Saturday, July 30, 2022

LULAC Was Served A Temporary Restraining Order (TRO), Averting a Hostile Takeover by Members of the Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP)

Geez, what a week here in San Juan Puerto Rico! Our ancestors were surely crying out from their graves that LULAC is neither a partisan organization, nor is it up for sale.

What a terrible idea to seek to submit our organization to the rancorous politics over statehood in Puerto Rico.

Do read yesterday's post by journalist Suzanne Gamboa and the entirety of this message to gain a fuller understanding. The first is the message, including the Temporary Restraining Order (TRO), that we all received this morning putting us on notice that the election had been stopped and the second is a more elaborate statement by LULAC President Domingo Garcia from this evening in both English and Spanish. 

The short of it is that yesterday evening's issuance of the TRO brought the election to a screeching halt and that election fraud will get investigated. 
Today is a proud day for National LULAC. 

Thanks to President Garcia and our LULAC leaders for their competent leadership and loyalty to our constitution in these troubled times. 

For now, we can all breathe a sigh of relief. 

-Angela Valenzuela

Dear LULAC Members in Puerto Rico,


LULAC was served tonight with a temporary restraining order (TRO) that enjoins or prevents us from having a national election in San Juan, Puerto Rico, on Saturday, July 30, 2022. The members of the national board are named as defendants in the matter, and as such, any actions by them or anyone else that violates the TRO can and will have serious consequences up to and including monetary fines and jail time.


In light of this legal action, I am informing you that the national assembly meeting scheduled for Saturday, July 30, 2022, is in recess until the matter has been heard in court, as mandated by the TRO. You are advised not to go to the assembly hall as no lawful meeting is allowed. Please continue your visit and other travel plans while in San Juan, and I will keep you informed on the next steps in this matter.





Domingo Garcia, LULAC National President

Thursday, July 28, 2022

Latino civil rights group could see bigger push for Puerto Rico statehood: Puerto Rican LULAC members are growing their ranks and could change the leadership and makeup of the historically Mexican American organization

Here at the National LULAC Convention in San Juan, Puerto Rico, where this will get decided. Just being here on the island and talking to regular folks, this is a very emotional issue. It cuts hard three ways. Some want statehood; others independence, and others, the status quo which is commonwealth status with sizeable numbers in each category. 

It's not looking good for President Domingo Garcia. If he loses the election, this will definitely be a game changer. We'll see what happens at Saturday's business meeting. Whatever happens, I sense that this dynamic will be playing out for a long time, not just within LULAC, but for folks on island, as well. More to come.

-Angela Valenzuela

Puerto Rican LULAC members are growing their ranks and could change the leadership and makeup of the historically Mexican American organization.

Puerto Rican members of the country’s oldest Latino civil rights organization are rapidly growing their ranks to potentially tilt the group’s coming elections and escalate its lobbying for statehood.

The League of United Latin American Citizens, or LULAC, founded in 1929 by Mexican Americans in Texas, is scheduled to hold its elections this summer at its national convention in San Juan, Puerto Rico — its first conference since 2019 because of the coronavirus pandemic.

LULAC’s president, Domingo García, faces a challenge from Juan Carlos Lizardi, president of a LULAC council in New York and the son of one of LULAC’s board members, Elsie Valdés, who is Puerto Rican and a statehood activist.

The contest is pushing LULAC further into the fight over Puerto Rico’s status, worrying some members that if Lizardi wins, the issue will dominate over others for which LULAC advocates.

It also stands to shift the leadership of the organization, which has always been Mexican American. LULAC was formed Feb. 17, 1929, in Corpus Christi, Texas, by Mexican Americans in the state, some of them business leaders and professionals.

As the election plays out, the divisive issue of Puerto Rico’s status is also creating some fractures within LULAC.

Puerto Rico is a U.S. territory. Although all Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens, those who live on the island cannot vote in U.S. congressional or presidential elections. The territory’s representative in Congress — called a resident commissioner — cannot vote on legislation on the floor.

Puerto Ricans are divided among those who want statehood and those who prefer the current territorial status; a smaller percentage want Puerto Rico to be independent. Previous votes on the issue in Puerto Rico have been rife with controversy.

Although LULAC's CEO recently said the organization is taking a stand in support of statehood, based on a 2018 resolution, its president said otherwise.

