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Saturday, July 18, 2026

Beyond Technological Inevitability: Democratically Remaking the University Without Flooding the Zone, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D., July 18, 2026

Beyond Technological Inevitability: Democratically Remaking the University Without Flooding the Zone

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

July 19, 2026

In his provocative essay, “The University as We Know It Is Finished,” Nils Gilman argues that artificial intelligence is accelerating the collapse of the modern “multiversity”—the sprawling research university that combines teaching, research, credentialing, professional preparation, and student life within a single institution. This model, he contends, was already weakened by declining public investment, rising tuition, adjunctification, and an increasing emphasis on marketable credentials over liberal education. 

AI now exposes its deepest contradictions by making conventional lectures, term papers, standardized assessments, and routine information delivery increasingly easy to automate.

Gilman does not regard this disruption solely as a catastrophe. He argues that universities should move away from mass lectures and conventional papers toward seminars, oral examinations, live debate, collaborative problem-solving, and other forms of demonstrated reasoning. Professors would become less like transmitters of information and more like mentors and intellectual interlocutors. 

At the same time, the liberal arts—history, philosophy, literature, and political theory—would become more, not less, important because they cultivate judgment, ethical reasoning, historical understanding, taste, and the distinctly human capacity to determine which goals are worth pursuing.

Gilman is especially critical of the recently published report of the Yale Committee on Trust in Higher Education. Although the report addresses affordability, admissions, intellectual pluralism, academic freedom, classroom practices, and other sources of public dissatisfaction, Gilman argues that its discussion of AI is strikingly cursory. 

It treats faculty members’ struggles with AI largely as a problem of syllabus and classroom redesign rather than confronting AI as a force capable of restructuring the economics, practices, and institutional organization of knowledge itself. Yale’s report presents twenty recommendations intended to rebuild public confidence, including measures concerning affordability, openness, free expression, admissions, teaching, and the university’s public mission.

I share Gilman’s concern about the report, but my own misgivings go further. As I have written previously, the Yale report is serious and welcome, but it feels incomplete (Valenzuela, 2026). It names many of the symptoms of declining trust while largely sidestepping the political conditions producing them. Its framework can consequently read as a technocratic conversation about institutional repair—better communication, greater transparency, more intellectual openness, and renewed attention to affordability—rather than an account of the organized political forces seeking to reshape higher education.

The crisis is not simply that portions of the public have lost confidence in universities. Nor can distrust be understood as a matter of perception alone. We must also examine the political economy of higher education, the intensifying role of the state in regulating knowledge, and the emergence of an anti-democratic coalition seeking to centralize governance, discipline faculty, restrict fields of inquiry, and redefine the university’s public mission. 

The racialized dimensions of this campaign are also crucial. Accusations of ideological “bias” are increasingly used to delegitimize the disciplines and programs that examine race, inequality, gender, history, and power. A discussion of trust that does not adequately address these political developments risks mistaking an organized project of institutional transformation for a public-relations problem.

This omission is especially consequential because the dizzying speed of technological change coincides with the Trump administration’s shock-and-awe, flood-the-zone approach to higher education. Rapid and overlapping investigations, funding pressures, executive actions, lawsuits, and demands for institutional change can overwhelm universities’ capacity to deliberate, organize, and respond. Legal scholars have characterized the use of federal funding to compel ideological conformity and alter university governance as a fundamental threat to institutional autonomy and academic freedom.

The convergence of these forces matters. Technological disruption creates pressure to act quickly, while political disruption weakens the conditions necessary for thoughtful and independent decision-making. Under such circumstances, declarations that the university is “finished” can become self-fulfilling—or provide intellectual cover for those already seeking to dismantle public higher education, weaken faculty governance, narrow academic freedom, and redefine universities according to partisan and commercial priorities. The speed of change is therefore not merely a technological or administrative problem. It is itself a democratic problem.

Ultimately, Gilman predicts that research, teaching, residential life, and credentialing may become separated into different institutions. AI may not destroy higher education, he argues, but it will force universities to reconsider what education is actually for and which distinctly human capacities they are responsible for developing.

Yet his argument raises a larger question: Does Gilman underestimate the university’s democratic, public, and community-serving purposes by treating its transformation primarily as a technological problem? Universities do more than transmit information, develop cognitive skills, or award credentials. At their best, they preserve historical memory, sustain independent inquiry, prepare people for democratic participation, produce knowledge in the public interest, and provide spaces in which society’s most difficult conflicts can be examined rather than suppressed.

How universities respond to AI should therefore not be determined exclusively by technology companies, consultants, governing boards, political appointees, or university presidents operating under emergency conditions. These decisions should be made democratically through meaningful participation by faculty, students, staff, communities, and the broader public. Major changes to curriculum, assessment, faculty roles, research priorities, data governance, and institutional structure require deliberation, transparency, experimentation, and genuine shared governance—not another version of shock and awe.

Trust cannot be restored through messaging or institutional repair alone. We must also talk about power. The defense of higher education must rest on democratic clarity: a clear understanding of who is seeking to transform the university, whose knowledge is being restricted, whose interests are being served, and who will have a voice in determining what comes next.

The challenge posed by AI is therefore not simply to redesign assignments or disaggregate institutional functions. It is to ensure that the remaking of the university does not occur through speed, exhaustion, political coercion, administrative fiat, or claims of technological inevitability. The fundamental question is not only what kind of university can survive AI, but what kind of university a democratic society should choose to preserve—and collectively create.

Reference

Gilman, N. (2026, June 17). The university as we know it is finished: That’s a good thing, Substack. Gilman, N. (2026, June 17). The university as we know it is finished: That’s a good thing. https://www.persuasion.community/p/the-multiversity-is-finished

Valenzuela, A. (2026, April 28). The wrong crisis: What the Yale report misses in the age of manufactured mistrust [Blog post], Educational Equity, Politics and Policy in Texashttps://texasedequity.blogspot.com/2026/04/the-wrong-crisis-what-yale-report.html


The University As We Know It Is Finished
That’s a good thing. by Nils Gilman
Jun 17, 2026 | Substack



Clark Kerr (center), president of the University of California, at Occidental 
graduation, 1958. (Photo by Los Angeles Examiner/USC Libraries/Corbis.)

When University of California President Clark Kerr delivered the Godkin Lectures at Harvard in 1963, published shortly thereafter as The Uses of the University, he was doing something unusual for an academic administrator: he was offering a sophisticated social theory, and doing so with wit. In these lectures, Kerr coined the term “multiversity” to describe what the postwar American research university had become. In Kerr’s account, the modern university was no longer to be understood as a community of scholars united by a shared ideal of learning, but rather as a sprawling institutional conglomerate serving at once as a research engine, a job-training facility, a credentialing mechanism, a coming-of-age experience, and an incubator of the national technical elite. The University of California, which Kerr had just finished steering through a near-decade of explosive growth, was his exemplar.

Kerr was a droll man. He once observed that the three great problems facing any university president were “parking for the faculty, athletics for the alumni, and sex for the students.” He described the university faculty (and I can confirm from personal experience that this remains accurate) as “a series of individual faculty entrepreneurs held together by a common grievance over parking.” And when Ronald Reagan made good on his 1966 gubernatorial campaign promise to fire him for being too lenient with the Free Speech Movement protesters, Kerr offered one of the great farewell lines in American academic history: “I leave the University of California as I arrived: fired with enthusiasm!”

