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Showing posts with label police violence. Show all posts
Showing posts with label police violence. Show all posts

Sunday, October 08, 2023

Racialized Violence and Deaths at the Hands of Police between 2000-2020: Reflecting on this year's LEAD XII Summit at Cal State University San Bernardino

 Friends,

Inspired by the late Roberto Cintli Rodriguez, who was himself brutalized by the police, check out the work of demographer and statistician, Jesús Garcia and Ivette Xochiyotl Boyzo, on the the ongoing issue of police brutality through the Raza Database Project, with police violence against Black, Brown, and Indigenous peoples in the U.S. 
Dr. Cintli's work inspired the focus of this year's LEAD XII Summit at Cal State San Bernardino that recently took place on September 29, 2023. Congratulations to Dr. Enrique Murillo, Patricia Aguilera, and all the amazing members of his team for organizing a highly-successful, well-attended conference.

La Raza Database Project research manager and community activist, Ivette Xochiyotl Boyzo, pointed to how "when someone gets killed," the impacts of violence on families and communities are cumulative:
“Let me tell you, this is why impacted families must always be at the forefront and center of these conversations. Because when I see them, I see my brother, I see my mom, I see my son.”

It really is astounding to consider how 35,000 people have been killed by law enforcement in the U.S. since the year 2000. This 35K figure is double the amount reported. This careful, ongoing study that considers alternative sources of data—including independent journalists' archives—the number of Brown and Black people killed by police may be more than double the amount reported. Read the executive summary and published report here.

I encourage you to read the report and check out their methodology. Key findings:

  • The number of Raza killed by or who died in police custody increased by over 30 percent from 4,483 to nearly 6,460 
  • The number of Asian and Pacific Islanders increased 75 percent from 497 to 2,010. 
  • The number of Blacks increased 7.1 percent or nearly 600. 
  • The Native American count grew by 11 percent from 332 to 373. 
  • The remaining 4,749 were assigned white, increasing from 11,317 to a total of 16,066 or nearly 30 percent. 
  • These numbers are still flawed and likely undercounted given that a significant amount of people have non-ethnic surnames for various reasons, like intermarriage. 
  • There is not enough awareness or transparency about the amount of people killed by or while in custody of police
With respect to additional racial analyses the team conducted, they found the following: 
  • African Americans, who constitute 12.1% amount of the population, constitute 24.2% (8,021) of the killings/deaths at the hands of law enforcement, nearly one-quarter of all reported deaths 
  • “Latinos” Raza peoples, who constitute 18.7% of the population, constitute 19.5% (6,460) of the killings/deaths. 
  • Native peoples, who constitute .7% amount of the population, constitute 1.1% (373) of the killings/deaths 
  • Asian-Pacific Islander peoples, who constitute 6.1% amount of the population, constitute 6.1% (2010) of the killings/deaths. 
  • White peoples, who constitute 57.8% of the population, constitute 48% (16,066) of the killings/deaths, 10% lower than the rate of that population. 
  • There is no data for Arab Americans or Middle Easterners who often are listed as White or other.

Both Dr. Jesús Garcia and Ivette Xochiyotl Boyzo appeared on October 3, 2023 in a segment on Democracy Now! with Amy Goodman titled, Police Killings of Black & Brown People May Be Double Previous Estimates: La Raza Database Project

UFW Legendary activist, Dolores Huerta, LEAD Summit XIl, herself a victim of police violence, delivered the morning keynote address. The panel that I moderated consisted of National LULAC President Domingo Garcia, Drs. Emilio Zamora, Dean Manuel Zamarripa and local healer and educator Jessica Tazoltiani Zamarripa. Our focus was on the recent mass shootings in Uvalde and El Paso. 