“I support Puerto Ricans’ right to self-determination and a fair election,” García told NBC News. “But LULAC is bigger than that. We’re dealing with immigration and education and funding for that. I just met with the chief of police in Los Angeles regarding criminal justice reform.”

Lizardi and his supporters hold an advantage in the election because LULAC’s constitution allows only those who show up at the conference to vote.

Some LULAC members are forgoing the trip to Puerto Rico for the July conference because of cost concerns. In a close vote, the LULAC board rejected proposals to cancel this year’s conference.  

Meanwhile, members on the island are rapidly escalating the number of “councils” — LULAC’s local entities — in Puerto Rico and New York. Most have been formed in the past three months.

Last year, Puerto Rico had 54 councils. As of this month it has 170 — having added 116 in the last two months. Texas, because it is where LULAC was founded and because of its size, has tended to have the most councils; it had 206 last year.

Lizardi did not respond to email or phone messages requesting comment.

In a phone interview, Valdés said councils are often created at election time when there is more interest in the leadership races, which motivates involvement. Other candidates have formed councils in Puerto Rico, more than this year, to increase their votes, she said.

"All presidents elected since Belen Robles up to Domingo Garcia have been elected thanks to Puerto Ricans’ votes," said Valdés, a 32-year LULAC member and the organization's national VP of the Women's Commission.

Hilda Duarte, the president of a Dallas LULAC council, said she may not be able to afford to attend the convention unless other members help pay her costs.

She said she is concerned about the sudden growth in LULAC councils in Puerto Rico and how it might shift LULAC's priorities.

“The Puerto Ricans want statehood. That’s something they have to decide. They are the ones who have to vote and get excited and once and for all settle their future. … We’ll support whatever they do,” Duarte said.

Two bipartisan bills addressing Puerto Rico's status are competing in Congress, both sponsored by Puerto Rican members of Congress. One is pushing for statehood and the other would create a process for deciding Puerto Rico's status.

'This is a Latino issue'

This month, LULAC CEO Sindy Benavides refocused attention on LULAC's 2018 resolution supporting statehood, resurfacing it in a recent interview in The Hill.

Until the interview, the nearly four-year-old resolution has gotten little attention since its passage by LULAC members who attended its 2018 Phoenix convention.

Wednesday, July 20, 2022

"Migrant Justice Means Facing Root Causes," by David Bacon in Truthout

I so respect and admire photojournalist David Bacon who has been following the plight of impoverished, vulnerable migrants and how their experiences are implicated in the deep injustices associated with international and domestic capitalism that exploits their labor for profits as the cost of doing business.

Like my friend, feminist scholar Martha Cotera said the other day, "We should stop calling poor people poor and start naming this situation and context as "wage theft." She is absolutely right. And David Bacon's cutting analysis of U.S.-Mexico-Latin American relations maps on well to Martha's comments.

Bacon is very clear that bandaids like aid and loans are not anywhere near sufficient in stopping the flow of migrants as structural change in the relationship between the U.S. and Latin America. Addressing root causes anchored in the brutal excesses of capitalism, is what's needed.

Do read all of this. It offers an enhanced understanding of the larger forces that cause migration and how folks here in the U.S. are impacted. In an ideal world, folks from Mexico, Central, South America and the Caribbean, wouldn't have to migrate to make ends meet. It's not that they want to; it's that they have to. Understanding this fosters empathy and awareness of how our country negatively impacts lives and well-being in places far beyond our borders.

-Angela Valenzuela


Factory workers halt their work to protest against the lack of safety measures against COVID-19, outside Electrocomponentes of Mexico, a company in the Mexican city of Ciudad Juárez in Chihuahua, Mexico, on April 20, 2020.


By David Bacon, Truthout, 6/23/22

MEXICO CITY - 10/2/14 - Students  and workers march from the Plaza of Three Cultures (Tlatelolco) to commemorate the massacre of hundreds of students by the army in 1968.  Some marchers also were farmers who held corn and machetes to protest the impact of free trade agreements.

At the end of the just-concluded Summit of (some of) the Americas, President Joe Biden announced a “Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection,” claiming that participant countries are “transforming our approach to managing migration in the Americas … [recognizing] the responsibility that impacts on all of our nations.”

Recognizing that the U.S. has some responsibility for addressing the causes of migration is important. But President Biden stopped well short of acknowledging the U.S.’s two centuries of intervention in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, which lies at the root.