Despite the jokes, Kerr was a serious man. The argument underneath The Uses of the University was that the multiversity, precisely because of its sprawl and apparent incoherence, was the institutional master key of mid-century American civilization. It was the nexus at which basic scientific knowledge was produced, technical and professional talent was credentialed, democratic citizenship was cultivated, and the national project of technological supremacy was advanced. The multiversity didn’t need to be coherent in order to be functionally useful as a platform for what Kerr called “administering the present.” He wrote with the high modernist confidence of someone who believed that hierarchical technocratic institutions, if competently managed, could keep these various volatile elements in balance.

Kerr’s dismissal by Reagan in 1967 was, in a sense, the first indicator and warning of the crisis of the high modernist technocratic model that he championed and sought to institutionalize through the multiversity.

It is time to acknowledge that Kerr’s model of higher education is finished: long on its last legs, the arrival of AI announces its death-knell. What comes next is disaggregation: the multiversity as we know it being disassembled into its component parts. This need not, however, be a catastrophe for higher education. Actually, in many ways, it represents an opportunity to return to roots, in a classical model of education and in attentive pedagogical instruction. But higher education can only weather this period of disruption if it is clear-eyed about what is happening and moves confidently toward a new model.

The Crisis of the University Is Not New

The present crisis of the American university began building already sixty years ago as the postwar bargain that Kerr’s vision embodied started to fray. What followed was a slow-motion privatization of university finances, producing a slow-motion tuition hyperinflation that has burdened a generation of students with debt while hollowing out the public mission of the university. The shift from grants to loans, from tenured faculty to mass adjunctification, and from a broad education in the liberal arts to vocational credentialism all occurred under the banner of making universities more “responsive to market demands.” In practice, this has meant transferring cost from the public to the individual “student consumer,” while defunding the parts of the institution that didn’t produce monetizable outputs. The net result has been the ever-upward-spiraling costs of undergraduate education, without a corresponding increase in the value of educational training or credentialling, and a loss of political support for the mission of universities. These financial and political travails have heightened the contradictions between the disparate missions and functions of the multiversity.

Into this increasingly unstable compound, add AI.

The arrival of large language models is acting as a catalytic solvent, titrating out the incoherence that was always there. When a student can produce a plausible term paper in twenty minutes using Claude Opus or Google Gemini, what is the point of assigning term papers? When an AI tutor can explain any concept at any level of sophistication with infinite patience, what is the value of a lecturer reading from notes? When AI can ace most standardized professional examinations, what is a credential certifying? These are old problems that AI has made it impossible to ignore.

Beyond the pedagogic challenges posed by the arrival of LLMs, AI is also exposing that the Kerrian bundle held together for as long as it did because its components shared a common and venerable set of technologies of knowledge transmission: the book, the lecture, the problem set, the written examination. In a pre-LLM world, these formats made cognitive demands of students that were difficult to simulate or shortcut. That is no longer true. AI doesn’t just automate some of the tasks associated with these formats; it renders the formats themselves obsolete as instruments of either intellectual discipline or assessment. And when the shared technological substrate dissolves, the contradictions built into the multiversity from the beginning become impossible to paper over. 

The world-class research mission and the undergraduate teaching mission have always been in tension. The prestige economy that rewards publications over pedagogy always distorted faculty incentives. The credentialing function was always only loosely connected to the educational one. These were the open secrets of the American research university. In a post-AI world, these divergences are being rendered untenable.

It is striking, then, that the most widely discussed recent attempt at university self-examination, the April 2026 Report of the Yale Committee on Trust in Higher Education, barely registered any of this reality. The report was in some ways an admirable document. It was clear-eyed about costs, scathing about admissions opacity, and candid about the political monoculture that has eroded public trust across partisan lines. Yet its treatment of AI was cursory to the point of negligence: a few sentences in the section on the classroom, expressing uncertainty about AI’s effects and noting that faculty are “scrambling to redesign syllabi.” It is remarkable that a report tasked with understanding why public trust in higher education is collapsing would fail to reckon with the technology that is restructuring the economics and logic of knowledge work. It suggests that even the most self-aware corners of the academy are still treating AI as a pedagogical inconvenience (or literal cheat-code) rather than what it actually is: the force that is making the entire inherited architecture of the multiversity impossible to sustain.

The Co-curricular Dodge

So how should the university respond to this crisis of purpose, identity, and even faith? The most popular present answer in certain administrative circles to this question is an emphasis on the “co-curricular,” that is, on residential life and human connection as the university’s irreducible value in an age of AI tutors. Perhaps the most cited proposal is Molly Worthen’s New York Times piece from three years ago, “Why Universities Should Be More Like Monasteries,” which argued that universities should offer radically low-tech, high-presence educational environments.

This argument isn’t meritless: there is evidence that learning works differently when embedded in community, that chance hallway encounters with faculty members, late-night bull sessions in the dormitory common room, and heated dining hall debates are often the most generative moments of learning. Students’ own accounts of what matters most in college consistently center on relationships, belonging, and dialogue. The argument for residential education, for the ancient model of the Platonic Academy as gymnasium and garden as much as classroom, is stronger now than it has been in decades.

This is continuous with a long-standing function of universities as sites for passage from childhood to adulthood, for coming to a new understanding of oneself. In the 1960s more than four fifths of college freshmen reported that a major goal of college was to help themselves “develop a meaningful philosophy of life,” a number which collapsed by half in the 1970s and 1980s. A reemphasis on the co-curricular could help revivify this ideal, which would in turn help prepare students for the AI-forward world they are entering. As Anthropic cofounder Jack Clark recently argued, the people who will most benefit from AI are those who have first built deep, idiosyncratic human capacities through “repetitive practice and creation.” The machines will work best when helping you to amplify what you’ve already made of yourself.

But by itself, the co-curricular is an evasion. It leaves untouched the question that determines what students and families are paying for: what happens in the curriculum, in the classroom, in the formal educational encounter. That is where reform needs to be most radical, and where the response of universities so far has been most quavering. If the primary response of universities to the most dramatic new knowledge technology in decades, one that employers everywhere are expecting employees everywhere to use, is to demand that students stick cotton in their ears and keep rowing, it will only hasten their decline into institutional redundancy, if not irrelevance.


Cognitive Requirements in the Age of AI

Any reimagining of the university in the age of AI must begin with an honest reckoning with what AI cannot do—and what therefore becomes relatively valuable precisely because AI can do everything else. The key distinction is between work that AI does well (such as synthesis of known patterns, argument elaboration, template instantiation, and generating local coherence) and work it structurally cannot do because of the architecture of the technology as such. AI cannot build the trust on which institutional cooperation depends, because trust is not a conclusion reached by processing information about another agent but instead is a relationship constituted over time between persons who have staked something on each other, and who can be betrayed. AI cannot give a person good taste or style, because taste and style are about personal distinctiveness within a community which shares an aesthetic. AI cannot constitute goals, because that act requires a valuing subject. These are not gaps that more compute will close. They are absences that follow from the ontology of the technology itself.

A curriculum designed around AI’s limitations should be seen neither as an exercise in nostalgia nor as a denial of the burgeoning power of these systems. In fact, given the trajectory of AI capabilities, it is the only curriculum with any hope of finding a stable foundation.