You can view the entire Summit on the LEAD CSUB 2023 Youtube Channel. Our panel begins at 3:58:50 on the meter. For ease, here are helpful links:

Final Raza Database Report:

Executive Summary, Analysis, Data Tables, AND Narrative Testimonials and Essays

https://drive.google.com/file/d/14d6bfyBywDRPREqiokCxfa3sHKo3u1Nz/view

GIS Interactive Story Map:

Geography of Deaths Pursued or in Police Custody 2000-2020

https://arcg.is/1bXf810

Music, Poetry, Spoken Word, and Testimonials:

"We Were All Mistaken" Album by Various Artists


The whole conference was bold, courageous, and extraordinary. The video extends beyond the summit with capsules on important work being done in California to target state violence. This gathering that remembered and honored the lives of loved ones lost to police violence was all so poignant and moving. 

What was also impressive about the LEAD Summit was the attendance by the university's president and staff, both at the Thursday evening dinner and the daylong Friday event itself that was otherwise attended by 1200 people, not including the hundreds that viewed it online. Dr. Emilio Zamora and I are deeply honored to have been part of this year's summit.

-Angela Valenzuela


GIS Interactive Story MapGeography of Deaths Pursued or in Police Custody 2000-2020

https://arcg.is/1bXf810



Our panel features myself (Angela Valenzuela), Drs. Emilio Zamora, Dr. Manuel Zamarripa, local healer and educator Jessica Tazoltiani Zamarripa, and National LULAC President Domingo GarciaOur panel begins at 3:58:50 on the LEAD CSUB 2023 Youtube Channel meter.

Monday, January 30, 2023

“Almost everyone is calling for ‘Mommy’ or ‘Mama’ with the last breath," by Jason Stanford

Yesterday evening, I viewed a video of Tyre Nichols' screams for his mother. It was crushing, bringing me to tears. He screamed in anguish for his mother as police officers brutally and senselessly beat him, taking his life away.

Later, I came across this poignant reflection by Jason Stanford on Tyre Nichols' last words on his blog, The ExperimentStanford mentions this 2018 essay in Der Spiegel where a hospice nurse observes a pattern of ‘Mommy’ or ‘Mama’ being men's last words. 

I can't get past the Der Spiegel paywall to learn more about this, but it sounds plausible. However, why this may be more particular to men than women is curious. After all, as the late Adrienne Rich once wrote, as humans, all of humanity shares in the experience of being Of Woman Born, also the title of her pioneering feminist book on motherhood.

Mom, Mommy, Mama, Mami.  

Lots of feelings yesterday and today, cascading into deep wells of memory filled with acceptance, friendship, affection, and most of all unconditional love—as I remember my own late mother whose birthday is tomorrow, January 31st. 

Happy birthday, Mom. It's so hard to believe that you left us 17 years ago in 2005. A day doesn't go by that I don't think about you.

I wish I could say that the world is in a better place when you left us, but I'm
actually not so sure about that. I think of Nichols' mother, and how her son meant the world to her and vice-versa. What is tried and true is the enduring love, presence and power of our mommies—especially ones like you. 💕

-Angela Valenzuela

#endpolicebrutality


“Almost everyone is calling for ‘Mommy’ or ‘Mama’ with the last breath.”

Tyre Williams called out for his mother as the police beat him to death. 

Saturday, October 16, 2021

The Texas Rangers Investigate Police Killings. Their Record is Wanting

According to this piece in the New York Times, recruited from the ranks of the Texas highway patrol, Texas employs around 165 Rangers statewide. They investigate major crimes, corruption, and custody deaths. 

"The Times identified 29 cases the Rangers had investigated since 2015 in which a person stopped breathing after struggling with local authorities. None of those inquiries led prosecutors to charge anyone in law enforcement. In two-thirds of the cases, The Times found shortcuts, missteps or judgment calls that some veteran homicide detectives said might indicate a lack of effort on the Rangers’ part."

As reported in a following blog post, the Rangers represent a long history of the fox guarding the hen house such that their record is not only "wanting," but a serious problem of injustice. Read and learn the stories that the those in power don't want you to know. After all, knowing such truths might make some, especially school children, feel "uncomfortable." As for other people's traumas, they're not supposed to count. 

The "problem" in this scenario for those in power—that is evidenced in our state's anti-CRT Senate Bill 3—is that we still have a memory and a historical record of that memory that preserves the inconvenient truths of  prior and ongoing white supremacist, governmental, state-sanctioned violence.

