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Showing posts with label Native Americans. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Native Americans. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 03, 2021

"Nazi Germany and American Indians," by Dr. Robert J. Miller

Yesterday, I showed my students the video, "Our Spirits Don't Speak English," which documents the inhumanity against children subjected to the American Indian Boarding school experience in our country. In the process of learning about this poignant documentary, I came across this piece by Shawnee Tribe member and Arizona State University Professor Robert J. Miller.

In the context of providing commentary on James Q. Whitman's well-researched and documented text titled, Hitler’s American Model:The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law, Miller underscores a key finding on how Nazis made use of U.S. laws, including American Indian law, in the formulation of anti-Jewish policy. I've read and was repulsed by Whitman's book—and have posted on it to this blog previously.

This should serve as a sobering reminder of the politics of knowledge—about which we continue to struggle—and how this has historically been policed by policies, textbook adoption processes, conservative school boards and state boards of education, and white supremacist ideology, in general. It's shameful to consider that we are only now learning about this specific connection between U.S. and Nazi jurisprudence, but can also see why those in power, presumably in both the U.S. and Germany, have been reluctant to expose these horrific chapters of history.
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-Angela Valenzuela

AUG 14, 2019

Nazi Germany and American Indians

It is intriguing, yet profoundly disturbing, that American Indian law played a role in the Nazi formulation of Jewish policies and laws says Robert J. Miller

Photo: robERT J. MILLER

Most Americans would probably be shocked to learn that in the early 1930s Nazi scholars, lawyers, and officials were heavily influenced by United States law when they were developing policies and laws concerning Jewish people. Most Americans would also no doubt be surprised to discover that when Nazis were turning their racist ideas into legislative proposals and laws they were carefully studying federal Indian laws and American state laws that discriminated against American Indians.

A 2017 book by a Yale law professor, James Q. Whitman, Hitler’s American Model:
The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law
 lays out a convincing argument that Nazis studied in minute detail American federal and state laws that discriminated against African-American, Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Puerto Rican, and other racial groups in the United States. Whitman, however, only mentions Native Americans on eleven pages in his book according to the book’s index.

In this article, I am undertaking the first step of what I anticipate will be a much larger study on how, and how extensively, federal and state laws and policies regarding American Indians influenced Nazi scholars, lawyers, and officials in formulating and enacting Nazi laws.

According to Professor Whitman, the Nazi laws that best exemplify its racist goals and tactics versus Jews were the Nuremberg Laws that were enacted and announced in September 1935. These laws established two important principles. First, the Reich Citizenship Law created a distinction between Reich citizens and mere German nationals. Under this law, Jewish people became nationals with restricted political rights and were not German citizens. Second, the Blood Law criminalized marriage and sexual relations between Jews and Germans. 

Whitman proves that for years building up to the 1935 Nuremberg Laws that Nazi lawyers, jurists, scholars, and officials were studying and writing research materials, articles, and books on United States immigration laws from the very first one in 1790, through the 1870s, 1880s, 1917, 1921, and 1924. Nazis also studied U.S. state and federal laws that allowed racial discrimination and limits on the citizenship rights of minorities. The Nazis were especially interested in American anti-miscegenation laws (bans on inter-racial marriage). Such bans existed in North America as early as 1664 in Maryland, in 1691 in Virginia, and right up to the early 1930s when the Nazis were studying them. In fact, Nazi scholars expressly cited the statutes of thirty American states that banned inter-racial marriages in the early 1930s, as well as many other aspects of U.S. race law: Heinrich Krieger, Das Rassenrecht in den Vereigten Staatenin Verwaltungsarchiv (1934); Heinrich Krieger, Das Rassenrecht in den Vereigten Staaten (Race Law in the United States) (1936); Johann von Leers, Blut und Rasse in der Gesetzgebung. Ein Gang durch die Volkergeschichte (Blood and Race: A Tour through the History of Peoples) (1936); and Herbert Kier, Volk, Rasse und Staat, in Nationalsozialistisches Handbuch fur Recht und Gesetzgebung (1935).  

Nazis and Indians

The Nazis’ interest in the United States policies and laws regarding American Indians originated with Adolf Hitler himself. In his book Mein Kampf, Hitler discussed U.S. laws and policies and noted that the United States was a racial model for Europe and that it was “the one state” in the world that was creating the kind of racist society that the Nazi regime wanted to establish. In a 1928 speech, Hitler stated that Americans had “gunned down the millions of Redskins to a few hundred thousand, and now keep the modest remnant under observation in a cage ...” Other scholars agree that for “generations of German imperialists, and for Hitler himself, the exemplary land empire was the United States of America.” 

Interestingly, the German word lebensraum (living space) became a Nazi rallying cry that demanded more land in Eastern Europe for German expansion and Germany’s growing population. This Nazi policy clearly evokes the American motto of Manifest Destiny that led to military actions, massacres, and official federal policies and laws to remove Indians from the path of American expansion. American Manifest Destiny led to attempted extermination of Indians, to Indian nations and Indians being confined to reservations, and to federal policies to allot and confiscate many of those reservations, and to terminate Indian nations political status.

Following Hitler’s lead, Nazi scholars, officials, jurists, and lawyers also delved deeply into United States Indian law when developing the 1935 Nuremberg Laws. The most important meeting in the process of drafting and enacting those Laws was held on June 5, 1934. At this meeting, the seventeen attendees reviewed extensive research materials that analyzed United States law and American states’ laws. Along with other Nazi scholarship, the materials presented at this meeting specifically highlighted and cited the laws of thirty U.S. states that criminalized or civilly nullified inter-racial marriages. Significantly, seven of those thirty state statutes also expressly outlawed white Americans from marrying Indians. 

Other Nazi scholarly research also highlighted U.S. and state laws that treated Indians differently than other American citizens. The Nazis were very interested in how the United States had gotten away with discriminating against Indians for several centuries based on race and bloodlines. Consequently, it appears irrefutable that Nazi officials, jurists, and lawyers were influenced when developing the Nuremberg Laws, at least partially, by American Indian laws and policies.