What does this mean in practice? Start with the most obvious casualty: the term paper, as an assessment instrument, is dead. Written homework assignments were meant to push (and test) a student’s ability to produce a well-structured, coherently argued text. But this is exactly what LLMs do effortlessly and without demanding of the user any of the underlying cognitive work for which the traditional term paper was supposed to be a proxy. This included sustained argumentative reason: the ability to construct and maintain a complex argument across an extended piece of discourse, distinguishing claims from evidence, handling counterarguments, and reaching a defensible conclusion. Written assignments also demanded epistemic self-regulation, that is, the metacognitive capacity to monitor one’s own understanding, recognize gaps in evidence, revise positions in response to what the evidence shows rather than what one hoped to find. This pedagogically valuable work always operated below the waterline of the actual output of a term paper; what LLMs do is deliver results that simulate these actions without putting the students through their cognitive paces.

The replacement, as many education researchers are arguing, is live assessment and demonstration: real-time diagnosis of novel situations, design critique, structured adversarial debate, and Socratic examination. These formats test the ability to sense-make under pressure, defend a frame against live challenge, revise a model when evidence contradicts rather than confirms it, and recognize when uncertainty is too high to proceed. In practical terms: collaborative student projects will require documented decision logs tracing reasoning behind commitments, the canonical deliverable shifts from polished artifact to demonstrated live reasoning, and oral examinations and hand-written exams will become the primary assessment instruments. But despite this emerging consensus among education researchers, institutional practice has barely moved.

If the post-AI university’s pedagogic value proposition is the formation of cognitive capacity in conditions that cannot be replicated on a screen, then the function and responsibilities of faculty members must also be reconceived. It clearly no longer makes sense for professors to stand in front of a hall full (or, too often, only half full) of students delivering lectures. As a mechanism of information conveyance, AI can now provide the same at near-zero cost, tailor-made to the specific knowledge gaps of individual students. Instead, professors must reconceive of themselves as interlocutors, serving as performative models of how to calibrate uncertainty and revise frames in real time. The classroom experience should focus on helping students to understand how to constitute a goal rather than generate a text in response to a prompt provided by the professor.

This is something closer to the Oxbridge tutorial system, the clinical ward round, or the seminars of many small liberal arts colleges in the United States. These pedagogies were once defended on grounds of tradition or prestige. The post-AI argument is structural: they are the delivery mechanisms for exactly the cognitive capacities that the architecture of AI cannot replicate, because those capacities are developed only by being exercised, not described. Interestingly, this means that the coming of AI is going to mean there will be demand for more professors, rather than fewer.

None of this implies that faculty should pretend AI does not exist, or that the tutorial and seminar should be conducted in proud ignorance of a tool students will be spending the rest of their professional lives using. The opposite is true. Faculty should integrate LLMs directly and deliberately into their instruction as tools that need to be used correctly in order to not be harmful. (The analogy of a blowtorch or a chainsaw comes to mind: these are useful tools, but you need to learn how to use them safely.) Teaching a student to prompt effectively is teaching them to think precisely about what they want to know and why; it is, in this sense, an exercise in goal constitution. Teaching students to evaluate an LLM’s output critically by scrutinizing the machine’s often over-confident syntheses against evidentiary standards defined by the phenomenological reality of the external and material world is teaching them epistemic provenance tracking and calibrated self-assessment. LLMs can also become objects of critical study in their own right: students should be asked to assess why the model did not produce exactly what they had a priori in mind when they initiated the interaction. Handled this way, LLMs can serve as clarifying instruments in the pursuit of the classical objectives of enlightened education: the inculcation of critical thinking and logical reasoning, rhetorical and communicative competence, aesthetic appreciation and the cultivation of taste, moral and ethical reasoning, and ultimately the ideal of self-knowledge and Bildung.

This brings us to the content of the curriculum itself. As I recently argued in Noema, if the goal of a college curriculum is (as it should be) to inculcate oral reasoning and persuasion, ethical analysis and moral judgment, historical and comparative thinking, and the cultivation of taste and discrimination, then we are precisely in the domain of the classical curriculum of the liberal arts. Skills such as goal constitution, situated judgment, and value alignment are exactly the capacities that a serious engagement with history, philosophy, literature, and political theory develops. History trains temporal imagination and frame revision; philosophy trains epistemic precision and the discipline of distinguishing solid argument from vapid sophistry; literature sharpens an appreciation for style and a feeling for hidden meaning; political theory trains the recognition of suppressed goal contestation and the conditions for legitimate alignment. Together they enable students to imagine lives unlike their own, a hugely valuable experience in a world changing as fast as ours.

How to convey the content of these disciplines to students is going to have to change dramatically from the homogenous one-to-many mass-delivery model of the postwar multiversity, but the content is perfectly classical. The university’s present crisis of purpose is, in this light, at least in part a crisis of having abandoned its own best tradition in pursuit of vocational or technical training that AI is now rendering obsolete.

But Does It Scale?

The central challenge for universities will be how to move toward this model at scale. The tutorial and seminar model is labor-intensive by design: a professor working as interlocutor rather than lecturer can engage only a fraction of the students she could previously reach from a podium. The skills required of faculty will also need to change substantially. Under the old model, a brilliant researcher delivered expected value simply by speaking one-to-many; the new model requires someone with the pedagogic sensitivity to calibrate each student’s specific confusions and capacities—qualities that research prowess neither produces nor rewards. Elite universities in particular have built their faculties almost entirely around research achievement, with teaching treated as a secondary obligation. Reconceiving the professoriate will mean altering tenure criteria and promotion incentives, and it will face fierce resistance from scholars whose professional identities are bound up in the research function. None of this is impossible, but none of it will be easy. No doubt some tenured faculty will pour boulders and boiling oil down the side of their ivory towers to prevent these changes from taking place.

Longer term, however, we should expect the disruption caused by AI to be not just pedagogical but to the structure of the university as such. Kerr’s great insight was that the multiversity’s incoherence was not a bug but a feature—that a loosely bundled institution mirrored a loosely bundled society by providing something for everyone, from the Nobel laureate to the newbie grad student, from the NIH grant-seeker to the remedial English student. What held those disparate functions together was a social infrastructure of knowledge transmission: the laboratory, the lecture hall, the examination, the credential. Once AI can provide information delivery at near-zero cost there is no longer a compelling reason why research, teaching, and credentialing need be co-located in the same institution. What will replace the multiversity is likely to be not one thing but several: research centers that focus exclusively on the new-knowledge-production business; independent communal residence facilities that know they are in the coming-of-age business; and teaching systems that are honest about what skills they are inculcating. Even credentials from the most exclusive universities may not retain much social signaling value.

Clark Kerr would have recognized this moment. He was no naïf about the multiversity’s contradictions; but he also believed that competent management could hold them in productive tension. What he did not foresee was that the tension would be dissolved not by political upheaval—as it nearly was in 1964, when the student movement that eventually got him fired also signaled the coming fracture of the postwar liberal-technocratic consensus—but by technological rupture. The irony is that the research university, which Kerr celebrated as the engine of American technopolitical supremacy, incubated the very instrument that is now rendering untenable the research university’s inherited form.