We must totally evolve as a state. We must elect leaders for a new, racially diverse and socially just Texas. The time is now.

-Angela Valenzuela


After the murder of George Floyd, some states looked to independent agencies to examine deaths in police custody. But dozens of cases handled by the Texas Rangers show the approach has flaws.




By Michael LaForgia and Jennifer Valentino-DeVries
Sept. 25, 2021

When the Texas Rangers learned that a woman had died in a jail south of Dallas, they put Adam Russell on the case.

He found that there had been a struggle between the woman, Kelli Leanne Page, 46, who was being held on drug charges, and two guards, who entered her cell because she would not stop banging a hairbrush against the door.

One jailer threw her to the floor, punched her in the face while they scuffled and piled atop her as blood streamed from her nose. The other, a trainee weighing 390 pounds, pinned her down until she stopped breathing.

Six hours into his investigation, Ranger Russell indicated in his notes, he was not inclined to blame the guards for her death. And when an autopsy later determined that Ms. Page was the victim of a homicide — having died on Oct. 8, 2017, of a form of asphyxiation — Ranger Russell appeared not to reconsider.

Instead, he obtained a second opinion from a retired chief medical examiner, who read the forensic report and said he believed that heart disease might have led to her death while she was being restrained. Ranger Russell later testified that the initial autopsy was a rush to judgment and that “something inside Kelli” had killed her. The guards were not charged.
For many years, Texas has made its state investigators, the fabled Rangers, available to review deaths that occur in the custody of local authorities, filling a need that is especially pressing in rural areas. After the murder of George Floyd last year by a Minneapolis police officer, at least seven other states have embraced a similar approach to Texas’, reasoning that outside inquiries are more likely to hold wrongdoers accountable.

But state agents do not necessarily lead to better investigations or greater accountability, according to a New York Times examination of the record in Texas. Drawing on dozens of interviews and more than 6,000 pages of investigative files, autopsy reports, police records and court filings, The Times found that state investigations can be afflicted by the same shortcuts and pro-police biases that outside interventions are meant to eliminate.

State investigators in Texas review deaths in custody more often than in any other state, records show, making it a rich laboratory for studying how the investigations play out. The Rangers, in response to a public records request, provided The Times with roughly 300 case files completed since 2015, while other documents were obtained from local police departments, medical examiners and court proceedings.
Some of the Rangers’ investigations offer a textbook example of dogged police work, like the one into the overdose death of James Dean Davis, 42, in the La Salle County jail in 2017. Ranger Randy Garcia meticulously documented the neglect by guards who mocked Mr. Davis as he screamed for help from the floor of his cell, interviewing more than a dozen witnesses and reviewing video footage and audio recordings — and securing indictments against two jailers for tampering with government records.

In other instances, the Rangers fell short of basic standards. They did not speak to all relevant witnesses, delegated investigative tasks to the agencies under review and failed to follow up on signs that officers were negligent or behaving dangerously. In the death of Ms. Page, Mr. Russell sided with the two guards over 10 pathologists who conduct autopsies in Dallas County, home to one of the state’s largest medical examiners’ offices.

The Times shared its findings with a half-dozen veteran homicide detectives and policing experts in six states, all of whom emphasized that death investigations range widely in difficulty and circumstances. When officers shoot and kill someone, for example, many of the facts are not in dispute, particularly the manner of death, and the pressure mostly falls on prosecutors to decide whether to treat the killing as a criminal act.

It gets more complicated when no shots are fired, they said, and there is a struggle in which the person in custody stops breathing. A deep examination of those investigations offers hints about the thoroughness of the outside police work because state investigators must retrace how officers used their hands, feet and body weight at every turn — and determine whether those actions were appropriate.

The Times identified 29 cases the Rangers had investigated since 2015 in which a person stopped breathing after struggling with local authorities. None of those inquiries led prosecutors to charge anyone in law enforcement. In two-thirds of the cases, The Times found shortcuts, missteps or judgment calls that some veteran homicide detectives said might indicate a lack of effort on the Rangers’ part. For example:

* After Genaro Rocha II, 47, died in an Amarillo jail in 2019, bound in a harness and left in a cell because guards said he’d kicked them, the Ranger did not record a single interview in his case file.

