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Showing posts with label desegregation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label desegregation. Show all posts

Friday, October 06, 2017

Delgado v. Bastrop: Mexican Americans' Struggle to Desegregate Schools

Our community is so indebted to this very important part of our history, namely, the Delgado et al. v. Bastrop Independent School District (1947) case litigated by legendary attorney Gus Garcia.  It involved the desegregation of Mina Ward Elementary School in Bastrop, Texas, where a long overdue, marker by the Texas Historical Commission now exists to commemorate this important achievement by a disenfranchised, but clearly fierce and determined community.

Civil rights organizations, namely, the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the American G.I. Forum of Texas, supported this successful challenge to segregation that established an important precedent for segregation cases that followed. You can read more about the case here.

If we do not know our history, we are less powerful and indeed, less human. Consider reading more about Mexican American history here at the Texas State Historical Association (TSHA) Online page under the "Tejano History" tab.  

This online guide, I have been told, averages a million page views a month.  It IS the authoritative website on Texas history.

Angela Valenzuela
c/s

Bastrop community celebrates historic desegregation case

Mary Huber
Dedication of the Mina Ward School historical marker on Saturday. MARY HUBER/BASTROP 

As the sun was blazing midday on Saturday, dozens of people crowded into a stuffy, yellow school bus to make the short drive to Bastrop’s Main Street. The bus parked just before a railroad crossing at Wilhelm Street, near what was once an old three-room schoolhouse known as Mina Ward. To many, it was known simply as the “Mexican School.”

Gonzalo Flores, who attended classes there in 1942, said the day was eerily reminiscent of his first as a student, when he rode a yellow school bus to Mina and took his seat in the classroom, a Spanish-speaking student who didn’t know a lick of English.

On Saturday, he stood huddled with other former students, now gray and graced by time, and watched as Bastrop County Judge Paul Pape pulled a black blanket from a signpost that was erected where the school once stood. In block letters, it spelled out Mina Ward’s special place in history, as a battleground for civil rights and the integration of Mexican-American students into white public schools.

“This plaque will be here for the rest of our lifetimes and the lifetimes of our children and grandchildren, and every eye that sees it will be reminded of the sacrifices that were made right here in Bastrop, Texas, by the Mexican-American children who had to go to a school that was not equal in any way to the school that their white friends got to go to,” Pape said. “It was part of the road of progress that America has been on now for over 200 years toward treating all people equal not only under the law but also in our hearts.”

The Texas Historical Commission marker was acquired through a grant program that hails the state’s “undertold stories” — subjects of special historical and cultural significance that lost breath over time. Included among them is the tale of Mina Ward, where in 1947 the parents of 20 Hispanic students sued the Bastrop school district for the right to send their kids to white schools. Led by civil rights attorney Gus Garcia and titled Delgado et al v. the Bastrop Independent School District, the case made history when a federal judge ruled in the plaintiffs’ favor, calling it a violation of the students’ 14th Amendment rights to segregate them and ordering the integration of Hispanics into Texas public schools.

Former state Sen. Gonzalo Barrientos, who attended Mina Ward in the first grade, was instrumental in obtaining the plaque for the former school site, to bring light to its important place in history.
“The marker on Main Street will be a recognition of a time when Americans were not treated as Americans, a recognition of a time and place when Mexican-American children’s education, learning and the opportunity to live the American dream was thwarted and denied,” he said. “That marker will also be a recognition that our American justice system can and did work … a recognition that when Americans, a country of immigrants, join hands, work together to solve the issues, those are our proudest moments.”

His words flooded the room at the Bastrop Convention Center, where hundreds amassed Saturday to celebrate the dedication of the school. They shared in a light brunch and listened as public officials, historians and former students spoke about the important civil rights legacy achieved in the small city.

“I am so proud of our town, and I continue to carry a great deal of pride for our community,” Bastrop City Council Member Bill Ennis, who organized the event, said. The Bastrop school district and Bastrop County Historical Society shared in hosting the celebration.

Minerva Delgado, the lead plaintiff for whom the case is named, took to the podium to share small snippets of her experience at Mina Ward, before narrowing in on the achievements she obtained after graduating from the city’s white public school, when she became a teacher, devoting her life to her students and the goal of making them feel equal, special and loved.

“Looking back, I realize what a gift it was that my grandparents gave my brother, my sister and myself a better life,” she said. “The way to achieve that was to receive a good education. I consider myself highly blessed and favored that God allowed me to teach so many children in my 46 years as a teacher.”

The city earlier this year decided to name a park in Delgado’s honor, which will open later this year at the intersection of Water and Laurel Streets on the north side. City officials showed the first renderings on Saturday, which include a basketball court, playscape and manicured open fields.