What the students who booed the mention of AI at recent commencement ceremonies this spring were registering, in the way that students have always registered institutional failures, is that they were not getting what they came for. But as with more than one student movement before them, just because they rightly identified a structural problem doesn’t mean that they have particularly good ideas about what a better institution would look like. Just as Kerr recast the University of California to match the liberal-technocratic imperatives of the postwar period, so do visionary college leaders today have an opportunity to remake the university to match the requirements of an economy that will be redefined by AI. Achieving this will be a generational project.


Nils Gilman is Senior Advisor to the Berggruen Institute and former Associate Chancellor of UC Berkeley.

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What Florida's Illegitimate "Stop WOKE Act" Ruling means for Texas, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

What Florida's Illegitimate "Stop WOKE Act" Ruling means for Texas

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

July 18, 2026

The federal courts have now said plainly what many educators, students, civil rights advocates, and defenders of academic freedom have been saying for years: the state cannot turn the university classroom into an ideological command center.

As reported by Politico, a divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit struck down key higher education provisions of Florida’s so-called Stop WOKE Act, the 2022 law championed by Governor Ron DeSantis to restrict how race, gender, white privilege, systemic racism, sexism, and related concepts could be taught in public colleges and universities. The ruling is a major blow to one of the signature laws in the anti-DEI, anti-“woke,” anti-academic freedom playbook.

The court’s language is striking. Judge Britt Grant, a Trump appointee, called Florida’s theory a “breathtaking assertion of power to ban unpopular ideas from public discourse” in the very classrooms where students are supposed to wrestle with difficult ideas (Atterbury, 2026). The court also stated that, “If the First Amendment offers any boundary of protection at all for public university classrooms, this statute crosses it" (Atterbury, 2026).

That language matters. It refuses the cynical argument that because professors at public universities are paid by the state, their teaching becomes government speech. In other words, the state cannot simply say: “We pay your salary, therefore we own your mind, your syllabus, your interpretation of history, and your professional judgment.”

This is not a small legal technicality. It is a profound defense of the university as a space of inquiry.

The Stop WOKE Act sought to regulate not simply what could be said, but which perspectives could be made available to students. It targeted concepts involving racism, sexism, privilege, unconscious bias, and systemic inequality, while imposing serious institutional and employment penalties. 

The Legal Defense Fund noted that violations carried potentially severe consequences: universities could lose access to state performance funding, while individual instructors could face dismissal. The ACLU’s case describes the law as a classroom censorship measure that severely restricted educators and students from learning and talking about race and gender in higher education classrooms.

This ruling therefore speaks beyond Florida. It speaks to a broader authoritarian impulse in state policy: the effort to use legislative power to chill teaching, narrow curriculum, punish dissent, intimidate faculty, and erase the histories and lived experiences of Black, Latinx, Indigenous, Asian American, LGBTQIA+, women, immigrant, and other marginalized communities.

For Florida, the decision is a repudiation of a governing strategy that has treated public higher education as a battlefield for culture war politics. The state’s attack on “wokeness” has not been about intellectual openness. It has been about control—control over language, history, curriculum, faculty governance, hiring, student support, and institutional mission.

Florida has become a testing ground for this politics, from the Stop WOKE Act to the hostile takeover of New College of Florida. The goal has been to remake public higher education not as a democratic public good, but as an instrument of state ideology. The Eleventh Circuit ruling interrupts that project and reaffirms that the First Amendment still has something to say when politicians attempt to police the boundaries of knowledge.

For Texas, the ruling should be read carefully.

Texas’ SB 17 is not identical to Florida’s Stop WOKE Act. SB 17 focuses primarily on banning diversity, equity, and inclusion offices, programs, required DEI statements, and certain DEI-related activities at public institutions of higher education. The University of Texas at Austin describes SB 17 as a law that prohibits public institutions from engaging in specified DEI activities, effective January 1, 2024. The enrolled bill itself amends the Texas Education Code to regulate “diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives at public institutions of higher education.”

Still, the family resemblance is unmistakable. Florida’s law and Texas’ law emerge from the same national movement. Both are premised on the idea that state legislatures should decide which institutional commitments to equity are permissible, which histories may be taught without fear, which student supports may exist, and which words become suspect.

The consequences of SB 17 were already severe within months of its implementation. On May 14, 2024, then–University of Texas System Chancellor J. B. Milliken testified before the Texas Senate Subcommittee on Higher Education that UT institutions had closed 21 DEI offices, eliminated 311 full- and part-time positions that had previously focused on DEI, and canceled 681 contracts, programs, and trainings. Milliken estimated that more than $25 million had been saved or redirected to other university purposes. These figures came from Milliken’s legislative testimony—not from a separate UT System report—and were documented in the official Senate hearing and contemporary reporting by KUT (Fogel, 2026).

The Florida ruling does not automatically invalidate Texas’ SB 17. But it does send an unmistakable warning: when state policy crosses from governance into viewpoint discrimination, when it chills academic speech, when it punishes institutions or educators for making certain ideas available to students, it enters dangerous constitutional territory.

This is especially important because anti-DEI laws rarely operate only through their text. They operate through fear. They invite over-compliance. They encourage administrators to preemptively close programs, cancel events, rename offices, erase webpages, avoid words, discipline faculty, and interpret the law more broadly than required in order to avoid political retaliation.

That is how censorship works in practice. It does not always arrive as a direct order. Sometimes it arrives as a memo, a compliance training, a legislative hearing, a threat to funding, or a phone call from someone who “just wants to make sure” the university understands the political climate.

The Eleventh Circuit’s ruling pushes back against this climate of fear. It reminds us that public universities are not simply agencies of the state. They are institutions with a democratic function: to cultivate inquiry, foster debate, preserve knowledge, produce research, and educate students capable of thinking critically about the world they inherit.

That democratic function is especially urgent in states like Florida and Texas, where demographic change, racial inequality, attacks on public education, and struggles over curriculum are deeply intertwined. The fight over DEI is not only about university bureaucracy or so-called "viewpoint diversity." It is about whether public institutions will tell the truth about our histories and prepare students to build a more just future.

The deeper question is who gets to decide what students are allowed to know?

If politicians can ban disfavored ideas in the name of “anti-discrimination,” then anti-discrimination law itself is turned upside down. Rather than protecting people from exclusion, it becomes a weapon for suppressing conversations about exclusion. Rather than expanding freedom, it narrows the intellectual life of the university.

That is why this ruling matters. It reasserts the university as a place where difficult ideas may be confronted rather than prohibited, where professors exercise professional judgment rather than serve as instruments of the state, and where education prepares students for democratic thought—not political obedience.

For Florida, the ruling is a devastating rebuke to the DeSantis administration’s effort to govern higher education through ideological prohibition.

For Texas, it is a cautionary signal that laws targeting DEI, Ethnic Studies, gender studies, race-conscious inquiry, and academic freedom may face serious constitutional scrutiny when they attempt to control speech, viewpoint, curriculum, or the conditions under which faculty and students pursue knowledge.

And for the rest of us, it is a reminder that higher education must be defended not only as a workplace or a credentialing system, but as one of the remaining public spaces where democracy can still be practiced.

This decision does not end the struggle. Florida may continue to litigate. Texas lawmakers may continue to expand their attacks. Other states may refine their strategies. But the ruling gives educators, students, civil rights groups, faculty organizations, and communities a powerful language of resistance.

A university worthy of the name cannot be built on state-mandated silence.