* The Ranger who reviewed the 2018 death of Andrew Carmona, 36, east of San Antonio, started his investigation 11 days afterward, because local officials told him they did not need him there right away. He never visited the scene, a front yard in which an officer had held Mr. Carmona by the head and neck because he was acting “frantically.” And he conducted one interview — with a toxicologist.

* The Ranger investigating the death of Michael Cassel, 41, in Tyler County in 2016 provided video footage to lawyers for the sheriff’s deputies involved before taking their statements. The deputies, who had struggled with Mr. Cassel in the woods near a road, heard him complain that he could not breathe before he lost consciousness and died, records show.

The Texas Rangers who handled the various cases declined or did not respond to requests for interviews, and the Rangers’ parent agency, the Department of Public Safety, would not make any official available to answer questions. A spokeswoman did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

It is a reality of policing in Texas and elsewhere that people sometimes die in custody, through no fault of the arresting officers. When officers do cross the line, investigators play an important role in holding them responsible. But the cases are often a lower priority than other duties because of the many demands placed on police agencies and the general reluctance among law enforcement officials to assign blame to their own.

“I guarantee you this is not a sought-after assignment for the Texas Rangers,” said Adam Bercovici, a former homicide lieutenant for the Los Angeles Police Department who works as a consultant and reviewed case files for The Times. “Nobody wants them, because 99 percent of the time it’s just an unfortunate set of circumstances. But it’s a lot of work to dot all the I’s and cross the T’s.”

There was no shortage of facts to examine in the death of Ms. Page. Guards at the jail had a history of misconduct, court records show, including one who put pepper spray in an inmate’s food, landing him in the hospital. The day before Ms. Page’s fatal encounter with two other guards, she angered one of them by splashing him with a cleaning solution through the food slot in her cell. She suffered a black eye when he restrained her.


Wednesday, June 17, 2020

Trump might go down in history as the last president of the Confederacy by Eugene Robinson

I certainly hope that Eugene Robinson is correct when he suggests that Trump's "appeals to racial animus" are no longer working for him.  He has done so much damage.

We can only hope that Trump is not only the last president of the Confederacy, by that his job comes to a screeching halt in November.