Purchasing the parkland was the last action by former Bastrop City Council Member Kay McAnally and the first for Bastrop Mayor Connie Schroeder, both of which said on Saturday it will go down as one of their proudest achievements — a way to recognize Bastrop’s rich Mexican-American heritage and its special role in civil rights.

“We’ve come a long way in 70 years, and today is a celebration of that journey,” McAnally said. “It is one of the most rewarding days of my life.”

Thursday, September 20, 2007

Segregation in U.S. schools rising

Wisconsin ranks high in separation, studies find
By ALAN J. BORSUK / Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
September 15, 2007

Mix two parts population growth (among Latino and African-American students) and one part population decline (white students). Fold in a continuing pattern in which whites, blacks and Latinos generally live separately from each other. Let the mixture steep in a much cooler climate - legal, political and social - toward integrating schools.

This recipe for re-segregation is the subject of two new national studies.

Both say the tide of desegregation that roiled America from the 1950s through the 1970s has turned, and the reduction in racial separation that often came via court order and school bus is being reversed.

But there is a twist: Largely because there are so many more minority students than in the past, fewer whites are going to schools that are all-white or close to it.

At the same time, the numbers of all-minority schools are increasing.

Within several years, for the first time, fewer than half of the nation's kindergarten through 12th-grade students will be white.

In each of the studies, Wisconsin was listed as one of the states where segregation, particularly for African-American students, is strong.

The findings come at the same time as the 50th anniversary of the integration of Central High School in Little Rock, Ark., a milestone in efforts to end legal segregation of schools.

And they come in the aftermath of a 5-4 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in June that overturned voluntary desegregation efforts in Louisville, Ky., and Seattle, and cast doubt on the constitutionality of remaining school assignment efforts based on race.

"Nearly 40 years after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., we have now lost almost all the progress made in the decades after his death in desegregating our schools," writes Gary Orfield, co-director of the Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles.

The data in the UCLA report and in the report from the Pew Hispanic Center show that the level of racial integration still is much higher now than 40 years ago, by most measures, but the trends in the last couple of decades have been toward segregation, especially in the South, the region where legal segregation was the most overt and efforts to change it the most sweeping.

In its report, the Pew Center says the percentage of white students attending schools that were at least 95% non-Hispanic white dropped from 34% in 1993-'94 to 21% in 2005-'06, but the percentage of Latino students in schools that were at least 95% minority rose from 25% to 29%.

For black students, the totals increased from 28% to 31%.

The UCLA report lists Wisconsin as having the 16th highest percentage (72%) of black students attending schools that are more than 50% black and the 11th highest percentage (41%) of black students attending schools that are more than 90% black.

It also puts Wisconsin among a half-dozen states where the percentage of black students attending schools that are more than 90% black at least doubled from 1991 to 2005.

Wisconsin has the 16th highest percentage (17%) of Latino students attending schools that are more than 90% Latino, the UCLA report says.

Using slightly different definitions, the Pew report says Wisconsin had the fifth-largest decline over 12 school years ending in 2005-'06 in the percentage of white students attending nearly all-white schools (from 58% to 31%) but had the second-highest increase in the percentage of black students attending nearly all-minority schools (17% to 32%).

No figures were released in either report for the Milwaukee area specifically, but it appears highly likely the national trends are true here.

While nearly-all-black or all-Hispanic schools are found frequently in the city and suburban schools remain predominantly white, it is much rarer to find, even in the suburbs, schools that have few, if any, minority students.

At the same time, the momentum behind school integration has faded. Little is being done to try to diversify the student bodies of individual schools in the city - the Milwaukee Public Schools system is less than 13% white - and participation in the voluntary city-suburban integration program known as Chapter 220 has decreased.

The voice on the issue heard most prominently in recent times in the African-American community was that of the African American Education Council, which called for reduced busing to be included as a goal for the new strategic plan for MPS.
Suburban schools

In the meantime, the state's open enrollment law is allowing an increasing number of students from the city, about two-thirds of them white, to go to predominantly white suburban schools.

"There are many parents who just don't see the value of (desegregation)," said Jerry Ann Hamilton, president of the Milwaukee chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

The organization, a key player in school integration efforts here going back to the 1960s, continues to support the idea.

"We see the value of people learning to live together at an early age," Hamilton said.

But, she said, "there's been a lack of interest on the part of everybody on whether (schools) should be integrated" and court-ordered school desegregation in Milwaukee, starting in 1976, did not turn out the way advocates hoped.

Black children bore a disproportionate share of the busing, which rubbed many African-Americans wrong, while thousands of white people moved out of the city.

Hamilton said in the South, there was great excitement about school integration when it first occurred because African-Americans thought their children would have the same educational opportunities white children had.

When that hope wasn't fulfilled, she said, "much of the glamour of integration diminished."

