of journalism professor Kathleen McElroy. That job offer provoked backlash from the Texas GOP because of McElroy’s work on diversity, equity and inclusion programs, which Texas has since banned.

Welsh will step down Friday, according to a statement released by Texas A&M late Thursday.

“Today, President Welsh has submitted his resignation, and both the Board of Regents and I agree that this is the right moment for change,” Texas A&M Chancellor Glenn Hegar said in a separate statement posted on X.

Hegar, a former GOP state lawmaker, thanked Welsh for his service and contributions to the university. He said the nine-member Board of Regents — appointed by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R) — will conduct a nationwide search for Welsh’s successor and appoint an interim president “to guide the university during this transition.”

On Friday, Welsh posted a statement that shed little light on why he decided to resign, apart from the recent controversy.

“When I was first appointed as President of Texas A&M University, I told then Chancellor John Sharp and our Board of Regents that I would serve as well as I possibly could until it was time for someone else to take over. Over the past few days, it’s become clear that now is that time,” Welsh wrote.

“It was the right decision for him to do for himself, the university, students, and faculty,” said Leonard Bright, a professor at Texas A&M’s Bush School of Government and Public Service, in a text message. “Now, we look to the university and (board of regents) to conduct an earnest search for a replacement who will fully support the values of academic freedom and protect the university from political interference in our classrooms.”

State Rep. Brian Harrison (R), who posted the viral video and audio recordings of Welsh while repeatedly demanding his ouster, celebrated his resignation Thursday on X.

“As the first elected official to call for him to be fired, this news is welcome, although overdue,” Harrison wrote. “Now … END ALL DEI AND LGBTQ INDOCTRINATION IN TEXAS!!”

The video excerpt that contributed to Welsh stepping down was shared by Harrison on Sept. 8. It was filmed on July 29 during a children’s literature class, but neither the student — whom Harrison declined to identify because they had requested anonymity — nor instructor Melissa McCoul appear on camera.

In a statement emailed to The Washington Post by her attorney this week, McCoul said the class was on the second of three days reading a middle-grade contemporary fiction novel called “Jude Saves the World” that she had taught in “several previous iterations” of the class.

“The main character, Jude, is nonbinary. The plot largely deals with Jude’s difficulties with ADHD in school, their relationship with their friends, mother, and grandparents, and their friend group’s attempt to build an LGBTQ-accepting social club in their town,” she said.

McCoul said that on the first day, she had provided “contextual background information on sex, sexuality and gender as they applied to children’s literature, as well as the ways things like toys and clothing are often gendered,” and was recapping those points when the video was filmed.

The footage begins as the student interrupts to insist the lesson is “not legal, and I don’t want to promote something that is against our president’s laws.”

“According to our president, there’s only two genders,” the student says, alleging that the instruction “very much goes against, not only myself, but a lot of people’s religious beliefs.”

In response, McCoul can be heard telling the student that “if you are uncomfortable in this class, you do have the right to leave. What we are doing is not illegal.”

She then referred the student to a department head, noting that officials were aware of the concerns. “I’m not convinced that your proposal will be effective in stopping me from teaching things that are biologically true, because I do have the legal and ethical authority, professional expertise in this classroom,” McCoul said, before telling the student to leave.

A day later, McCoul was fired. Her attorney Amanda Reichek, a Democratic former Texas judge, has released a statement calling McCoul “a highly regarded senior lecturer,” noting that she had “over a decade of teaching experience under her belt when she was summarily terminated” and is appealing her firing.

After the video went viral, Welsh also removed McCoul’s dean and department head, but that did not satisfy Harrison or Texas Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick (R), a staunch ally of President Donald Trump.

“His ambivalence on the issue and his dismissal of the student’s concerns by immediately taking the side of the professor is unacceptable,” Patrick posted on X last week.

Abbott had already threatened to fire Welsh in January after the university’s business school invited doctoral students and faculty to a conference designed to promote classroom diversity. Welsh responded by pulling the university out of the conference.

Several other presidents of major U.S. universities have also been forced out or resigned under pressure in recent years, as elected officials and conservative activists — including in the Trump administration — increasingly scrutinize campus culture and decisions.

Trump and his administration have this year attacked Columbia, Harvard, Northwestern, the University of Pennsylvania and the University of Virginia. Texas A&M, with an enrollment of more than 79,000, is the largest state school to face such backlash and is among the largest universities in the country.

Texas GOP leaders have passed laws this year strengthening their control over university curriculums, hiring and protests.


Susan Svrluga contributed to this report from Washington.