Heinrich Krieger

“Heinrich Krieger … was the single most important figure in the Nazi assimilation of American race law …” James Q. Whitman, Hitler’s American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law.

A review of Heinrich Krieger’s career adds significantly to the thesis that Nazi scholars and officials were heavily influenced by United States Indian law.

Krieger was a crucial actor in the process of Nazis studying and adopting American racial policies and Indian laws. Krieger researched and drafted the most important materials that German officials, jurists, attorneys, and scholars used to debate and formalize the legislative proposals and strategies for the Nuremberg Laws. For example, Krieger’s research, written materials, and conclusions were no doubt incorporated into the conference materials distributed to the seventeen attendees, and discussed at length, at the crucial June 5, 1934 meeting. The attendees of this meeting were provided with Krieger’s and other scholars research on American laws that discriminated against minorities and Indians. In fact, Krieger published his research and findings on American racial laws contemporaneously with the June 1934 Nuremberg Laws meeting in his 1934 article, Race Law in the United States. He later developed and expanded his arguments further in his 1936 book of the same name. 

Most importantly for my argument, Krieger was intimately familiar with American Indian Law. He published a twenty-nine page law review article on Indian law in March 1935, Principles of Indian Law and the Act of June 18, 1934. He researched and wrote this article during 1933–34 when he was an exchange student at the University of Arkansas Law School and while he was also conducting research at the Library of Congress to publish his dissertation on “American Racial Law.” It is beyond belief that he would not have included his findings on Indian law in the materials he provided to Nazi officials for the June 1934 meeting when they discussed and planned what became the Nuremberg Laws.

In his law review article, Krieger discussed a wide array of issues regarding American Indians’ U.S. citizenship and their rights, the discriminatory treatment of Indians and Indian nations by the United States, and myriad federal Indian laws and policies. After all this research and analysis, he concluded that United States Indian law was racial law, and that the United States discriminated against and treated Indians and Indian nations differently from other American citizens based on their alleged racial differences from white Americans. (“the Indian law is exactly what its name indicates: a racial law; and there is no way out of the extra-constitutional situation …” Emphasis in original.) Krieger also concluded: “The proper nature of the tribal Indians’ status is that of a racial group placed under a special police power of the United States.” It appears certain that what Krieger learned from his intensive study of federal Indian law and the state laws that discriminated against Indians, and what he emphasized to Nazi officials, was that the United States discriminated against its Indian citizens because of their race and had always done so. Thus, he concluded that Nazi Germany should be justified in doing the same against German Jews.

How intriguing, yet at the same time how profoundly disturbing, that American Indian law played a role in the Nazi formulation of Jewish policies and laws. Further research will hopefully reveal just how large a role United States Indian laws and policies played in that disturbing chapter of world history.

Robert J. Miller, Eastern Shawnee Tribe of Oklahoma, is Professor Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law at Arizona State University.

Sunday, August 16, 2020

Native American Children's Books

Here is another great resource on Native American children's books.  As I indicated in my earlier post today, there are structural issues associated with access to culturally and linguistically relevant children's books, but that hardly means that they do not exist.  Here is a great resource for you from TribalNationsMaps.com. The maps, by the way, are quite wonderful, too.

Enjoy!

-Angela Valenzuela


Friday, April 24, 2020

If we're serious about saving the Earth, we have to start listening to native elders Indigenous people have much to teach about living in balance on the planet.

Friends,

This was published before COVID, as we've experienced it in the U.S., was a thing. 

Mother Earth is clearly in a state of convulsion.  Her entire life support system is clearly at risk.  Going forward, we must center Indigenous voices and epistemologies, or ways of knowing.  

Our very survival as a human species depends on it.

Thanks to Juan Tejeda for sharing.

- Angela Valenzuela

Published on Feb 24, 2020 by Cyril Christo


If we're serious about saving the Earth, we have to start listening to native elders

Indigenous people have much to teach about living in balance on the planet.
By
Cyril Christo
, Opinion Contributor
“Behind this machine comes a century of maniacs and a heat which looks to consume the Earth.”
                                                 – “An American Dream”  Norman Mailer
“If you think the Indian Wars are over, think again!”     