It must be a place where students can ask hard questions, where faculty can teach with integrity, where histories of racism and resistance are not erased, and where the freedom to learn is understood as inseparable from the freedom to teach.

That is the meaning of this ruling. And that is why it matters far beyond Florida. 

There's a lot more to the policy context, of course, with other bills like SB 12 and SB 37 at play, the former restricting instruction, programming, student support, and educator conduct in K–12 schools, and the latter impacting faculty governance, changing controls curricula and academic programs. The cumulative effect is a vertically integrated system of ideological control stretching from prekindergarten through graduate education.

References

Atterbury, A. (2026, July 7). “Breathtaking assertion of power”: Appeals court slams door on Florida “Stop WOKE” law championed by DeSantis,Politicohttps://www.politico.com/news/2026/07/07/florida-desantis-stop-woke-law-ruling-00988728

Fogel, B. (2024, May 14). Are public universities doing enough to comply with Texas’ DEI ban? Lawmakers will decide, KUT 90.5https://www.kut.org/education/2024-05-14/are-public-universities-doing-enough-to-comply-with-texas-dei-ban-lawmakers-will-decide

Pernell v. Commissioner of the Florida State Board of Education, Nos. 22-13992, 22-13994 & 23-10616 (11th Cir. July 7, 2026). https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca11/23-10616/23-10616-2026-07-07.html

Texas Legislature. (2025). Senate Bill 12, 89th Legislature, Regular Session: Enrolled version.

Texas Legislature. (2025). Senate Bill 37, 89th Legislature, Regular Session: Enrolled version.

Texas Senate, Subcommittee on Higher Education. (2024, May 14). Senate Subcommittee on Higher Education [Video recording].


‘Breathtaking assertion of power’: Appeals court slams door on Florida ‘Stop Woke’ law championed by DeSantis

The decision from a divided 2-1 panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit is a devastating, possibly final blow to the so-called Stop WOKE act touted by the DeSantis administration.



Florida’s Legislature approved the “anti-woke” legislation touted by Gov. Ron DeSantis in 2022. The state, though, has been blocked from enforcing the policies ever since. | Lynne Sladky/AP

By Andrew Atterbury

07/07/2026 02:25 PM EDT|Updated: 07/07/2026 05:35 PM EDT

TALLAHASSEE, Florida — Florida’s anti-woke law restricting how lessons on race and gender can be taught in colleges and universities — policies championed by Gov. Ron DeSantis — violates the free speech rights of professors, a panel of appeals court judges ruled Tuesday.

The decision from a divided 2-1 panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit is a devastating, possibly final blow to the so-called Stop WOKE Act touted by the DeSantis administration. The judges affirmed a 2022 decision that labeled Florida’s rules as “positively dystopian,” doubling down by arguing the law is “a breathtaking assertion of power to ban unpopular ideas from public discourse” in the very classroom space where students are supposed to “puzzle through ideas that are good and bad, easy and hard, ideally getting ever closer to the truth.”

“If the First Amendment offers any boundary of protection at all for public university classrooms, this statute crosses it,” Judge Britt C. Grant, an appointee of President Donald Trump, wrote in the opinion.

Grant was joined by Judge Charles R. Wilson, a Bill Clinton appointee, in the ruling. But another Trump-appointed judge, Barbara Lagoa — a former Florida Supreme Court judge picked by DeSantis — wrote a striking dissent of the decision, contending the First Amendment “does not compel all viewpoints to be worthy of state-sponsored endorsement.”

“This panel is not free to rewrite precedent simply because we dislike where it leads,” Lagoa wrote.

Florida’s Republican-led Legislature approved the “anti-woke” legislation, H.B. 7, or the Individual Freedom Act, in 2022. The state, though, has been blocked from enforcing the policies as it has been fighting in court ever since.

Directly inspired by DeSantis, the law expanded Florida’s anti-discrimination laws to prohibit schools and companies from leveling guilt or blame to students and employees based on race or sex. As such, it targets lessons over issues like “white privilege” by creating new protections for students and workers, including that a person should not be instructed to “feel guilt, anguish, or any other form of psychological distress” due to their race, color, sex or national origin.

The other portion of Florida’s law restricting what DeSantis called “woke” workplace trainings faced a similar fate after also being rejected by an 11th Circuit panel. And, notably, it was Grant who wrote that opinion, decrying the DeSantis-backed policies as “the greatest First Amendment sin” for penalizing certain viewpoints on the job.

Tuesday’s higher education ruling was triggered by two lawsuits that have been fighting the Stop WOKE law for years. One of the lawsuits was filed by Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, a nonprofit free speech group, on behalf of a University of South Florida professor, student, and student group, while the other was brought by the ACLU, ACLU of Florida and Legal Defense Fund on behalf of students and educators.

Both challenges alleged that the legislation pushed by DeSantis violates their freedom of speech, evidenced by how it could restrict lessons on critical topics, claiming it’s a discriminatory classroom censorship law that severely restricts how race and gender can be taught and talked about in schools.

“This ruling sets a strong precedent that higher education cannot be limited to the whims of politicians,” Leah Watson, senior staff attorney with the ACLU’s Racial Justice Program, said in a statement Tuesday.

FIRE, meanwhile, also celebrated the decision and its implications for higher education:

“Today’s important decision means that college remains a place where professors and students are allowed to debate controversial topics — even if politicians disagree with them,” said Greg H. Greubel, FIRE senior attorney.

The DeSantis administration did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the ruling. State Attorney General James Uthmeier, though, did throw praise at Lagoa.

“Barbara Lagoa may be the best jurist in our country,” Uthmeier said on social media. “She should be on SCOTUS.”

Friday, July 17, 2026

INVITATION: “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter, Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance & Black Freedom in North America” AT THE ESB-MACC, Sat., July 25, 2026

Friends:

I am honored to share this important community symposium, “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter—Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance,” taking place Saturday, July 25, at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center in Austin.

Bringing together descendants, scholars, genealogists, and community historians, the symposium will illuminate Silvia Hector Webber’s extraordinary legacy and the broader histories of Black resistance, freedom-seeking, and cross-border liberation in North America. It will also recognize the vital work descendants are leading to preserve their families’ histories, cultural traditions, and historic sites.

The symposium is part of the Webber Family Preservation Project, with funding from the Mellon Foundation. Sponsors and partners include the City of Austin, the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center, Academia Cuauhtli, the Tejano Genealogy Society of Austin, and the League of United Latin American Citizens.

The event is free and open to the public. Please join us for a powerful day of learning, remembrance, and community.

-Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.







Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance. A Symposium For Descendant & Scholars.

Saturday, July 25
10:00 a.m. - 7:00 p.m.
Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center
600 River Street, Austin TX 78701
Free to Attend



RSVP on Eventbrite


Our symposium “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter, Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance & Black Freedom in North America” will be held at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center in Austin Texas on Saturday July 25, 2026. This symposium will not only highlight the Webber Family history in Texas but other descendants who have taken the lead in the preservation and restoration of their history, culture, and sites. Join us for a day of learning, empowering, and sharing.