Biden pledged $300 million to help U.S. “partners in the region continue to welcome refugees and migrants” augmented by further World Bank loans. World Bank loans are often tied to demands for austerity and reforms to attract corporate investment, and therefore themselves are a cause of poverty and displacement. Aid and loans will not stop the flow of migrants because dealing with the root causes of migration requires fundamental, structural change in the relationship between the U.S. and Latin America.

When we go to the border and listen to people in the migrant camps, or talk with the families here who have members in immigration detention centers, we hear the living experiences of people who have had no alternative to leaving home. Escaping violence, war and poverty, they now find themselves imprisoned, and we have to ask, who is responsible? Where did the violence and poverty come from that forced people to leave home, to cross our border with Mexico, and then to be picked up and incarcerated here?

Overwhelmingly, it has come from the actions of the government of this country, and the wealthy elites it has defended.

It came from two centuries of colonialism, from the announcement of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, when this government said that it had the right to do as it wanted in all of the countries of Latin America. It came from the wars that turned Puerto Rico and the Philippines into direct colonies over a century ago.

It came from more wars and interventions fought to keep in power those who would willingly ensure the wealth and profits of U.S. corporations, and the misery and poverty of the vast majority of their own countries.

Smedley Butler, a decorated Marine Corp general, told the truth about what he did a century ago, writing, “I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism…. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street.”

When people in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Haiti tried to change this injustice, the U.S. armed right-wing governments that made war on their own people. Sergio Sosa, a social activist during Guatemala’s civil war who now heads a workers’ center in Omaha, Nebraska, told me simply, “You sent the guns, and we buried the dead.”

Over 1 million people left El Salvador in the 1980s and an estimated half million crossed the border to the U.S. at that time. How many more hundreds of thousands crossed from Guatemala? How many more after the U.S. helped overthrow Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Haiti? How many from Honduras after Manuel Zelaya was forced from office in 2009, and U.S. officials said nothing while sending arms to the army that used them against Honduran people?

Since 1994, 8 million Mexicans have come as migrants to work in the U.S. In 1990, 4.5 million Mexican migrants lived in the U.S. In 2008, the number peaked at 12.67 million. About 5.7 million were able to get some kind of visa; another 7 million couldn’t but came nevertheless. Almost 10 percent of the people of Mexico live in the U.S.

The poverty that forced 3 million corn farmers, many of them Indigenous, from Mexico to come here was a product of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), making it impossible for them to grow the maize they domesticated and gave to the world. Archer-Daniels-Midland and Continental Grain Company used NAFTA’s stolen inheritance from Indigenous Oaxacans to take over the Mexican corn market. One of the most important movements in Mexico today is for the right to stay home, the right to an alternative.

What has produced migration from rural parts of Mexico is the same thing that closed factories in the U.S: Green Giant closed its broccoli freezer in Watsonville, California, and 1,000 immigrant Mexican workers lost their jobs when it moved to Irapuato in central Mexico, where the company could pay lower wages.

In a Tijuana factory assembling flat panel televisions for export to the U.S., a woman on the line has to labor for half a day to buy a gallon of milk for her children. Maquiladora workers live in homes made from pallets and other materials cast off by the factories, in barrios with no sewers, running water or electrical lines.

Because our two economies are linked, Mexico suffers when the U.S. economy takes a dive. When recessions hit the U.S., customers stop buying the products made in the maquiladoras, and hundreds of thousands of workers lose their jobs. Where do they go?

When the U.S. sought to impose the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) on El Salvador in 2004, then-U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Otto Reich told Salvadorans that if they elected a government that wouldn’t go along with CAFTA, the U.S. would cut off the remittances sent by Salvadorans in the U.S. back to their families at home.

Young people, brought from El Salvador as children, joined gangs in Los Angeles so they could survive in the city’s most dangerous neighborhoods. Then they were arrested and deported back to El Salvador, and the gang culture of L.A. took root there, with the drug trade sending cocaine and heroin back to the U.S. barrios and working-class neighborhoods here.

When people arrive at the U.S. border, they are treated as criminals. John Kelly, the dishonest general who advised Donald Trump in the White House, called migration “a crime-terror convergence.”

Yet people coming to the U.S. are part of the labor force that puts vegetables and fruit on the table, cleans the office buildings, and empties the bedpans and takes care of people here when they get old and sick. Turning people into criminals and passing laws saying people can’t work legally makes people vulnerable and forces them into the lowest wages in our economy.