- Carrie Dann, Western Shoshone Elder
“That may be why Western man studies so much but knows so little. That may be why his civilization has to collapse before he knows what's happening to it. That may be why he cannot, or will not, change his ways of life until his ways of life change him. He thinks he can change his way of life by changing his words. That may be his real forked tongue.”               
                                                            - Gerald Wilkinson, Cherokee, Director, National Indian Youth Council
Ours is the time of climate and elemental upheaval, and unfortunately few in the dominant society have listened to the enormous message of honoring the Earth that the native elders embody, chief among them the native peoples of the Western hemisphere.  
Over the last 25 years, I have observed the battle between traditionals who maintain the sacred millennial ways and progressives who are selling their land and culture to the powers that be. The Trans Mountain pipeline supported by Trans Canada and Kinder Morgan threatens the Wet’suwetan people in northern British Columbia. The energy companies face fierce opposition from hereditary chiefs who disagree with elected indigenous officials who have signed benefit agreements with energy companies who will spend 16 billion to build the project. Only 43 percent of Canadians believe the project should be cancelled. Where will the gas go? China. The Wet’suwet’an say their land was never ceded by treaty. Gordon Christie, a scholar of indigenous law at the University of British Columbia, says Canada as a whole is doing its best to “avoid acknowledging the existence of other systems of government.” It seems Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s image as a supporter of reconciliation has to be called into question.
In Brazil, Raoni Mutiktere, 89, tapped for the Nobel Prize and the chief of the Kayapo, has protested the 5-kilometer wide Belo Monte dam on the Xingu River in the Amazon for years. It is upending his and the Munduruku, Juruna, Kuruaya, Asurini, Parakana, and Arara people's land. An entire cosmos has been rent in the largest rainforest on earth. He exclaims, “We, the peoples of the Amazon, are full of fear. Soon you will be too.” In light of the fiery apocalypse that has just overwhelmed Australia, his words are prophetic. He laments the technological society selling its soul to “sad leaves,” the money our civilization seems to be so beholden to. Considering that almost 20 percent of the Amazon has been lost in the last generation and that it could soon turn into a savanna, the largest biological holy grail of life on Earth is in an emergency state. 
Native peoples have had a cosmic understanding of the world that our civilization is wholly lacking. I came to the American Southwest, to understand what some of its most traditional elders were saying. Some said the point of no return is 2020. We have reached that point. The Paris Climate accord needs to be honored. An equally significant treaty, now being compiled at the UN, would be to salvage the world’s species and biodiversity. It needs to become a cornerstone of our civilization this year while we still have some measure of hope.
Hundreds of years ago, the Hopi of the American Southwest knew about the coming “purification” and other changes to the Earth now underway. The European invasion of native lands continues to wreak havoc on the life support system of the planet. The native peoples have decried the flaying and polluting and detonation of the land for centuries and are central to its maintenance, as was written into the Declaration of Independence by the Iroquois Confederacy, “the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God.” They knew their prophecies were as irreducible as lightning over the mesas. Few in the dominant society listened to them because theirs were the words of mystic shamans and medicine men shrouded in “primitive ways.” But like poet D.H. Lawrence, something ineffable from the sky and the mountains moved in my spirit a generation ago as I began to listen and hear testimony from those who are the walking equivalent of the land and eagles and grizzlies and wolves we would do well to honor, and who harbor in their culture the true seeds of continuity and wisdom that our civilization will do well to heed in this late and tested hour. 
I remember the drought New Mexico experienced in 2000 when for six months not a drop of rain fell on a ravaged, parched and depleted Earth. A Diné (peoples of the Wind, widely known as Navajo) elder was asked to do his Ikah, sand expression used in healing ceremonies, of lightning boy, and Tibetan elders were asked to do a mandala for rain. Each did their proper ritual and prayers and that night mixed their expressions together in a sign of solidarity for two cultures who are in essence, two sides of the same coin, and spread them in the dry Santa Fe River. A marvelous thing happened. It started to rain like seeds of miracle from another time and place. One can ponder the seeming metaphysics or ignore them. But explanations will falter in trying to unravel the coefficient of the life force.
The dominant society in seemingly mastering external physical power only has ignored the invisible realities and the great web that unifies life as we know it. NASA scientists even came to ask native elders of their knowledge of climate change because they knew their computer models did not have all the answers, and they needed a different perspective. If Hopi elders had been able to persuade Wall Street and the business-as-usual model, I doubt that carbon dioxide would be such a menace today. It is ironic that the most flagrant methane cloud observable comes from the four corners area of the United States, precisely where the Hopi live. I heard from an eloquent grandmother from San Ildefonso Pueblo, New Mexico that things were underway which would change the world, and that our so-called civilization was living “on borrowed time.” Many come to the Southwest for a job, or simply to live. Some build their overweening, often overbearing mansions with no regard for the genius of the land. They think themselves the masters of the universe. But beneath their feet, beneath America’s arrogant and outstretched maw, a universe crawls with an intelligence about which they have no understanding.
The latest North Dakota protests are about much more than land rights. It is much more than about mere oil and a pipeline. It is about ultimate freedom and living in accord with a much higher law than man’s. It is about the Earth in the very bedrock of place and what remains of the human spirit. The native peoples do not simply feel violated, they are not simply fighting for their rights as peoples as they have for hundreds of years, they are not battling just to maintain their homes and to keep the juggernaut of the petrochemical moloch and oil pipeline out of their backyards, they are not merely shouting for environmental justice, they are not merely defending their souls against the pale inflections of a fabulously belligerent military autocracy we call America; they are fighting for the balance of the Universe.
An elder, Martin Gashweseoma, first told me of the Hopi prophecies and the petroglyphs on prophecy rock in Arizona about 15 years ago. The world had barely reckoned with climate change. Prophecy rock seemed like an outdated piece of prehistory carved on a rock. But at Hopi the underground aquifer that has been used to slurry coal for electricity for Phoenix, Vegas and Los Angeles is about to dry up. The increasing forest fires and massive drought afflicting the Southwest may come in part from the draining of the water table below ground. So, the humble way of living the Hopi have advocated for centuries should come as no surprise; it is represented by a man holding a digging stick used for planting corn, to emphasize the simple, humble way of living.