This symposium is part of the Webber Family Preservation Project’s ongoing work with funding provided by the Mellon Foundation. Our partners and sponsors in this symposium are the City Of Austin, The Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center, Academia Cuauhtli, Tejano Genealogy Society of Austin, and The League Of United Latin American Citizens.
EVENT SCHEDULE (subject to change)

10:00-10:15 am

Welcome & Introduction of Keynote Speaker Dr. María Esther Hammack


10:15-11:00

Inaugural Keynote by Dr. Cheryl LaRoche


11:00-11:10

Brief Break

11:10-12:00 noon

Panel 1: The Legacy of Silvia Hector Webber & the Role of Her Descendants in Reclaiming Her Story. Chair: Dr. Theresa Gatling. Speakers: OJ Treviño, Sofia Bravo, ZaDarius Webber, Victorianna Mejia.

12:00-1:00 pm

Panel 2: Beyond Harriet Tubman: Visibilizing Black Women’s Resistance in North America. Chair: Dr. Angela Valenzuela. Speakers: Dr. Jazma Sutton, Dr. Rolonda Teal.

1:00pm-1:55pm

Catered Lunch

2:00pm-3:15 pm

Panel 3: Bridging Underground Railroads: A Continental Overview of Freedom Pursuits. Chair: TBD. Speakers: Kimberly Simmons, Corina Torralba, Russell Contreras.


3:15pm-3:30pm

Break

3:30pm-4:30 pm

Panel 4: The Consequence of Reclaiming Your Ancestors’ Stories. Chair: Dr. DL Grant. Speakers: Tamara Lanier, Windy GoodLoe, Roger Sashington.

4:30pm-4:40pm

Brief Break

4:40pm-5:40pm

Panel 5: The Webber Geographies of Resistance: A Digital Mapping Project. Chair: Leslie Treviño. Speakers: Dr. Javier Wallace, Colby Coppinger.

5:40pm-6:40pm

Panel 6: Silvia’s Story in the Context of Mexican History & Black Liberation in North America. Chair: Victorianna Mejia. Speakers: Jumko Ogata Aguilar, Dr. María Esther Hammack.

6:45pm-7:00pm

Concluding Remarks, Dr. Angela Valenzuela

RSVP on Eventbrite.

Thursday, July 16, 2026

The Creighton Memoranda: Political Control of the Curriculum Comes to Texas Tech, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D., July 16, 2026

The Creighton Memoranda: Political Control of the Curriculum Comes to Texas Tech

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.
July 16, 2026


What is happening within the Texas Tech University System is not an ordinary curriculum review. It is an extraordinary transfer of authority over teaching from faculty members and established academic bodies to a chancellor and politically appointed board of regents.

The “Creighton Memoranda” refer to two directives issued by Texas Tech University System Chancellor Brandon Creighton—one on December 1, 2025, and another on April 9, 2026. The first established a systemwide process requiring professors to disclose course materials involving race, sex, sexual orientation, or gender identity and to withhold flagged material while it underwent administrative and regental review. 

The second went further, ordering the phaseout of academic programs “centered on” sexual orientation or gender identity, restricting such content in core and lower-level undergraduate courses, and requiring alternative materials in many instances. These directives apply across the five-institution Texas Tech system, including its universities and health sciences centers.

The consequences are neither abstract nor confined to a handful of controversial courses. 

According to a federal complaint filed against Creighton and the Texas Tech Board of Regents, faculty members have been prevented or discouraged from teaching Plato’s Republic, Ta-Nehisi Coates’s Between the World and Me, the racial history of Dred Scott v. Sandford, and the persecution of gay and bisexual people during the Holocaust. Professors have reportedly been asked to remove words such as “systemic” and “disparity” from course materials. 

Medical educators allege that restrictions have also interfered with teaching students how to understand health disparities and provide competent care to transgender patients and other historically underserved populations.

This is the harm produced when vague political directives replace disciplinary expertise. Faculty members do not know with confidence what they may teach, what language they may use, or whether material approved in one department will be rejected in another. 

Because noncompliance can carry the threat of discipline or even termination, the predictable result is over-compliance and self-censorship. 

Professors remove more than the policy may technically require simply to protect their employment. Students, in turn, receive an incomplete education—one filtered not by the standards of history, medicine, law, literature, or philosophy, but by the ideological preferences of those presently holding institutional power.

On July 8, 2026, the American Association of University Professors and its Texas affiliate, Texas AAUP-AFT, filed suit in federal court seeking to stop the memoranda’s enforcement. 

The lawsuit advances three central constitutional claims: 

First, that the policies discriminate against disfavored viewpoints in violation of the First Amendment; 

Second, that their confusing and inconsistent language denies faculty due process under the Fourteenth Amendment; and 

Third, that their design and implementation intentionally discriminate against Black faculty by disproportionately suppressing scholarship about Black history, racism, racial inequality, and efforts to remedy it. The plaintiffs are asking the court to declare the memoranda unconstitutional and permanently prevent Texas Tech officials from enforcing them or similar restrictions (Priest, 2026).

Texas Tech officials deny the lawsuit’s allegations and maintain that the directives protect academic integrity, comply with the law, and permit the teaching of historical events and incidental references to sexual orientation or gender identity. But those assurances do not resolve the fundamental problem documented in the complaint: faculty members are already changing courses, removing scholarship, and withholding instruction because they cannot reliably determine what those in power will permit (Priest, 2026).

This case therefore reaches far beyond Texas Tech. At stake is whether public universities will remain places where qualified scholars pursue evidence, confront difficult histories, and prepare students for the world as it exists—or whether university teaching will become a compliance exercise in which political officials decide which facts, identities, books, and bodies of knowledge may enter the classroom.

References

American Association of University Professors. (2026, July 8). AAUP, Texas AAUP-AFT sue Texas Tech over restrictive course content policies. https://www.aaup.org/news/aaup-texas-aaup-aft-sue-texas-tech-over-restrictive-course-content-policies

Priest, J. (2026, July 8). Faculty groups sue to block Texas Tech rules limiting instruction on race, gender, sexual orientation. The Texas Tribune. https://www.texastribune.org/2026/07/08/texas-tech-lawsuit-creighton-race-gender-instruction/

Texas American Association of University Professors–American Federation of Teachers v. Creighton, No. 3:26-cv-01845 (W.D. Tex. July 8, 2026) (complaint).


Tuesday, July 14, 2026

The Return on Knowing: Why Mexican American and Latino Studies Is an Economic Investment in Our Shared Future, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

The Return on Knowing: Why Mexican American and Latino Studies Is an Economic Investment in Our Shared Future

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

July 14, 2026

I encourage readers to learn about Jim Estrada’s compelling and accessible book, The ABCs and Ñ of America’s Cultural Evolution: A Primer on the Growing Influence of Hispanics, Latinos, and mestizos on the USA.

Estrada approaches Latino history and culture partly from the perspective of a corporate marketing professional who spent decades advising institutions about Latino communities. His central argument is that widespread ignorance about Latino history, identity, language, cultural diversity, and economic participation is not merely a social or educational deficiency. It is an economic liability—a consequential gap in knowledge and understanding.

Latinos are consumers, workers, students, taxpayers, entrepreneurs, professionals, and voters. Their growing presence shapes education, employment, health care, public finance, consumer markets, and virtually every major institution in the country. Estrada therefore argues that schools and universities should cultivate the historical knowledge and cultural competence necessary to function effectively in an increasingly diverse society (Estrada, 2013).