Orfield, who has spoken often in favor of school integration, writes, "Resegregation . . . is continuing to grow in all parts of the country for both African-Americans and Latinos and is accelerating the most rapidly in the only region that had been highly desegregated - the South."

Orfield writes that the evidence supporting the argument that integration boosts educational success for minority students is becoming clearer just as the practice is becoming rarer and as the connection between segregation and low educational outcomes remains strong.

Other efforts to increase minority student achievement, including the federal No Child Left Behind law, have much weaker track records or chances of succeeding, he argued.

"As the U.S. enters its last years in which it will have a majority of white students, it is betting its future on segregation," he wrote.

The Pew Hispanic Center report
The Civil Rights Project report

Thursday, September 13, 2007

Mass. Tells Districts Not to Rush Changes in Student-Assignment Plans

By Catherine Gewertz / Ed Week
September 13, 2007

Massachusetts is examining all 22 of its school districts’ state-approved desegregation plans, and a multidistrict desegregation program, to see if they are legally viable in the wake of a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that restricts the ways districts may use race to achieve diversity in school enrollments.

The Bay State is urging districts not to rush into changing their student-assignment plans for this school year, but to hold their course until the state’s attorney general, its education department, and the governor’s office complete their joint review.

For the rest of this story click here

Tuesday, July 24, 2007

Better Than Expected, Worse Than It Seems

Inside Higher Education

July 24, 2007

Better Than Expected, Worse Than It Seems

By Gary Orfield, Erica Frankenberg and Liliana M. Garces

There was a national sigh of relief on campuses in June when an
altered U.S. Supreme Court left standing the historic 2003 Grutter v.
Bollinger decision supporting affirmation action in admissions. There
had been widespread fear among civil rights advocates that a more
conservative Supreme Court would seriously undermine or even reverse
the 5-4 Grutter decision with its author, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor,
no longer on the Court. The voluntary school integration decision in
Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1
and Meredith v. Jefferson County Board of Education was, indeed, a
serious reversal for desegregation in K-12 schools but while divided
on the constitutionality of the school plans at issue in the cases,
all nine justices agreed that the decision had no impact on the
Grutter precedent. The rights of colleges to use race in admissions
decisions for student body diversity had survived scrutiny by the most
conservative Supreme Court in more than 70 years. Since the Supreme
Court rarely takes such cases, the Grutter precedent might last for a
while. While a bullet was dodged, optimism should be restrained. The
dike protecting affirmative action has held but the river that brings
diverse groups of students to colleges may be drying up as a result of
the latest decision.

Colleges and universities, especially selective institutions, tend to
draw their successful minority applicants from interracial schools and
their admissions offices know well that many of the segregated
minority high schools fail to prepare their students well enough to
succeed in college. Research by the Civil Rights Project has shown
that too many segregated urban high schools are “dropout factories”
where the main product is dropouts and successful preparation for
college is rare. Conservative economist Eric Hanushek found that the
damage was worst for the relatively high achieving black students, the
very students likely to comprise the college eligible pool. So making
segregation worse cuts the number of well prepared students. In
addition to academic preparation, students from segregated backgrounds
are also often not ready to function socially on a largely white,
affluent campus. It also means of course, that the most segregated
group of students in American schools, whites, also have less
preparation to deal successfully with diversity. So colleges may have
won, but also lost.

Even before the new decision, segregation had been on the rise for
almost two decades in American public schools, partially as a result
of three decisions by the Supreme Court limiting desegregation in the
1990s (Board of Education of Oklahoma City v. Dowell, Freeman v. Pitts
and Missouri v. Jenkins). Because this new decision struck down the
most common methods of creating integrated schools in districts
without court orders to desegregate, it will likely precipitate
further increases in segregation. Since 1980 the tools most commonly
used to create integrated schools combine parental choice of schools
with magnet programs and racial diversity guidelines. Now the
limitations that prevented transfers and magnet choices that increased
segregation are gone and districts have to decide whether to do
something more complex and multidimensional or abandon their
integration efforts. It remains to be seen what will happen in various
districts, of course, but the experience of other districts that have
ended the consideration of race as a criteria in their student
assignment policies suggests that race-neutral methods will lead to
resegregation and growing inequality.

Research thus suggests that there are two significant implications for
higher education to consider. First, rising segregation is likely to
bring a rise in educational inequality and less prepared black and
Latino students. Second, all incoming students are likely to have
fewer interracial experiences prior to attending college meaning they
will be less prepared for effective functioning in an interracial setting.

The Seattle and Louisville cases produced an outpouring of summaries
of a half century of research by a number of groups of scholars. A
subsequent review of the briefs by the non-partisan National Academy
of Education confirms the central premise of Brown v. Board of
Education that racially isolated minority schools offer students an
inferior education, which is likely to harm their future life
opportunities, such as graduation from high school and success in
college. Racially isolated minority schools are often unequal to
schools with higher percentages of white students in terms of tangible
resources, such as qualified, experienced teachers and college
preparatory curriculum, and intangible resources including low teacher
turnover and more middle-class peers ­ all of which are associated
with positive higher educational outcomes.