By contrast there is the zig-zag path that underscored those who would deviate from the humble and simple way of living, and the three earth-shattering events — two of them being the two gourds of ash that fell on Japan in WWII — and our separation from nature. On one visit, Arizona public service was putting in water and electric lines which many traditionals, as opposed to the progressives, did not want. The battle against utilities and whether to be part of the modern world divided the community. A giant backhoe was slicing up some of Hotevilla, the bastion of traditional Hopi. I felt the need to record the violation as a millennial old way of being on the land was being subverted. The traditionals did not want to become federal subjects and pay for water and to be taxed when they had gone to get water from the springs for free, for generations. Now their sovereignty was in question.
I taped the dismantling of Hotevilla, saw a machine embodying the very monster of technological society ripping through the ground of a ceremonial shrine, and I timidly rushed back to my host, Martin. Using cameras of any kind was not allowed, but the video I had taped was a record of what I saw as a violation of Hopi sovereignty. A few minutes later a policeman came and said someone was taking pictures of Hopi, which was forbidden. Martin explained that I was his guest and concerned about the casualties happening at Hopi. The unity of what was once one of the most peaceful places on Earth was becoming two, like a cleaver coming down on the social, spiritual and metaphysical bone of a community. 
Martin asked the young Hopi policeman, if he was so Hopi why did he have two guns on his belt? The young man was at first befuddled, then explained that he was simply doing his job, then backed off, realizing the truth of the elder’s words. He was Ka Hopi, not peaceful and in essence no longer Hopi. For a people who did not have prisons, the very idea of guns was anathema to Hopi. But Hopi, like the rest of the world, was undergoing rapid changes. The Hope prophecies which predicted such things as the talking cobwebs, the House of Mica (the UN), flying villages, and many Earth changes had started to take shape. It is perhaps no coincidence that I first saw the comet Hale Bopp streaking like an incandescent omen over Hopi during these events in 1997. It was perhaps a reminder from the heavens that larger supervening forces were at stake and that it was ultimately up to humans to honor that order. 
Like the pipeline in North Dakota an entire ontology is being torn asunder for the mercenary, power structures of the world economy, and its oil and banking cartels. That the media was turned back and threatened not only underscored the powers of the police state and the abrogation of the First Amendment, but also the fact that an extraordinary lie of severe ecological consequence was being forced onto the people. The lie being perpetuated was an order of reality that was quite simply eviscerating the topsoil of existence as we knew it. The world changes now upon us are irrefutable evidence that the visions of the elders were no mere superstition, but an intuitive depth charge from the deepest part of the human psyche. Hopi has been considered the center of native prophecy for generations. What I beheld at Hopi was ground zero for what was enveloping the biosphere. That was before the tar sands in Alberta, before we realized that 300 feet of the Greenland ice sheet had disappeared. Before we had entered the so-called Anthropocene. Before we passed 400 parts per million for carbon dioxide. What was unique at Hopi were predictions that undermined the very priorities of modern civilization and what the global media understood as relevant or even cared to confront because it did not suit the elite. Red Cloud’s prophecy of the Indian Nations coming together puts the spotlight squarely on what is happening in North Dakota, because Mother Earth’s rights are being abrogated. The lessons at Hopi and North Dakota, British Columbia and the Amazon are a litmus test for the future of the human species about how we should tend to our one and only home planet.
It was on the last Mother’s Day of the 20th century that my wife Marie and I went to pay respect to Corbin Harney of the Shoshone people. Corbin had been protesting the Nevada nuclear test sites for decades. Corbin had fought the military arrogance of the U.S. government, which has exploded over 1,000 nuclear bombs for decades in the belly of the desert. He had tried, like the Hopi elders, to warn the world of our ways, but to no avail. Despite the claims of the U.S. that we are a peaceful nation, we have abrogated every major treaty designed to limit the spread of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons. A new generation of bunker-busting weapons would soon be tested on Shoshone land. Corbin understood only too well that the government wants to “take advantage of the earth and use and misuse it. We see that throughout the world. That’s the way I see the white man today — termites — they want to destroy things. They’re putting nothing back — no give, just take. The animals, the berries, the roots — nothing’s here. It’s sad. Pretty soon we’re going to be fighting for water. Somewhere it’s going to come to an end. People are not going to wake up until something terrible happens.”
Between the industrial worldview with its accompanying Darwinian capitalist system and the cosmology of the first peoples of the world lies a titanic gulf. The acts being done under the authority of the U.S. government have altered the political and spiritual status of the Shoshone forever. The laws that are being violated — the very laws that are being rejected by the U.S. in favor of multinational corporate interests — are those that are inscribed in the Declaration of Independence, “the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God.” The fight around Shoshone is the fight for aboriginal people to live by ancestral law before mercantile law, and the modern “civilized” world has taken their sovereignty away.
It was thanks to Corbin that we learned about the extraordinary Dann sisters in northern Nevada who had been trying to hold onto their land against the intrusion and persecution of the U.S. government, eager to get its hands on gold reserves under their land, which was by some estimates the third largest gold deposit on earth after Russia and South Africa. Carrie and Mary Dann had been fighting for their land with all the power of their 5-foot frames for decades. The blistering raw beauty of their land is punctuated by stark brown mountains that surround their valley. The vast irrepressible freedom and openness here and the magnitude of the stars belies the range war that was waged here. Carrie’s face is lined with decades of struggle, like land that is cracking under the weight of two opposing world views. It is a testament to what Carrie Dann calls the “dictatorial powers” of renegade U.S. policies. Carrie answers most questions placed before her with the contention that the U.S. government does not respect her or the Shoshone right to property. It is here, under the phantasmagoric sands of Nevada, that the bones of the Shoshone are buried. It is the birthright of her people. It is here that 900 acres of mining for gold were slated on the scarred peak of the Shoshone, Mt. Tenabo. In the increasing hunger for minerals, dollars and wealth, the globalization process has not had a trickle-down effect. In addition to the extraction of gold and other minerals, Nevada is second to none for what is perhaps the most insidious by-product of the industrial world — nuclear testing.
Carrie is adamant in her belief that there are two sets of rules in America — those that apply to the dominant society and those that apply to native people. The real America has long since been hijacked. Jim Anaya, law professor at the University of Arizona, offers the possibility of joint management between Shoshone and the Bureau of Land Management (BLM). He says the solution is one of attitude. There is an “age old premise that Indians can’t manage things for themselves. It’s based on an attitude of paternalism that has plagued policy makers in this country probably since its founding.”  