His argument is especially useful when placed in conversation with Texas leaders’ growing emphasis on the “return on investment,” or ROI, of higher education curricula and degree programs. On its face, asking whether public institutions use resources responsibly is reasonable. The problem arises when ROI is defined too narrowly—as though the value of education can be reduced to a graduate’s first salary, the immediate labor-market demand for a major, or the direct revenue generated by a particular academic program.

Such calculations tell us something, but not nearly enough.

A more appropriate framework would be what I call the Return on Knowing, or ROK.

Return on Knowing asks what students, institutions, communities, and the nation gain when people understand the histories, cultures, languages, experiences, and contributions of the populations with whom they live and work. It recognizes knowledge itself as a form of public infrastructure. Just as roads, schools, health systems, and communications networks make social and economic life possible, cultural and historical knowledge equips people to navigate an increasingly diverse democracy.

ROI asks, “How much money does this degree produce?”

ROK asks, “What becomes possible because people know more—and what does ignorance cost us?”

The Return on Knowing includes economic benefits, but it extends well beyond them. It includes improved judgment, stronger public institutions, more effective professional practice, better communication, greater historical understanding, and the capacity to work across cultural and linguistic differences. It also includes the avoidance of costly mistakes that arise when institutions misunderstand the communities they serve.

Employers, educators, health professionals, public officials, journalists, and nonprofit leaders who understand Latino histories and experiences are less likely to rely on stereotypes, design ineffective programs, misread demographic change, alienate workers or customers, or make decisions based on incomplete information. Cultural competence is therefore not a decorative addition to professional preparation. It is part of what makes institutions capable, responsive, and effective.

The Return on Knowing also reveals the limitations of evaluating higher education solely through individual earnings. The return from investing in Latino students includes greater financial security for graduates and their families, but it also includes a more highly educated workforce, increased tax revenues, greater entrepreneurship, stronger public institutions, improved organizational decision-making, and professionals better prepared to serve the communities around them.

Conversely, what does the nation lose when it fails to educate students about Latino communities?

It loses talent when Latino students are underserved or pushed out of higher education. It loses institutional effectiveness when professionals are culturally unprepared. It loses economic opportunities when businesses misunderstand major consumer markets. It loses democratic capacity when the histories and contributions of large segments of the population are excluded from public knowledge. And it loses trust when students and families enter institutions that do not recognize their experiences or regard their histories as worthy of study.

This is why Mexican American Studies, Latino Studies, Ethnic Studies, bilingual education, and culturally sustaining curricula should not be dismissed as peripheral expenses. They are investments in professional preparation, institutional effectiveness, social understanding, democratic participation, and the nation’s economic future.

They also benefit students of every background. Latino Studies is not only for Latino students, just as African American history is not only for Black students and women’s history is not only for women. These fields provide all students with the knowledge necessary to understand the society they inhabit. They help prepare graduates to teach, govern, practice medicine, conduct research, build organizations, serve clients, manage workplaces, and participate intelligently in public life.

The Return on Knowing is therefore not a rejection of economic accountability. It is a more complete form of accountability. It asks policymakers to count benefits that narrow ROI calculations often ignore: knowledge, cultural competence, institutional trust, democratic literacy, social cohesion, and the prevention of costly errors.

It also requires us to acknowledge that not everything of public value can be captured in an immediate financial metric. Education prepares people not only to earn a living, but also to interpret the world, understand one another, evaluate evidence, remember history, and participate in democratic life.

Estrada’s work helps us see that ignorance has a price. Institutions pay that price through failed outreach, ineffective policies, cultural misunderstanding, lost markets, weakened trust, and poor decision-making. Communities pay it through misrepresentation, exclusion, and educational neglect.

The relevant policy question, then, is not simply whether Mexican American Studies or Latino Studies produces an acceptable financial return. It is whether Texas—and the nation—can afford the consequences of not knowing.

References

ASU News. (2014, February 7). Latino author makes economic case for teaching ethnic studies in schools. https://news.asu.edu/content/latino-author-makes-economic-case-teaching-ethnic-studies-schools

Estrada, J. (2013). The ABCs and Ñ of America’s cultural evolution: A primer on the growing influence of Hispanics, Latinos, and mestizos on the USA. Tate Publishing & Enterprises.

Latino author makes economic case for teaching ethnic studies in schools



February 07, 2014

Making an economic case for teaching ethnic studies in America’s schools and universities is the focus of a book talk presented from noon to 1 p.m., Feb. 11, by ASU’s School of Transborder Studies. Author Jim Estrada, a corporate marketing consultant and former San Diego television journalist, suggested there is a substantial information gap about the nation’s largest non-white European populations that could negatively impact the United States economy.

Estrada’s book, "The ABCs and Ñ of America’s Cultural Evolution: A Primer on the Growing Influence of Hispanics, Latinos, and mestizos on the USA," offers important insights into today’s 53 million U.S. Hispanics – including how their history and culture are influencing the nation.

The author said that he believes sharing accurate, non-subjective information about America’s Latinos, their histories and their contributions to our nation will lead to better understanding of their growing influence as consumers, students, taxpayers, voters and members of the workforce.

Registration for the lecture in Interdisciplinary Building B, B161-B, on ASU’s Tempe campus is required. RSVP to Lillian.Ruelas@asu.edu.

According to ASU’s Morrison Institute for Public Policy, Latinos constitute Arizona’s most rapidly growing ethnicity and could represent more than 50 percent of the state’s population by mid-century. Its 2012 report, Arizona’s Emerging Latino Vote, noted in particular the state’s disproportionate growth in young Latino citizens. “The ramifications will be profound, with major impacts to be felt in the health care industries, at all levels of education, the workforce population and in state budgeting – just to cite a few,” the report stated.

“There are many thoughts on how to create cultural competence,” Estrada said. “The logical place to start is in educational institutions, which are charged with expanding the knowledge base that affects our personal and organizational missions, goals and objectives.

“So it’s really up to our schools to address this critical need for ethnic studies. For students entering the marketplace, it will enable them to adapt successfully to a changing world.”

Estrada is owner of Estrada Communications Group, based in Austin, Texas. He has worked with major corporations, such as AT&T, Anheuser-Busch and McDonald’s, advising them on outreach strategies to Latino consumers for the past three decades. He said every few years, as his client contacts would change, he would need to re-orient their staffs about the Latino market: “My job was to help them avoid making mistakes, cultural faux pas, in their marketing communications.”

After many years, Estrada realized that what he was teaching marketing clientele could benefit a broader audience if compiled in a book. The primer’s 10 short chapters are a collection of essays about different aspects of Latino culture and history, from the Spanish conquest of Mexico to Latino voting rights. A book review by National Hispanic News noted that topics range from language, cultural diversity and history to relationships with the dominant majority, law enforcement and each other.

“Each of these chapters touches on historical and cultural tidbits neither likely to be known by the average non-Hispanic nor by the segment of Latinos themselves who lack exposure to their own contributions to society, or who know little of their place in U.S. history,” the critic observed.

Estrada said the media and entertainment industries are also responsible for projecting a less than positive image of Latinos, as well as those of other non-white, racial, ethnic and immigrant groups. He explained that for decades, mass media have misrepresented Latinos to the nation’s mainstream Eurocentric society through acts of “commission,” use of stereotypic portrayals in media and acts of “omission,” failing to provide factual information about the many Latino contributions to America, and even by historical revisionism.