-Angela Valenzuela


Trump might go down in history as the last president of the Confederacy

June 11, 2020 at 3:27 p.m. CDT
It should have happened 155 years ago, when Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox, but maybe — just maybe — the Civil War is finally coming to an end. And perhaps Donald Trump, not Jefferson Davis, will go down in history as the last president of the Confederacy.
Symbols like flags and monuments matter, because what they symbolize is our vision of ourselves as a nation: the heroes, battles, movements, sacrifices and ideals we honor. So when I see multiracial crowds toppling the statues of Confederate soldiers and politicians, when I see respected military leaders arguing that Army posts should no longer bear the names of Confederate generals, when I see NASCAR banning displays of the Confederate battle flag at its races — witnessing all of this, I let hope triumph over experience and allow myself to imagine that this may indeed be a transformational moment.
Like the Civil War itself, “Lost Cause” symbology is simply and entirely about white supremacy. It has nothing to do with “heritage” or “tradition” or any such gauzy nonsense. The heavily armed “liberate Michigan” mob that invaded the statehouse in Lansing, egged on by President Trump, had no historical reason to be waving the Confederate flag. That banner represents the knee that has been kept on the necks of African Americans not just for eight minutes and 46 seconds, the time Derek Chauvin spent crushing the life out of George Floyd, but for 401 years.
Opinion | In Atlanta, this is why we protest
The killings of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd by police and vigilantes are part of bigger injustices felt by these black Americans. (Joy Sharon Yi, Kate Woodsome/The Washington Post)
Lee’s surrender ended nothing, because the nation did not even begin to grapple with white supremacy. Reconstruction was strangled in its infancy; true racial reconciliation was never even attempted. The statue of Davis in Richmond, brought down by protesters Wednesday night, was not erected until 1907. Like almost all of the Lost Cause monuments, it was built during the revanchist era, when Southern whites were celebrating their reestablished dominance over African Americans via repressive Jim Crow laws and the terrorism of the Ku Klux Klan.
Many recall that the Confederate flag at the South Carolina statehouse was taken down in 2015 following the massacre of nine African American worshipers by a white supremacist at Emanuel A.M.E. Church in Charleston. Few realize that the racist flag had been installed at the statehouse not in 1861 but a century later, in 1961, when black South Carolinians like my parents were agitating for the right to vote.
The killing of Floyd has provoked a national moment of reckoning with police violence and white supremacy. But the position of the Trump administration is that systemic racism does not even exist — that our unexamined and unaddressed racial problems all come down to a few “bad apples” here and there.
Perhaps in an attempt to gain political advantage — and perhaps, as much evidence suggests, because it’s what he truly believes — Trump has used this moment to side with Lost Cause white supremacy. His all-caps tweets for “LAW & ORDER” sound like George Wallace when he was governor of Alabama; his demand for a militarized response to the protests reminds me of Bull Connor, the Birmingham commissioner of public safety who attacked nonviolent civil rights protesters with water hoses and vicious dogs.
When it was reported that high-ranking Army officials are open to stripping the names of Confederate generals from military posts such as Fort Bragg, Fort Benning and Fort Hood, Trump reacted instantly. He tweeted Wednesday that he “will not even consider the renaming of these Magnificent and Fabled Military Installations.”
Trump claimed, ridiculously, that the names are somehow part of the nation’s “history of Winning, Victory, and Freedom.” He may be historically ignorant enough not to know that the generals in question were traitors as famous for the battles they lost as for any of their triumphs; that ultimate victory went to the Union, not the Confederacy; and that the whole point of the rebellion was to deny freedom to African Americans. Or he may know these facts but believe his political base doesn’t.
Just hours later, however, NASCAR banned the Confederate flag. If there is one sporting venue that Trump might think of as a safe space, it would be a NASCAR race — until now. Heck, I might even go watch a race when the pandemic ends.
Trump must be bewildered. Unsubtle appeals to racial animus (remember his “birther” lies) have always worked for him in the past, but now he seems to be flailing. If it turns out that the Lost Cause is finally, truly lost, then so is the president who made himself its champion.

Monday, June 08, 2020

We are tired of it': Latinos denounce police violence as they protest George Floyd death by Suzanne Gamboa

This piece is about how many Latinos, like African Americans, are also regular targets of police violence. What's the latest anyway with all the children we have locked up in detention centers around the country?  A number of those children have died in federal custody, as well.

I really appreciate how Texas State Congressman Joaquin Castro calls out Governor Abbott as sanctioning police violence with the passage of Senate Bill 4 (SB4), a 2017 law passed in Texas during his administration that among other things, deputizes local governments and police to enact federal immigration policy. This means that local officers can both legally racially profile folks and ask them about their immigration status whenever they stop or arrest someone even for minor traffic violations, like a malfunctioning car lamp light which happened to someone I know and but for local mobilization efforts, would have gotten deported.

That said, according to this information put out by the ACLU, people do need to know their rights under SB4.

While clearly not all of police violence is related to SB4 as this article by Suzanne Gamboa indicates, it is nevertheless the case that with anti-immigration polices and the Federal U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE), Latinas/os have the tragic distinction of having a "police force" designed specifically for them.  How racist is that?

And yes, Governor Abbott and the anti-immigrant state leadership are indeed "the problem," as Representative Castro states.  

If our nation is heading in the direction of de-funding police departments, can we not also abolish ICE while we're at it?