The idea of being caretaker of the Earth is primary among Native people. The core of the devastation being wrought around the world lies with the abrogation of this relationship. Instead of a living, breathing, reverent model of abiding by an organism that sustains existence, we have within a hundred years brought the earth to a state of convulsion. Upon finishing his "savage pilgrimage" in America, D.H. Lawrence, the great English writer, exclaimed that our “metaphysics are wearing woefully thin.” He arrived in Taos, New Mexico in 1922 on his birthday, Sept. 11. Decades later, that fateful day looms as a reminder of the enemy without and within. Much greater than the so-called terrorist threat is the large-scale global dismemberment of the ecosystem. Already at that time D.H. Lawrence realized that our civilization was in grave trouble and had lost its roots to the cosmos. That is a connection that the Shoshone, and those fighting for their land in the Amazon, the Arctic, Australia, Africa and the world over refuse to give up. But each year there are fewer elders who still bear the knowledge, wisdom and patience to battle what many perceive as the final phase of colonization, because today the outcome is addressing the whole life support system of the planet. “When the people’s connection to the land is broken, something vital will be lost forever,” says Carrie.
One of the most tenacious and remarkable native elders, Roberta Blackgoat, was Diné, Navajo, and waged an incessant fight against Peabody Coal’s usurpation of her people’s land for coal at Black Mesa. Her life, honored in the Academy Award winning “Broken Rainbow,” is a testimony not only to matriarchs of the world, but also for native people’s struggle to conserve the Earth for future generations. Having lived firsthand the harassment of what she considers the tactics of the police state, which wanted her off her land for the prize resource of coal, Roberta would hold up placards that said, “If you want to move me, you must sue the Creator.” Since 1974 when Congress revoked her Creator-given right to live on Big Mountain, she waged a one-woman war against the powers that be. Coal is Mother Earth’s liver, while for the dominant society it is one of the key sources of power that makes the engine of modernity run. She did not move until her death. She stayed for the “entire universe.”
The struggle in North Dakota is the same struggle, but this time the stakes are higher. The oil that would come from Canada is a transnational issue. After the Paris Climate Agreement who can doubt that this time around the fight is not for just one precious commodity, at least for the technological society, but for the future of the world as we know it. This time all native nations know what is at stake. It is not just about conquistadores and Anglos coming for their land and oil and water and coal and target practice with nuclear weapons. It is far greater than that. The spiritual implications of abrogating native title and the multibillion dollar theft of native land underscores the difference between true freedom and becoming subjects to a tyrannical economic system and the worldwide police state. If the current trend continues unabated, traditional wisdom insists, the forced change of gods cannot but invite disaster. The assault on the soil, the militarization of the land, sea and sky, the loss of wildlife worldwide, these Corbin predicted, as well as algae blooms plaguing the sea and 200 mph typhoons. The Diné predicted a time when it would thunder in the winter and snow in the summer, as evidence the holy beings were being upset. For many in the dominant society, such talk smacks of superstition. But global warming and its aftermath are already upon us. 
“We think money is a god,” Corbin declared, “but it’s not.” Carrie, with all her wit and defiance, held up an invisible coin to the sky and squinting, wondered what to make of the inscription, “In God we trust. Is that God? That little coin, that big?” she asked. “It’s strange how you can destroy your environment — all in the name of money.” Will we rush into that once unforeseeable horizon of total ecological collapse, a horizon that now laps at our heels, or can we change course to a renewed horizon? The native elders say society needs to turn around by 2020. There is room for a rebirth, but 2020 is the point of no return. Now is the time to listen to Earth’s native elders.  
I first heard about the vaunted Hopi prophecies in the American Southwest, in the desert, what some might call the middle of nowhere. Far from the glitzy glass and concrete machinations of what passes for modern civilization with its infinite distractions and cultural artefacts that I was told were mere decorations for the highest story of the Tower of Babel, I heard the Hopi elders speak. They warned me about this time. They told me to avoid the coasts. They told me of storms that would be 200 miles per hour. Many things are happening exactly as they predicted. Like their Inuit cousins in the Arctic who predicted that there would be people who “would burn the polar bears.” It is time the dominant society divest itself of fossil fuels and the blood of dinosaurs and beings that lived many millennia ago because our entire society could crumble from lack of vision and care. Our economic system is no longer tenable. In the old days we had to fight sabre tooth cats and mastodons to survive. It was hard to plan days in advance, let alone years. Today we need to plan for a new way to live on the Earth because as some elders say, it is starting to get angry at the human species. Henno Martin, a German who survived like a human leopard in touch with the elements as he managed to avoid being imprisoned in Namibia at the outbreak of WWII wrote: 
“It seemed to me that hunting peoples, like Bushmen, Red Indians and Eskimo, must be happy and contented. They certainly knew danger, sudden death and cruel enemies, but who could say in this year of grace 1940 that modern civilization spared civilized man any of those things? On the contrary it had increased the dangers; it had enormously increased violence and senseless destruction, and in doing so it had deprived the individual of all independence. But the old instincts of the hunter were still alive in civilized society, and millions of men felt elated at the thought of war. The old killer instincts were awake again, but surely they could not give that deep inner satisfaction that this vigil in the night gave me, because operating under civilized conditions they had been robbed of their original significance; they no longer served to defend and sustain life. Those primitive hunters who lived together in small kin groups did not show reckless courage for its own sake. They had to be reckless in order to survive. But the hypnotizing power display of vast organizations which exhibited and glorified power, trained man — without necessity — to recklessness and the unquestioning acceptance of death and annihilation. There lies man’s road to extinction.”
I would like to leave the last words with the granddaughter of the famous holy man Black Elk. Her name is Grace Black Elk. She said about 50 years ago, "One day soon, the white man will come to us and say: help us! We have used up the energy of Mother Earth! We have wasted the energy of Father Sun! We beg you to teach us how to use our energy wisely! So that we can survive! We are afraid! So please help us! You Indians know how! So teach us! And I will say: Sure! Let us see your Application for Survival. Go write your proposal and submit it to us. And we will submit it to our councils of chiefs for consideration and discussion. And then I will say to them: Come back in two years! But they will say, this is an emergency! We have an energy crisis! We know I will say. We sympathize with the plight of the white man. So we will very sympathetically file your plea away. We know this is a matter of life and death for you. So we will have to consider this very carefully. In two years time we will have a meeting on your Application for Survival. Even a conference, even a congressional hearing. This is the way we learned from you to consider matters of life and death. Mother Earth has no 'energy crisis.' Father Sun has no 'energy crisis.' The People, the Indian People, they have no 'energy crisis.' Who does? It is the white man, who has broken the Sacred Circle of Life."
Published on Feb 24, 2020

