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Saturday, January 18, 2025

With DEI on Texas Legislature's agenda, here's what's proposed for higher education, by Lily Kepner, Jan. 13,2025

Dear Fellow Texans,

I urge you to give Lily Kepner’s piece your close attention, as the attack on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts in the 89th Texas Legislative Session (2025) begins anew. Granting politicians greater control over university curricula poses a significant threat to the reputation and integrity of Texas universities. We must not let this happen.

Let’s stand together to oppose these bills at the state level while also keeping a vigilant eye on the federal “Dismantle DEI Act.” It is astonishing to witness U.S. Rep. Greg Murphy's proposed legislation, which seeks to eliminate the study of race-based disparities in health care. Such understanding is vital for addressing systemic health inequities and providing fair, unbiased treatment. Consider the disproportionate impact of diabetes on Mexicans and Mexican Americans, sickle cell disease on African Americans, and cardiovascular disease on both groups compared to white counterparts. These disparities are not fully reducible to social class alone, though poverty remains an undeniable contributing factor.

If politicians succeed in further eroding faculty governance and accreditation standards, our higher education institutions risk devolving into little more than glorified high schools, losing their status as centers of higher learning and critical inquiry. My colleague, Dr. Keffrelyn Brown, captures this concern succinctly:

“When the topics get politicized,” Brown said, “the expertise faculty members have in curriculum and in their fields can be lost, as well as the importance of ethnic studies in preparing students for a diverse workforce and world.
The most important thing to acknowledge is that these issues are not simply opinion-based ideas; these are real fields of study. If we don’t expose our young people to opportunities to interact with knowledge, as well as people across those communities, we risk creating an educated class unable to communicate and work across a variety of differences.”

Exactly. What we teach in the college classroom is not opinion-based and how offensive for anyone to think that in the first place. We are serious scholars who conduct serious, ethical research and who have dedicated our lives to this endeavor. Most of us aren't activists but you're turning us into them with every measure that extremist politicians propose. 

Please, let's stop this anti-DEI madness, my friends and fellow Texans.

What can you do in the meantime? Reach out to your representatives and support Texas State Representative Christina Morales’ Ethnic Studies Bill,  HB 178. If you’re unsure who represents you, visit https://wrm.capitol.texas.gov/home to find out.

Together, we can protect the integrity of our educational institutions and ensure our students are prepared to thrive in a diverse and interconnected world. And there ain't nothing wrong with that.

Yours truly,

Angela Valenzuela


With DEI on Texas Legislature's agenda, here's what's proposed for higher education

Lily Kepner
Austin American-Statesman | January 13, 2025





As diversity, equity and inclusion and university faculty topics come into focus for Texas' upcoming legislative session, experts say the continued onslaught against social issues in public universities could be bolder this year – and do more damage as trust in higher education plummets.

More than 200 higher education-related bills alone have been introduced during the pre-filing period ahead of the 89th legislative session's start Tuesday.

In addition to the legislative interim charges set by Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick – which include looking at DEI issues in curriculum and faculty senates – multiple bills are in line with President-elect Donald Trump's goals in higher education by also targeting accreditors and undocumented students, who could be threatened under the incoming administration's immigration proposals.

What higher education laws did Texas pass last session and what could be next?

One of the legislative wins for Texas conservatives last year was the passing of Senate Bill 17, the nation's second anti-DEI law that banned DEI programs, staff, offices and hiring at Texas public universities but had exceptions for academic courses, research and student groups.



In the two years since Texas' last session, 11 other states have passed legislation limiting DEI in higher education, and changes have been made in at least 215 colleges in 32 states, according to the Chronicle of Higher Education's DEI tracker.

Kim Conway, senior policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, said DEI programs have been “under attack” nationally for the past two years.

“And we expect it to get worse,” Conway said.

Federally, Congress is weighing the “Dismantle DEI Act," by U.S. Rep. Michael Cloud, R-Victoria, and Republican Vice President-elect J.D. Vance, who until recently served as a senator from Ohio. Conway said this was the most drastic of all federally proposed DEI legislation and would prohibit any entity that takes federal grants from any DEI activities and prohibit accreditors from having diversity standards.

Additionally, a bill by U.S. Rep. Greg Murphy, R-North Carolina, would rid medical schools who accept federal funding of DEI, including barring them from teaching about specific races or ethnicities, or race-based disparities, in health care.

Texas' SB 17 banned diversity statements in hiring and DEI-related training, but the law didn't restrict it in courses or for accreditors as the federal bills propose. But with a new session starting, state lawmakers could propose such legislation.

Sherry Sylvester, a senior fellow at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank in Austin that is on the advisory board for Project 2025, said DEI programs have not created the boost in diversity they promised and must be rooted out of Texas entirely.