-Angela Valenzuela

#AbolishICE 

We are tired of it': Latinos denounce police violence as they protest George Floyd death

Beside police brutality cases, Latinos point to "stop-and-frisk" policies and officers stopping people to question them about their immigration status.
Protesters chanting at the Texas State Capital in downtown Austin on May 31, 2020.Mario Cantu / Cal Sport Media via AP Images
For many Americans, Floyd’s death after a Minneapolis police officer pressed his knee on his neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds was a breaking point.
But the national protests that have followed resonate with Latinos like Barrón, not just as an act of solidarity, but because of the ways police tactics and law enforcement have been used against Latinos — from laws that give police the authority to question a person’s citizenship and authorization to be in the country to deadly shootings in police actions.
“Being a Latino and having the experience where I see people both in my community and on the news all the time being hurt and being abused by a police officer, there doesn’t seem to be any accountability," Barrón said.
"You don’t need to be black to see how horrible it is,” he said. “With more police accountability, that will help us, too.”
In Austin, the protests were also billed as demonstrations against the April 24 police shooting death of Mike Ramos, described as African American and Latino. Police are investigating the officer, Christopher Taylor, who shot Ramos.
According to reports, police responded to a 911 call of people doing drugs in a car and that one of the people had a gun. Police said Ramos, 42, got out of the car but did not comply with officers’ commands. One officer fired at Ramos with a bean-bag rifle, prompting Ramos to get back in the car and start to drive away, The Austin American-Statesman reported.
According to reports, Taylor then fired at the car, killing Ramos. Police said no gun was found in the car.
At a news conference Sunday, Ramos' mother, Brenda Ramos, said: “I cry every day. Now I’m in this terrible, heartbreaking club. It’s a club of mothers of black Americans who have been murdered by police."
In a April 25 online news conference after Ramos' death, Angelica Erazo, vice chair of Austin’s Hispanic Quality of Life Commission, called on the Latino community to “not leave all the heavy lifting to the black community.”
“All too often, we do not show up when it comes to police violence and your voice is powerful and needed, too,” Erazo said.

Following the killing of George Floyd, Juan Cartagena, president and general counsel of the national Latino legal civil rights organization, LatinoJustice PRLDEF, asked Latinos who have lost loved ones at the hands of police to “unequivocally say, Black lives matter!”
Cartagena, in a statement, pointed to the 1994 case of Anthony Baez, a 29-year-old security guard who died after a New York City police officer, Francis Livoti, put him in a chokehold while trying to arrest him and his brother outside their family home.
A New York state judge acquitted Livoti, who had other police brutality complaints against him. But the Justice Department won a civil rights conviction against Livoti, who was then sentenced to seven years in prison. Baez's mother's fight for justice, along with two other mothers on behalf of their children, was the subject of the film "Every Mother's Son."
In New York City, black men and Latinos, including many who identify as Afro-Latino, were caught up in the contentious stop-and-frisk policing practice that essentially sanctioned racial profiling as an anti-crime tactic.
The operation recently catapulted back into the news as former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg waged his presidential campaign and sought to enlist black and Latino support. An analysis from the New York Civil Liberties Unionfound that in 2011, when Bloomberg was mayor, more than 685,000 people had been stopped and frisked, most of them black or Latino — and nearly 9 in 10 were innocent.
Cartagena said that the video of Floyd’s arrest struck a chord with Latinos and others who have been following and seeing police abuse for decades.
“If you ever found a more perfect convergence of shared interest among Muslims, LGBTQ, black people, Latino people, everybody was clearly unified against the practices of stop and frisk,” Cartagena said.

Often Latinos are seen only through the lens of immigration. But many have decried the increasing way they are criminalized under the guise of immigration enforcement.

In the aftermath of Floyd’s death, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott said in a statement that Texas and America mourn George Floyd “and the actions that led to his death are reprehensible and should be condemned in the strongest terms possible.”

Rep. Joaquín Castro, D-Texas, chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, called out the governor in a tweet as “part of the problem” and reminded Abbott that he “enacted — SB4 — that encourages racial profiling by law enforcement.”
The Texas law, SB4, was billed as a means to ensure that cities and communities cooperate with immigration officers, preventing so-called sanctuary cities. The law allows police to question the citizenship and immigration status of anyone they arrest, detain or stop, even on minor traffic stops. It allows the removal — and jail time — of any city police chief, sheriff or other official in charge if they prevent their officers or employees from cooperating with federal immigration officials.


You enacted a bill — SB4 — that encourages racial profiling by law enforcement, Governor.

You’re part of the problem.
#GeorgeFloyd https://twitter.com/GregAbbott_TX/status/1266805280890896387