Friday, April 03, 2020

Inside a New Effort to Change What Schools Teach About Native American History

Particularly in this Ethnic Studies moment in our state and nation, I am glad to see the Smithsonian Institution focusing on curriculum and pedagogy in the context of its Native Knowledge 360 Degrees (NK360°) initiative.  

NK360° convenes teachers to develop this new curriculum and pedagogy in Native American History.  We indeed need more complete, accurate renderings of Native peoples everywhere.

-Angela Valenzuela

Inside a New Effort to Change What Schools Teach About Native American History

A new curriculum from the American Indian Museum brings greater depth and understanding to the long-misinterpreted history of indigenous culture

SMITHSONIANMAG.COM

Students who learn anything about Native Americans are often only offered the barest minimum: re-enacting the first Thanksgiving, building a California Spanish mission out of sugar cubes or memorizing a flashcard about the Trail of Tears just ahead of the AP U.S. History Test.

Tuesday, December 25, 2018

DNA Tests Make Native Americans Strangers in Their Own Land

Important, critical read pertaining to DNA testing which has become so popular today with 23andMe and ancestry.com.  Key quote:

At their most benign, these reports have become the equivalent of a contemporary parlor game, especially for white Americans who make up the vast majority of the participants. But there is a sinister undertone to it all, reviving as it does a long-discredited pseudoscientific basis for racism: the notion that race, ethnicity, and ancestry are revealed in the genes and the blood, and passed down inexorably, even if invisibly, from generation to generation. Behind this lies the assumption that those genes (or variations) originate within clearly defined national or geographic borders and that they reveal something meaningful about who we are—something otherwise invisible. In this way, race and ethnicity are separated from and elevated above experience, culture, and history.

As Aviva Chomsky maintains, by reviving "long-held ideas about purity and authenticity," these tests are the modern "race science" of today that has the impact of reinscribing constructions of race, as well as erasing our history with respect to "conquest, colonization, and exploitation that created not just racial inequality but race itself as a crucial category in the modern world."  Read on.

-Angela Valenzuela

DNA Tests Make Native Americans Strangers in Their Own Land

Reviving race science plays into centuries of oppression.