“Creating cultural awareness and competency takes time and cannot be too daunting a task,” Estrada said. “Providing readers with basic facts, or the ABCs, together with a rudimentary understanding of the influence Hispanics, Latinos and mestizos are having on them and their personal interests can create a sense of ease about learning.”


The School ofTransborder Studies is an academic unit in ASU's College of Liberal Arts and Sciences.

Monday, July 13, 2026

UT is merging four ethnic and gender studies departments. What changes this fall, by Lily Kepner, July 10, 2026

Friends, 

I invite you to read Lily Kepner’s important reporting on the uncertain future of the University of Texas at Austin’s newly created Department of Social and Cultural Analysis. Her article makes clear that the consolidation of Mexican American and Latina/o Studies, African and African Diaspora Studies, American Studies, and Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies is not simply an administrative reorganization. It entails the loss of departmental names, leadership positions, staff jobs, institutional homes, and scholarly identities built over decades.

At the same time, the appointment of Dr. Danielle Clealand as interim chair offers some reassurance that the new department will be led by a respected scholar who understands these fields and has the trust of many colleagues. Faculty are clearly determined to protect their students, programs, intellectual traditions, and hard-won legacies. 

Still, the unanswered questions remain profound: Will the new department receive the resources, autonomy, and institutional respect it needs to thrive—or is this only the first stage of further erosion?

Kepner’s article captures both the grief of what is being lost and the resolve of faculty to carry this essential work forward. 

-Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Six weeks before the University of Texas begins its fall semester, its new Department of Social and Cultural Analysis still lacks a permanent home and a clear identity.

By ,Staff Writer

Murals decorate the University of Texas Women’s Gender and Sexuality Studies office in Burdine Hall, Feb. 18, 2026. UT President Jim Davis announced plans this year to consolidate ethnic and gender studies into a new department and review the courses and majors within it, but the future of the new department is still unclear.

Sara Diggins/Austin American-Statesman
Six weeks before the University of Texas begins its fall semester, its new Department of Social and Cultural Analysis still lacks both a permanent home and a clear identity.

As Texas universities face growing political pressure over identity-based academic programs, UT President Jim Davis announced in February that the university’s four ethnic and women gender and sexuality studies departments would be consolidated into a new Department of Social and Cultural Analysis.

Offering the clearest picture yet of the department's future, College of Liberal Arts Interim Dean David Sosa on July 1 appointed Danielle Clealand, an associate professor in the Mexican American and Latina/o Studies department, as interim chair of the new department .

At the end of the academic year, the four department chairs learned they will lose their appointments in August, a new department manager was hired and the departments’ names were removed from the doors, the former chairs said.

Between the two new departments, which also include European and Eurasian studies, five staff members lost their jobs, and others were reassigned, Clealand confirmed. She said they were committed to finding new positions for the staff.

The new department and its website launch Aug. 15, when the departments of Mexican American and Latina/o Studies, African and African Diaspora Studies, American Studies and Women and Gender Studies will close, Clealand said. But many questions remain.

After her first week as interim chair, Clealand, speaking to the American-Statesman as an individual, said she doesn't expect a Social and Cultural Analysis major to launch by the fall. She also said the new department has not yet been assigned a home, as the four former departments were spread across two buildings.

Although her focus going into the role is to unite the four departments in a collective vision, “I don't know if we have a unifying message yet,” Clealand said in an interview after her appointment. “Perhaps we'll get there. But I think for now we want students to know that yes, this is one large department, but within that department you can still take all of the same classes and majors that you could before.”

Clealand’s appointment eased faculty's fears that the consolidation would weaken the decades-old departments, which collectively offer six undergraduate majors, four graduate programs, six minors and three doctorate programs, said Karma Chavez, the chair of Mexican American and Latino/a studies.

“I think everyone in the four units realizes that we lost our battle, and that our objective now is to focus on building the best new department collectively and collaboratively that we possibly can,” Chavez said, adding that Clealand is “the right leader for this time.”

“The biggest question that all of us have is whether we're going to be treated like a normal department,” Chavez said, or if “another shoe will drop.”

Cherise Smith, the department chair of African and African Diaspora studies said she is "cautiously excited” about coming together with different intellectual groups and working with more students.

Smith said defining the department’s mission is complicated because social and cultural analysis is not a commonly established academic discipline.

“It’s destabilizing for all of us,” she said. “Many of us are wondering whether we can be a unified department.”

What will and won’t change this fall

Clealand said she accepted the interim chair position because she had earned the trust of colleagues in her home department and in African and African Diaspora studies, where she had often collaborated. She also held a leadership position in Mexican American and Latino studies.

Her hope for the new department, she said, is “longevity.”

Clealand said enrollment declined in ethnic and gender studies after UT eliminated the signature-course program that allowed students to satisfy core curriculum requirements through many of the departments’ classes.

Now, Clealand said she wants to encourage prospective students and faculty to see the new department’s potential despite frustration over the consolidation, which she said a majority of faculty opposed.

Having worked across two departments, Clealand said she’s seen the benefits of collaboration and hopes the consolidation will ultimately strengthen those connections.

“I think that right now people don't necessarily know what we're doing, and recruiting can be challenging because of that,” Clealand said. “But I'm hoping that we can establish ourselves as a really strong department, not only institutionally but nationally.”

Sosa, the College of Liberal Arts interim dean, said the college will begin reviewing the new department’s curriculum and degree programs during the next academic year. For now, Clealand said, all existing degree programs will continue enrolling students and offering the same curriculum.

Now, Clealand said she wants to encourage prospective students and faculty to see the new department’s potential despite frustration over the consolidation, which she said a majority of faculty opposed.

Having worked across two departments, Clealand said she’s seen the benefits of collaboration and hopes the consolidation will ultimately strengthen those connections.

“I think that right now people don't necessarily know what we're doing, and recruiting can be challenging because of that,” Clealand said. “But I'm hoping that we can establish ourselves as a really strong department, not only institutionally but nationally.”

Sosa, the College of Liberal Arts interim dean, said the college will begin reviewing the new department’s curriculum and degree programs during the next academic year. For now, Clealand said, all existing degree programs will continue enrolling students and offering the same curriculum.

‘This existential crisis’

In mid-August, professors will become “professors of social and cultural analysis,” a new department website will launch, and the four original departments will shutter.

For the former chairs, the changes amount to the loss of departments they spent their careers building.

Lisa Moore, who has taught at UT since 1991 and chairs Women, Gender and Sexuality Studies, worries the new department will render her life work “invisible.”

“It's heartbreaking, and I do find myself kind of grief about it catching me,” she said. “It feels like just a really brutal loss of my scholarly and professional identity, and an erasure of the decades of my career that I know I've spent building this field.”

When Smith became chair, university leaders envisioned African and African Diaspora studies as a program that could touch every student through the core curriculum, she said.

The department eventually grew to 26 faculty members — the largest of its kind in the nation — attracting students from around the world. Although the department itself is disappearing, Smith said its legacy doesn’t have to.

“These challenges, this existential crisis, has made us recommit to and refocused on what we do,” Smith said. “ We're going to exist in a different way from here on out, but there are things that we will continue to do and that we need to continue to do intellectually and training our students, for example, that we don't need to have a department named African and African Diaspora Studies to do.”