To employers, migration is a labor supply system, and for them it works well because they don’t have to pay for what the system really costs, either in Mexico or in the U.S. Trade policy and immigration policy are inextricably bound up with each other. They’re part of the same system.

NAFTA didn’t just displace Mexicans. It displaced people in the U.S., too. In the last few decades Detroit lost 40 percent of its population as the auto industry left. Today many Ford parts come from Mexico. But the working families who lost those outsourced jobs didn’t disappear. Instead, hundreds of thousands of people began an internal migration within the U.S. larger than the dustbowl displacement of the 1930s.

Knowing where the violence and poverty are coming from, and who is benefitting from this system, is one step toward ending it. But we also have to know what we want in its place. What is our alternative to detention centers and imprisonment? To the hundreds of people who still die at the border every year?

The migrant justice movement has had alternative proposals for many years. One was called the Dignity Campaign. The American Friends Service Committee proposed A New Path. What we want isn’t hard to imagine.

We want an end to mass detention and deportations, and the closing of the detention centers. The militarization of the border has to be reversed, so that it becomes a region of solidarity and friendship between people on both sides. Working should not be a crime for those without papers. Instead, people need real visas that allow them to travel and work, and the right to claim Social Security benefits for the contributions they’ve made over years of labor.

But we also want to deal with the root causes of migration.

U.S. auto companies employ more workers in Mexico now than in the U.S. Every flat-panel TV sold here is made in Mexico or another country. While the workers at General Motors’ Silao factory in Guanajuato, Mexico, recently voted courageously for an independent union and negotiated a new contract with important wage gains, a worker in that factory still earns less in a whole day than a U.S. autoworker earns in an hour.

Decades of trade agreements and economic reforms have created that difference and forced people into poverty. For many, that makes migration involuntary, the only means to survive. We need hearings in Congress that face that history squarely — its impact on both sides of the border.

We have a long history of solidarity with progressive Mexican unions in our own labor movement. That’s a big part of the answer to the problems of NAFTA and free trade that we’ve always advocated. Our unions on each side need to support each other, so that we can lift up workers regardless of the location of their factories.

We also want an end to military intervention, to military aid to right-wing governments, and to U.S. support for the repression of the movements fighting for change.

U.S. companies have been investing in Mexico since the late 1800s. They are not simply going to abandon their investment in Mexico, and the U.S. government is not going to abandon its effort to control the Mexican economy because wages rise. The key elements in how we fight against what this means for workers on both sides of the border is unity and coordinated action.

In both countries copper miners have been on strike against the Mexican conglomerate Grupo Mexico in the last decade. Their unions see solidarity as the answer. So do the United Electrical Workers and the Frente Auténtico del Trabajo, and my union, Communications Workers of America, with the Sindicato de Telefonistas de la República Mexicana, and others.

If you think this isn’t possible or just a dream, remember that a decade after Emmett Till was lynched in Mississippi in 1955, the U.S. Congress passed the Civil Rights Act. (That same year, Congress put the family preference immigration system into law — the only pro-immigrant legislation we’ve had for 100 years.)

That was no gift. A civil rights movement made Congress pass that law. When that law was passed we had no detention centers like the ones that imprison migrants today. There were no walls on our border with Mexico, and no one died crossing it. There is nothing permanent or unchangeable about these institutions of oppression. We have changed our world before, and a people’s movement can do it again.


More Than a Wall / Mas que Un Muro explores the many aspects of the border region through photographs taken by David Bacon over a period of 30 years. These photographs trace the changes in the border wall itself, and the social movements in border communities, factories and fields. This bilingual book provides a reality check, to allow us to see the border region as its people, with their own history of movements for rights and equality, and develop an alternative vision in which the border can be a region where people can live and work in solidarity with each other. - Gaspar Rivera-Salgado

David Bacon has given us, through his beautiful portraits, the plight of the American migrant worker, and the fierce spirit of those who provide and bring to us comfort and sustenance. -- Lila Downs


- a book of photographs by David Bacon and oral histories created during 30 years of covering the people and social movements of the Mexico/U.S. border

- a complex, richly textured documentation of a world in newspaper headlines daily, but whose reality, as it's lived by border residents, is virtually invisible.

- 440 pages

- 354 duotone black-and-white photographs

- a dozen oral histories

-  incisive journalism and analysis by David Bacon, Don Bartletti, Luis Escala, Guillermo Alonso and Alberto del Castillo.