Amid the barrage of racistanti-immigrant, and other attacks launched by President Trump and his administration in recent months, a series of little noted steps have threatened Native American land rights and sovereignty. Such attacks have focused on tribal sovereignty, the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA), and the voting rights of Native Americans, and they have come from Washington, the courts, and a state legislature. What they share is a single conceptual framework: the idea that the long history that has shaped US-Native American relations has no relevance to today’s realities.
Meanwhile, in an apparently unrelated event, Senator Elizabeth Warren, egged on by Donald Trump’s “Pocahontas” taunts and his mocking of her claims to native ancestry, triumphantly touted her DNA results to “prove” her Native American heritage. In turning to the burgeoning, for-profit DNA industry, however, she implicitly lent her progressive weight to claims about race and identity that go hand in hand with moves to undermine Native sovereignty.
The DNA industry has, in fact, found a way to profit from reviving and modernizing antiquated ideas about the biological origins of race and repackaging them in a cheerful, Disneyfied wrapping. While it’s true that the it’s-a-small-world-after-all multiculturalism of the new racial science rejects 19th-century scientific racism and Social Darwinism, it is offering a 21st-century version of pseudoscience that once again reduces race to a matter of genetics and origins. In the process, the corporate-promoted ancestry fad conveniently manages to erase the histories of conquest, colonization, and exploitation that created not just racial inequality but race itself as a crucial category in the modern world.
Today’s policy attacks on Native rights reproduce the same misunderstandings of race that the DNA industry is now so assiduously promoting. If Native Americans are reduced to little more than another genetic variation, there is no need for laws that acknowledge their land rights, treaty rights, and sovereignty. Nor must any thought be given to how to compensate for past harms, not to speak of the present ones that still structure their realities. A genetic understanding of race distorts such policies into unfair “privileges” offered to a racially defined group and so “discrimination” against non-Natives. This is precisely the logic behind recent rulings that have denied Mashpee tribal land rights in Massachusetts, dismantled the ICWA (a law aimed at preventing the removal of Native American children from their families or communities), and attempted to suppress Native voting rights in North Dakota.
PROFITING BY RECREATING RACE
Let’s start by looking at how the ancestry industry contributes to, and profits from, a 21st-century reformulation of race. Companies like Ancestry.com and 23andMe lure customers into donating their DNA and a hefty sum of money in exchange for detailed reports claiming to reveal the exact geographical origins of their ancestors going back multiple generations. “Who do you think you are?” asks Ancestry.com, typically enough. The answer, the company promises, lies in your genes.
Such businesses eschew the actual term “race” in their literature. They claim instead that DNA reveals “ancestry composition” and “ethnicity.” In the process, however, they turn ethnicity, a term once explicitly meant to describe culture and identity, into something that can be measured in the genes. They conflate ethnicity with geography, and geography with genetic markers. Perhaps you won’t be surprised to learn that the “ethnicities” they identify bear an eerie resemblance to the “races” identified by European scientific racist thinking a century ago. They then produce scientific-looking “reports” that contain purportedly exact percentages linking consumers to places as specific as “Sardinia” or as broad as “East Asia.”
At their most benign, these reports have become the equivalent of a contemporary parlor game, especially for white Americans who make upthe vast majority of the participants. But there is a sinister undertone to it all, reviving as it does a long-discredited pseudoscientific basis for racism: the notion that race, ethnicity, and ancestry are revealed in the genes and the blood, and passed down inexorably, even if invisibly, from generation to generation. Behind this lies the assumption that those genes (or variations) originate within clearly defined national or geographic borders and that they reveal something meaningful about who we are—something otherwise invisible. In this way, race and ethnicity are separated from and elevated above experience, culture, and history.
IS THERE ANY SCIENCE BEHIND IT?
Although all humans share 99.9 percent of our DNA, there are some markers that exhibit variations. It’s these markers that the testers study, relying on the fact that certain variations are more (or less) common in different geographical areas. As law and sociology professor Dorothy Roberts puts it, “No sooner had the Human Genome Project determined that human beings are 99.9 percent alike than many scientists shifted their focus from human genetic commonality to the 0.1 percent of human genetic difference. This difference is increasingly seen as encompassing race.”
Ancestry tests rely on a fundamental—and racialized—misunderstanding of how ancestry works. The popular assumption is that each of us contains discrete and measurable percentages of the “blood” and DNA of our two biological parents, four grandparents, eight great-grandparents, sixteen great-great-grandparents, and so on, and that this ancestral line can be traced back hundreds of years in a meaningful way. It can’t. As science journalist Carl Zimmer explains, “DNA is not a liquid that can be broken down into microscopic drops.… We inherit about a quarter of our DNA from each grandparent—but only on average.… If you pick one of your ancestors from 10 generations back, the odds are around 50 percent that you carry any DNA from him or her. The odds get even worse beyond that.”
In reality, such testing does not tell us much about our ancestors. That’s partly because of the way DNA is passed down through the generations and partly because there exists no database of ancestral DNA. Instead, the companies compare your DNA to that of other contemporary humans who have paid them to take the test. Then they compare your particular variations to patterns of geographical and ethnic distribution of such variations in today’s world—and use secret algorithms to assign purportedly precise ancestral percentages to them.
So is there really a Sardinian or East Asian gene or genetic variation? Of course not. If there is one fact that we know about human history, it’s that ours is a history of migrations. We all originated in East Africa and populated the planet through ongoing migrations and interactions. None of this has ended (and, in fact, thanks to climate change, it will only increase). Cultures, ethnicities, and settlements can’t be frozen in time. The only thing that is constant is change. The peoples who reside in today’s Sardinia or East Asia are a snapshot that captures only a moment in a history of motion. The DNA industry’s claims about ancestry award that moment a false sense of permanence.
While whites of European ancestry seem enthralled with the implications of this new racial science, few Native Americans have chosen to donate to such databases. Centuries of abuse at the hands of colonial researchers who made their careers on Native ancestral remains, cultural artifacts, and languages have generated a widespread skepticism toward the notion of offering genetic material for the good of “science.” In fact, when it comes to one DNA testing outfit, 23andMe, all of the countries included in its lists of the geographical origins of those who have contributed to its “Native American” database are in Latin America and the Caribbean. “In North America,” the company blandly explains, “Native American ancestry tends to be five or more generations back, so that little DNA evidence of this heritage remains.” In other words, 23andMe claims DNA as conclusive proof of Native American identity, then uses it to write Native North Americans off the map altogether.
THE ANCESTRY INDUSTRY AND THE DISAPPEARING INDIAN
The ancestry industry, even while celebrating diverse origins and multiculturalism, has revived long-held ideas about purity and authenticity. For much of US history, white colonizers argued that Native Americans would “vanish,” at least in part through biological dilution. New England’s native peoples were, for instance, systematically denied land rights and tribal status in the 19th century on the grounds that they were too racially mixed to be “authentic” Indians.
As historian Jean O’Brien has explained, “Insistence on ‘blood purity’ as a central criterion of ‘authentic’ Indianness reflected the scientific racism that prevailed in the 19th century. New England Indians had intermarried, including with African Americans, for many decades, and their failure to comply with non-Indian ideas about Indian phenotype strained the credence for their Indianness in New England minds.” The supposed “disappearance” of such Indians then justified the elimination of any rights that they might have had to land or sovereignty, the elimination of which, in a form of circular reasoning, only confirmed their nonexistence as a people.
However, it was never phenotype or distant ancestry but, as O’Brien points out, “complex regional kinship networks that remained at the core of Indian identity in New England, despite the nearly complete Indian dispossession that English colonists accomplished.… Even as Indians continued to reckon membership in their communities through the time-honored system of kinship, New Englanders invoked the myth of blood purity as identity in denying Indian persistence.”