“I don't think anybody ever believed that we would pass Senate Bill 17, and that would expunge DEI from our universities, that we would never hear about it again,” Sylvester said. “It is calcified in our universities, and we're remaking our universities so that everybody can go and thrive and prosper.”

Sylvester said she feels “really optimistic” about the upcoming state legislative session and efforts to further limit DEI in Texas, such as by examining the process by which academic courses and curriculum are made and approved.

Sen. Brandon Creighton, R-Conroe, who chairs the Texas Senate Subcommittee on Higher Education, previously told the American-Statesman that he wants to focus on leading students to a "degree of value" for in-demand work over courses tied to what he calls liberal ideology, but he had not filed any bills related to higher education courses as of Friday afternoon.

Multiple state senators have authored bills that would let Texas choose an accrediting agency other than the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges, which is currently the only accrediting agency for Texas universities. Sen. Mayes Middleton, R-Galveston, vice chair of the Senate Higher Education subcommittee, filed SB 452, which would require the board of higher education institutions to approve or disapprove the hiring of each department head, giving governor-appointed leaders more control over higher education leaders in the state.

Todd Wolfson, the current president of the American Association of University Professors and a professor at Rutgers University, said the political intrusion into higher education is happening in other Southern states as well. Former politicians in Nevada and Florida have been appointed to lead public universities instead of academics – in the Sunshine State, five of the seven public universities are led by former lawmakers, according to the Tampa Bay Times.

“There is an attempt in certain states to politicize higher ed and to take control of what faculty teach, what faculty research, what students learn and what students say,” Wolfson said. “It's not merely about a DEI initiative or a teaching of critical race theory or gender studies, though it is about those things, it's also about controlling this sector.”

On the curriculum front, an interim charge by Patrick, the state's lieutenant governor who presides over the Senate, seeks to “Stop DEI” in workforce education in Texas. Attempts by other states to do the same, such as Florida's 2022 “Stop Woke Act" to stop curriculum that teaches white privilege or about oppression, have been embroiled in legal battles over free-speech concerns.

Sylvester said anything should be allowed to be studied, but requirements or “indirect” pushes to take “DEI-infused” coursework shouldn’t be allowed. She said university regents – or the governor-appointed boards that rule the public university systems – should be empowered to exercise greater authority, particularly in the face of faculty dissent, and control over curriculum.

Keffrelyn Brown, a UT professor in the department of curriculum and instruction who also teaches in the Center for African American Studies and Women and Gender Studies Center, said that legislation attempting to control curriculum is not new, but it had predominantly targeted K-12 public schools.

When the topics get politicized, Brown said, the expertise faculty members have in curriculum and in their fields can be lost, as well as the importance of ethnic studies in preparing students for a diverse workforce and world.

“The most important thing to acknowledge is that these issues are not simply opinion-based ideas, that these are real fields of study,” Brown said. “If we don't expose our young people to opportunities to interact with knowledge, as well as people across those communities, we stand the chance of creating an educated class that is unable to communicate and work across a variety of different kinds of differences.”

What do these bills mean for Texas?

Even without a legal restriction, Conway, the ACLU policy counsel, said that bills and rhetoric around DEI can chill and censor classroom discussions or topics in the states where they're proposed due to the risk-adverse nature of universities. In Texas, top-down changes to ethnic and diverse studies curriculum at the University of North Texas over the fall were praised by conservative state lawmakers who say such changes are needed to comply with the “spirit” of SB 17 but faced huge opposition from faculty members and free speech advocates.

Similarly, when Texas A&M announced plans to eliminate its LGBTQ minor and 51 other low-producing minors and certificates, that school's Faculty Senate Executive Committee and program faculty members opposed it, but Texas A&M Regents approved the removals anyway.

“What (faculty senates) don't understand, and what I think we'll see reflected in legislation, is no, they are not the final say. The state of Texas empowers the boards of regents to run the universities, faculty is not in the (Texas Education) Code,” Sylvester said. “I think looking at empowering the regents to exercise their authority in every aspect of campus life is what we're going to see.”

Michael Harris, a Southern Methodist University professor who served as Faculty Senate president, said the functions of a faculty senate are largely bureaucratic and uneventful, such as approving the university calendar, and are not as political or defiant as they are painted to be.

The continued focus on DEI and faculty is a continuation of the ideological goals of the last legislative session and a "broader attack" on the industry, Harris said. What is different now, Harris said, is the public’s distrust of higher education, and it could give the political attacks more impact, though he doesn't think higher education itself has changed.

“At the end of the day, higher education used to be given a deference to do what it considered best,” Harris said. “They were institutions that were trusted, and that trust is gone now.”

And the loss of faculty governance would come at a cost, he said, because reducing it could allow partisan politicians to have greater control over topics like civic education, instead of allowing experts to craft curriculum based on "the best knowledge and the best research."