- completely bilingual in English and Spanish

- published by El Colegio de la Frontera Norte with support from the UCLA Institute for Labor Research and Education and the Center for Mexican Studies, the Werner Kohlstamm Family Fund, and the Green Library at Stanford University

Price:  $35 plus postage and handling

To order, click here:

"The "border" is just a line. It's the people who matter - their relationships with or without or across that line. The book helps us feel the impact of the border on people living there, and helps us figure out how we talk to each other about it. The germ of the discussion are these wonderful and eye-opening pictures, and the voices that help us understand what these pictures mean." - JoAnn Intili, director, The Werner-Kohnstamm Family Fund 

U.S. Census Bureau reports "Latinos Rise to Record-High 18.9% of U.S. Population"

Here are informative statistics out of the U.S. Census Bureau, showing a marked increase of the U.S. Latino population which, as we know, is highly diverse. Not shown here, but other data show that Mexican-origin people are just above 60 percent of all Latinos/Hispanics. As addressed more fully in a recent post to this blog, what it means to be "Latino," "Latina" or "Latinx" is a social construction, accounting for why we don't all vote the same and why pan-ethnic "Latina/o" or "Latinx" identities might be more salient in some places and times than in other places and times. 

To be sure, there is a lot of richness and complexity to what we might call the "Latino experience." Thanks to Dr. Victor Saenz for sharing.

-Angela Valenzuela

Latinos Rise to Record-High 18.9% of U.S. Population

by  July 19, 2022

Population growth among Latinos

The U.S. Latino population has risen to 62,647,044, representing 18.9% of the nation’s population, according to new Census Bureau estimates.

The number of Latinos in the U.S. grew by 767,907 from 2020 to 2021, an increase of 1.2%, according to the newest data.

Here is everything you need to know.

What Defines “Hispanic Origin” on the Census?

Individuals filling out the Census can choose between two ethnicities, “Hispanic or Latino” or “Not Hispanic or Latino”

What defines being “Hispanic or Latino” when filling out the Census?

According to the Census website, the U.S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB) defines “Hispanic or Latino” as a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.

The Census Bureau has conducted content tests to improve the design and function of different questions on race and ethnicity since the 1970s.

With the growth in diversity and population, individuals may find the ethnic categories confusing or wish to see their specific on the census questionnaire.

Census research showed that, over time, an increasing number of people do not identify with any of the official OMB race categories, contributing to a rise in respondents who are racially classified as “Some Other Race” (SOR).

The Census website reports, “This was primarily due to reporting by Hispanics, who make up the overwhelming majority of those classified as SOR, not identifying with any of the OMB race categories.”

The Census Bureau has continued to conduct research and outreach regarding race and ethnicity. Read more about the usage of the terms Latinx, Latino, and Hispanic.

How Fast is the Latino Population Growing?

The Latino population continues to grow rapidly.

In 2010, Latinos accounted for 16% of the U.S. population.

Latinos reached 18.5% of the U.S. population in 2019, and they have now reached 18.9% as of 2021, according to the new Census Bureau data.

“Hispanic (of any race) was the largest gaining and second-fastest-growing race or Hispanic origin category, increasing by 767,907 or 1.24% [from 2020 to 2021],” according to the data.

The Hispanic origin category increased by 1.54% in the 12-month period between 2020 and 2021.

Of the current 62,647,044 U.S. Latinos, there are 31,716,199 Latino males (50.6%) and 30,930,845 Latina females (49.4%).

Where Is the Latino Population Rising or Falling?

Census Population

The states of California, Florida, and Texas continue to have the biggest Latino populations, but other states have seen growth as well.

Maine and Montana were the fastest-growing states for Latinos, both at a 5.4% rate.

Only two areas experienced declines in Latino population, including New York with a 1.1% decrease and the District of Columbia 2.5% decrease.

The median Latino population for counties in 2021 was 1,217 people. Los Angeles County had the largest Latino county population at 4,824,989 people, followed by Harris County, Texas (2,097,602) and Miami-Dade County, Florida (1,838,864).

California saw the largest Latino population with a total of 15,754,605.

What is the Median Age of U.S. Latinos?

The Census Bureau also reported that the “median age for most states also increased from 2020 to 2021, indicating their populations are getting older overall.”

2021 Census Population Estimates show that the national median age has increased by 3.4 years, with the largest single-year gain of 0.3 years coming in 2021, bringing it to 38.8 years.