Such antiquated understandings of race as a biological or scientific category allowed whites to deny Indian existence—and now allow them to make biological claims about “Indian” identity. Until recently, such claims, as in Senator Warren’s case, rested on the murkiness of family tales. Today, the supposed ability of DNA companies to find genetic “proof” of such a background reinforces the idea that Indian identity is something measurable in the blood and sidesteps the historical basis for the legal recognition or protection of Indian rights.
The ancestry industry assumes that there is something meaningful about the supposed racial identity of one of hundreds or even thousands of an individual’s ancestors. It’s an idea that plays directly into the hands of right-wingers who are intent on attacking what they call “identity politics”—and the notion that “minorities” are becoming unduly privileged.
Indeed, white resentment flared at the suggestion that Senator Warren might have received some professional benefit from her claim to Native status. Despite an exhaustive investigation by the Boston Globe showing conclusively that she did not, the myth persists and has become an implicit part of Donald Trump’s mockery of her. In fact, any quick scan of statistics will confirm the ludicrousness of such a position. It should be obvious that being Native American (or Black, or Latino) in the United States confers far more risks than benefits. Native Americans suffer from higher rates of poverty, unemployment, infant mortality, and low birth weight, as well as lower educational levels and shorter life spans than do whites. These statistics are the result of hundreds of years of genocide, exclusion, and discrimination—not the presence or absence of specific genetic variations.
REVIVING RACE TO UNDERMINE NATIVE RIGHTS
Native rights, from sovereignty to acknowledgment of the conditions created by 500 years of colonial misrule, rest on an acceptance that race and identity are, in fact, the products of history. “Native Americans” came into being not through genes but through the historical processes of conquest and colonial rule, along with grudging and fragile acknowledgement of Native sovereignty. Native American nations are political and cultural entities, the products of history, not genes, and white people’s assertions about Native American ancestry and the DNA industry’s claim to be able to reveal such ancestry tend to run roughshod over this history.
Let’s look at three developments that have, over the past year, undermined the rights of Native Americans: the reversal of reservation status for Mashpee tribal lands in Massachusetts, the striking down of the Indian Child Welfare Act, and Republican attempts to suppress Native American votes in North Dakota. Each of these acts came from a different part of the government: the Bureau of Indian Affairs in the Department of the Interior, the courts, and North Dakota’s Republican-dominated state legislature. But all three rely on notions of identity that place race firmly in our genes rather than in our history. In the process, they deny the histories that turned the sovereign and autonomous peoples of North America before European colonists arrived in “the New World” into “Native Americans,” and imply that Native American historical rights are meaningless.
The Mashpee of Massachusetts finally achieved federal recognition and a grant of reservation land only in 2007, based on the fact that they “had existed as a distinct community since the 1620s.” In other words, federal recognition was based on a historical, not a racialized, understanding of ethnicity and identity. However, the tribe’s drive to build a casino on its newly acquired reservation in Taunton, Massachusetts, would promptly be challenged by local property-owners. Their lawsuit relied on a technicality: that, as they argued in court, reservation land could only be granted to tribes that had been federally recognized as of 1934. In fact, the Mashpee struggle for recognition had been repeatedly stymied by long-held notions that the Indians of Massachusetts were not “real” or “authentic” because of centuries of racial mixing. There was nothing new in this. The state’s 19th-century legislature prefigured just such a 21st-century backlash against recognition when it boasted that real Indians no longer existed in Massachusetts and that the state was poised to wipe out all such “distinctions of race and caste.”
In September 2018, the Department of the Interior (to which the court assigned the ultimate decision) ruled against the Mashpees. Recently appointed Assistant Director of Indian Affairs Tara Sweeney, the first Native American to hold that position, “paved the way for a reservation to be taken out of trust for the first time since the termination era,” a 20-year period from the 1940s to the 1960s when the federal government attempted to “terminate” Native sovereignty entirely by dismantling reservations and removing Indians to urban areas to “assimilate” them. The new ruling could affect far more than the Mashpees. Some fear that, in the Trump years, the decision portends “a new termination era,” or even a possible “extermination era,” for the country’s Native Americans.
Meanwhile, on October 4th, a US District Court struck down the Indian Child Welfare Act, or ICWA. This is a potentially devastating development as Congress passed that Act in 1978 to end the then-still-common practice of breaking up Native families by removing Indian children for adoption into white families. Such acts of removal date back to the earliest days of white settlement and over the centuries included various kinds of servitude and the founding of residential boarding schools for Indian children that were aimed at eliminating Native languages, cultures, and identities, while promoting “assimilation.” Indian child removal continued into the late 20th century through a federally sponsored “Indian Adoption Project,” as well as the sending of a remarkable number of such children into the foster care system.
According to the ICWA, “An alarmingly high percentage of Indian families are broken up by the removal, often unwarranted, of their children from them by nontribal public and private agencies and that an alarmingly high percentage of such children are placed in non-Indian foster and adoptive homes and institutions.” States, it added, “have often failed to recognize the essential tribal relations of Indian people and the cultural and social standards prevailing in Indian communities and families.” The Act gave tribes primary jurisdiction over all child custody issues including foster placements and the termination of parental rights, requiring for the first time that priority be placed on keeping Native children with their parents, kin, or at least within the tribe.
The ICWA said nothing about race or ancestry. Instead, it recognized “Indian” as a political status, while acknowledging semi-sovereign collective rights. It was based on the Constitution’s implicit acknowledgement of Indian sovereignty and land rights and the assignment to the Federal government of relations with Indian tribes. The District Court’s ICWA decision trampled on the collective political rights of Indian tribes by maintaining that the act discriminated against non-Native families in limiting their right to foster or adopt Native children. That rationale, like the rationale behind the Mashpee decision, directly attacks the cultural and historical acknowledgement of Native sovereignty.
Superficially, the assault on Native voting rights may appear conceptually unrelated to the Mashpee and ICWA decisions. North Dakota is one of many primarily Republican-controlled states to take advantage of a 2013 Supreme Court ruling eliminating key protections of the Voting Rights Act to make registration and voting more difficult, especially for likely Democratic voters including the poor and people of color. After numerous challenges, a North Dakota law requiring prospective voters to provide a street address was finally upheld by a Supreme Court ruling in October 2018. The problem is this: Thousands of rural Native Americans, on or off that state’s reservations, lack street addresses because their streets have no names, their homes no numbers. Native Americans are also disproportionately homeless.
In the North Dakota case, Native Americans are fighting for a right of American citizens—the right to vote—whereas the Mashpee and ICWA cases involve fights to defend Native sovereignty. The new voting law invoked equality and individual rights, even as it actually focused on restricting the rights of Native Americans. Underpinning such restrictions was a convenient denial by those Republicans that the country’s history had, in fact, created conditions that were decidedly unequal. (Thanks to a massive and expensive local effort to defend their right to vote, however, North Dakota’s Native Americans showed up in record numbers in the 2018 midterm election.)
These three political developments downplay Native American identity, sovereignty, and rights, while denying, implicitly or explicitly, that history created today’s realities of racial inequality. The use of DNA tests to claim “Native American” genes or blood trivializes this same history.
The recognition of tribal sovereignty at least acknowledges that the existence of the United States is predicated on its imposition of an unwanted, foreign political entity on Native lands. The concept of tribal sovereignty has given Native Americans a legal and collective basis for fighting for a different way of thinking about history, rights, and nationhood. Attempts to reduce Native American identity to a race that can be identified by a gene (or a genetic variation) do violence to our history and justify ongoing violations of Native rights.
Senator Elizabeth Warren had every right to set the record straight regarding false accusations about her employment history. She should, however, rethink the implications of letting either Donald Trump or the ancestry industry define what it means to be Native American.
Aviva ChomskyAviva Chomsky is professor of history and coordinator of Latin American studies at Salem State University in Massachusetts. Her most recent book is Undocumented: How Immigration Became Illegal (Beacon Press, 2014).