Although colleges and universities differ in their criteria and
process for admissions, common elements to their admissions decisions
for students include 1) whether a student has or will graduate from
high school, 2) standardized test scores, and 3) number of advanced
and Advanced Placement courses. Research consistently finds that
minority students graduate at significantly lower rates in racially
isolated minority schools; in fact, minority isolation is a
significant predictor of low graduation rates, even when holding
constant the effects of other school performance indicators. Academic
achievement scores of students are also lower in segregated minority
schools, and this effect can cumulate over time for students who spend
multiple years attending segregated schools. Finally, many
predominantly minority schools do not offer as extensive advanced
curricular opportunities and levels of academic competition as do
majority white or white and Asian schools.

In addition to offering different opportunities for academic
preparation, research has also found that integrated schools offer
minority students important connections to competitive higher
education and information about these options. There are strong ties
between successful high schools and selective colleges. Minority
students who graduate from integrated schools are more likely to have
access to the social and professional networks normally available to
middle class white students. For example, a study of Latino students
who excelled at elite higher educational institutions found that most
students had attended desegregated schools ­ and gained academic
confidence as well as critical knowledge about what they need to do to
accomplish their aspirations (e.g., which courses to take from other,
college-going students).

White students also lose if schools resegregate. Desegregation
advocates assert that public school desegregation is powerful and
essential because desegregated schools better prepare future citizens
for a multiracial society. A critical component of this preparation is
gaining the skills to work with people of diverse backgrounds.
Segregated schools in segregated neighborhoods leave white as well and
nonwhite students ill-prepared for what they will encounter in
colleges and university classes or in their dorms.

Over 50 years ago, Harvard psychologist Gordon Allport suggested that
one of the essential conditions to reducing prejudice was that people
needed to be in contact with one another, particularly under
appropriate conditions. Research in racially integrated schools
confirms that, by allowing for students of different races and
ethnicities to be in contact with one another, students can develop
improved cross-racial understanding and experience a reduction of
racial prejudice and bias. Importantly, research suggests that other
interventions such as studying about other groups are not as effective
or as long-lasting as actually being in contact with students of other
racial/ethnic backgrounds.

Research on graduates of racially integrated elementary and secondary
schools has also found that students who graduated from these settings
felt their integrated schooling experiences had better prepared them
for college, including being more interested in attending integrated
higher education institutions. The Civil Rights Project has surveyed
high school juniors in a number of major school systems around the
country and students in more diverse schools report feeling more
comfortable living and working with others of different backgrounds
than did their peers in segregated high schools.

As schools become more segregated, it will become more incumbent on
colleges and universities to intensify their outreach and retention
programs to improve access for all students, and to consider the extra
burdens borne by the victims of segregation who have done nothing to
deserve unequal opportunities. In particular, it will be critically
important for colleges and universities to continue to use race in
their outreach and retention programs. As colleges and universities
that have sought to defend affirmative action policies have long
understood and Justice Anthony M. Kennedy recently wrote, “The
enduring hope is that race should not matter, the reality is that too
often it does.” Further, the need to help students understand how to
productively live with others from diverse backgrounds will fall to
higher education. As other institutions retreat from mirroring the
racial diversity of our country, this may increasingly become a
responsibility universities must shoulder.

Our incoming students already have more limited interracial
experiences than the last generation of students, a trend that is
likely to only get worse. We hope that many school districts will
continue to value integration and seek more comprehensive policies
under the new guidelines set forth in Justice Kennedy’s controlling
opinion, but it is very likely that segregation will worsen. We
believe that university faculty and researchers who may have expertise
to assist local school districts find legal and workable solutions to
maintain diversity should offer support at this critical time.
Universities can also take a public leadership and education role in
continuing to argue for the importance of integrated educational
settings. These actions could help limit some of the ill effects of
the resegregation of local schools and help keep alive the legacy of
Brown in a period of judicial retreat.

Gary Orfield is a professor at the University of California at Los
Angeles and co-director of the Civil Rights Project/Proyecto Derechos
Civiles. Erica Frankenberg and Liliana M. Garces are doctoral
candidates at the Harvard University Graduate School of Education and
research assistants at the Civil Rights Project. Orfield and
Frankenberg are co-editors of a recently published book, Lessons in
Integration: Realizing the Promise of the Racial Diversity in American
Schools (University of Virginia Press). Garces, formerly a civil
rights lawyer, served as counsel of record in the 553 Social
Scientists brief submitted in support of the desegregation plans in
the Seattle and Louisville cases.