Politics can also create a climate where faculty members don't want to be. According to a 2024 Texas AAUP survey of 950 faculty members, more than half of those surveyed would not recommend working in Texas and more than a quarter plan to take or are actively looking for other jobs.

“In some states, that's the push: let’s stop the ideology attacks, we’ve done that, we’ve won our political points, now can we focus on building high-quality higher education, which we know the long-term economic success of the state is inextricably tied to,” Harris said. “I understand the short-term political benefits, and I don’t, sadly, think the rewards of the political system have changed from last session to this session" in Texas.

"What do Trees Have to Do With Peace?" The Story of Nobel Peace Prize Winner and Kenyan Activist Wangari Maathai by Denise Roy

Friends,

I'm re-posting this blog from 20 years ago—which is as relevant today as it was back then, if not more. Written by Denise Roy, it's the story of Dr.
Wangari Maathai, the first African female winner of the Nobel Peace Prize in 2004.

She earned a doctorate in biology, and became the first female scholar from East and Central Africa to achieve this, and subsequently to become Kenya's first female professor. 

Maathai inaugurated the Green Belt Movement in Kenya—as a peace and sustainable, pro-democracy, tree-planting movement—that spread throughout several African countries. She actively opposed Daniel arap Moi's regime and fought for democracy in Kenya, becoming Kenya's Assistant Minister for the Environment. 

She died at the age of 71. I can't help but think that the beatings and violence she endured by vicious governmental forces—for planting trees and empowering women—played a role in her untimely death, even as it strengthened her resolve and commitment to her cause. 

My husband and I bought two pecan trees over the holidays. We'll be planting them soon and thinking about Wangari Maathai as we do so. We hope that wherever you are, you, too, will consider planting a tree since it is a simple yet powerful way to contribute to a healthier planet, support wildlife, and leave a lasting legacy for future generations. 

We need to draw from Wangari's spirit and vision for the healing of our planet and, by extension, ourselves.

-Angela Valenzuela


What do Trees Have to Do With Peace?
by Denise Roy | familyspirit.com | 2004

Thirty years ago, in the country of Kenya,
90% of the forest had been chopped down.
Without trees to hold the topsoil in place,
the land became like a desert.

When the women and girls would go in search
of firewood in order to prepare the meals,
they would have to spend hours and hours
looking for what few branches remained.

A woman named Wangari
watched all of this happening.
She decided that there must be a way
to take better care of the land and
take better care of the women and girls.

So she planted a tree.
And then she planted another.
She wanted to plant thousands of trees,
but she realized that it would take a very
long time if she was the only one doing it.
So she taught the women who were looking
for firewood to plant trees, and they were paid
a small amount for each sapling they grew.

Soon she organized women all over the country
to plant trees, and a movement took hold. It was
called the Green Belt Movement, and with each
passing year, more and more trees covered the land.

But something else was happening
as the women planted those trees.
Something else besides those trees was taking root.
The women began to have confidence in themselves.
They began to see that they could make a difference.
They began to see that they were capable of many
things, and that they were equal to the men.
They began to recognize that they were deserving
of being treated with respect and dignity.

Changes like these were threatening to some.
The president of the country didn't like any of this.
So police were sent to intimidate and beat Wangari
for planting trees, and for planting ideas of equality
and democracy in people's heads, especially in women's.
She was accused of "subversion" and arrested many times.

Once, while Wangari was trying to plant trees, she was
clubbed by guards hired by developers who wanted
the lands cleared. She was hospitalized with head injuries.
But she survived, and it only made her realize that she
was on the right path.

For almost thirty years, she was threatened physically,
and she was often made fun of in the press. But she
didn't flinch. She only had to look in the eyes of her
three children, and in the eyes of the thousands of
women and girls who were blossoming right along
with the trees, and she found the strength to continue.

And that is how it came to be that 30 million trees
have been planted in Africa, one tree at a time.
The landscapes--both the external one of the land
and the internal one of the people--have been transformed.

In 2002, the people of Kenya held a democratic
election, and the president who opposed Wangari and
her Green Belt Movement is no longer in office.
And Wangari is now Kenya's
Assistant Minister for the Environment.

She is 65 years old,
and this year she planted one more tree
in celebration and thanksgiving
for being given a very great honor:

Wangari Maathai has been awarded
the Nobel Peace Prize. She is the first
African woman to receive this award.

After she was notified, she gave a speech entitled,
"What Do Trees Have To Do With Peace?"
She pointed out how most wars are fought
over limited natural resources, such as oil, land,
coal or diamonds. She called for an end to
corporate greed, and for leaders to build more
just societies. She added:

"Our recent experience in Kenya gives hope
to all who have been struggling for a better future.
It shows it is possible to bring about positive change,
and still do it peacefully. All it takes is courage and
perseverance, and a belief that positive change is possible.
That is why the slogan for our campaign was 'It is Possible!'"