While Latinos are much younger than the national median age, the median age of Latinos increased from 30.2 in 2020 to 30.5 in 2021. This is older than the median age of Latinos in 2010 (27.3 years).

Why Is Latino Health Important?

The rapid growth of the Latino population means the nation’s future health depends on it.

Yet Latinos face vast health inequities that contribute to health disparities in cancerAlzheimer’sCOVID-19, and other health conditions.

Inequities include:

Systemic change is needed to address the inequities to achieve health equity, where Latinos and all people have a fair, just opportunity to be their healthiest.

How Can You Improve Health Equity for U.S. Latinos? 

You can speak up for Latino health in your community.

Enter your county name to receive a Salud AmericaHealth Equity Report Card.

The report card serves as a data dashboard tool that auto-generates Latino-focused and local data with interactive maps and comparative gauges.

This can help you visualize and explore health-related factors in your area compared to your county to the rest of the state and the nation.

The data from the report card can help start or support a conversation about solutions to inequities that impact your community! Share it with local leaders and on social media!

Get your Health Equity Report Card!

Tuesday, July 19, 2022

Texas House of Representatives July 17, 2022 Report on the Uvalde School Shooting: Read all 77 pages


Here is a reference, a report on what happened in Uvalde that you can read in its entirety here

The report was authored by Rep. Dustin Burrows, Chair, Rep. Joe Moody Vice-Chair, and the Honorable Eva Guzman, Public Member.

I was surprised to learn that the gunman, who previously attended Robb Elementary, entered the very fourth-grade classroom where he was once a student himself. He so needed help and assistance that he apparently never received.

Angela Valenzuela

Uvalde school shooting report: Read all 77 pages

After a Texas school shooting, conservatives blamed ‘woke’ programs once approved by Republicans

This ongoing story out of the Mansfield Independent School District located south of Fort Worth, Texas, illustrates the nonsense involved in the fight against this community's very legitimate fears of school violence. It manifests as a conservative backlash against socioemotional learning (SEL)—motivated by a political action committee—that Republicans once supported as a response to mass shootings.

As stated herein, back in 2018, this was not at all "a liberal takeover of the suburban school system, but [was established] at the urging of Republican Texas Gov. Greg Abbott and the Trump administration." It was a reform that gave the appearance of responsiveness to school violence without having to legislate on gun reform.  

And now, this much-needed reform of SEL in our schools is getting viewed as an entry point to allegedly harmful, "woke" ideologies that, apparently, some of these Mansfield parents fear even more than guns.

If these parents really understood both SEL and Critical Race Theory (CRT), they would understand the extremism of their own views. Not only is CRT NOT taught in our schools, but if it were, it would work positively to deflate and minimize inter- and intra-personal conflict because of the intellectual understandings and tools it would provide. It helps students to have an educated analysis of power dynamics in society, and how they can exercise their own agency to help make the world a better place. 

I should know. I teach CRT and students' main reaction over many years of teaching it is feeling like they've been denied this knowledge. Pretty much without exception, students tell me that they wonder why they have to go to college to first learn this when it could have been ever so helpful earlier on in their lives. Teachers are the quickest to make such statements and how they could have been better teachers had they learned these things earlier.

The best part of this piece is learning about the Social Emotional Learning Alliance for Texas. A cursory look at their website speaks volumes of how SEL can and should be beneficial to all.

Trauma and Grief Resources

School Safety and Crisis (from NASP)  

All of this is so unfortunate. In a societal context where so many, including children, have experienced so much loss and tragedy, may Mansfield ISD be a testament to how outsized racial fears can impede much-needed, life-saving policies and practices. I hope that parents and school board members are able to better effectively and intelligently anticipate and challenge the work of political action committees that seek little more than to sow fear and division.

-Angela Valenzuela

After a Texas school shooting, conservatives blamed ‘woke’ programs once approved by Republicans 

In 2018, GOP politicians promoted social and emotional education as a tool to stop mass shootings. Now some conservative activists are arguing those programs are not a solution to school violence, but a cause.

This spring, thousands of residents in the Mansfield Independent School District received political mailers that blamed a recent school shooting on “woke” school policies, inflaming partisan divides ahead of a heated school board election.Illustration by NBC News; Zerb Mellish; NYT via Redux; AP

July 18, 2022, 7:00 AM CDT / Updated July 18, 2022, 2:07 PM CDT