"On behalf of all African women, I want to express
my profound appreciation for this honour,
which will serve to encourage women in Kenya,
in Africa, and around the world to raise their
voices and not to be deterred."

"When we plant trees, we plant the seeds of
peace and seeds of hope. We also secure the future
for our children. I call on those around the world
to celebrate by planting a tree wherever you are."

As she received the Nobel Peace Prize this week
in Oslo, she invited us all to get involved:

"Today we are faced with a challenge
that calls for a shift in our thinking, so that
humanity stops threatening its life-support system.
We are called to assist the Earth to heal her wounds
and in the process heal our own."

* * *

Can we accept Wangari's invitation?

(c) 2004 Denise Roy. All rights reserved. www.familyspirit.com).(You can read it on her recent newsletter page at www.familyspirit.com/recent.htm)

Wednesday, January 08, 2025

Life is Full of Ironies: University of Texas president Jay Hartzell departing for SMU

Friends:


Life is full of ironies. Fortunate for President Jay Hartzell, he will, in effect, not only be shielded from anti-DEI politics in his new role as Southern Methodist University (SMU) President, but he will be a supporter of the university's commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion. From SMU's website:

Diversity, Equity and Inclusion

At SMU, we strive to embrace diversity in its multiplicity. By thoughtfully combining ground-up initiatives with robust governance, we continuously seek to promote an inclusive community, where all individuals, regardless of who they are, can pursue excellence on their own terms. Through close consultation with students and employees, we have developed a range of policies, processes and facilities to promote equitable and inclusive practices on our campus.

Belonging

SMU is a place for study, work and belonging. Through various programmes and initiatives, we are nurturing an inclusive culture, where our employees and students feel valued for who they are and excited about who they can become and what they can achieve with us. 

This is great for SMU that based on this page to its DEI office, there is a public-facing expression of valuing diversity, equity, and inclusion. However, it is not so great for UT and other public institutions (e.g., see my Texas Observer article posted to this blog). This includes the Dallas area in places like the University of North Texas (UNT) Denton that is currently under attack, having to still deal with the wreckage that anti-DEI legislation (Senate Bill 17) has wrought. 

All of this shows, among other things, how a vote of no confidence by a university's faculty—atop protests, opinion pieces, press coverage, advocacy, testifying in committee, writing policy briefs, etc.—matters.

As faculty, we must now insist on a national search to replace him so that we can recover some of our voice and standing as faculty by being part of the process.

I further recommend that we advocate for the passage this next legislative session of two bills. 

First, is Texas State Representative John Bucy's Senate-Bill-17-repeal bill, House Bill 393, which, if passed, will eliminate all language in Texas' code (Section 51.3525that eliminates diversity, equity, and inclusion offices, initiatives, so-called "loyalty oaths," and DEI contractors. Whether more can be done to protect DEI once re-established is an open question.

Second, let's lend our support to Texas State Representative Christina Morales' Ethnic Studies House Bill 178 (HB 178). She has been a consistent champion for Ethnic Studies at the legislature.

I sincerely wish President Hartzell well at SMU and hope that he can now use his leverage in support of diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts in our state. Contrary to SB 17, I would most certainly hope that he resoundingly disagrees with the false justification for anti-DEI legislation that it's "polarizing and work[s] against the goal of inclusion," using SMU as an example.

If it works for SMU, it can work well for UT-Austin and Texas universities statewide.


-Angela Valenzuela

University of Texas president Jay Hartzell departing for SMU


Illustration: Axios Visuals


University of Texas president Jay Hartzell announced Tuesday that he's leaving to helm Southern Methodist University in Dallas at the end of the semester.

Why it matters: Hartzell, who became president in April 2020, will be a lame duck just as the state's flagship university will play defense at the Texas Legislature.

What they're saying: "When students ask for advice, I typically respond thematically: Follow your passions, take some chances, stretch outside your comfort zone, and think of how you would like to make an impact," Hartzell wrote in his announcement.

  • "Today, I am writing to let you know that I am following my own advice," he wrote.

Follow the money: Hartzell is likely to get a pay bump.

Between the lines: Hartzell was blamed by some faculty and students for the arrests of at least 130 people on campus after he partnered with state and local police to quell pro-Palestinian protests last spring.

  • An April letter signed by hundreds of faculty members accused Hartzell of having "needlessly put students, staff and faculty in danger" by calling police to campus, adding that he "has violated our trust."
  • The letter also said Hartzell "capitulated to political pressure" in shutting down a university division related to diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) in the wake of that 2023 law.

Yes, but: Hartzell had appeared to weather the polarizing year with the support of the UT System Board of Regents and Texas Republicans.

  • Under Hartzell's stewardship, UT embarked on an effort to build institutes and centers that cater to conservatives.

Flashback: He faced other crises in his tenure.

  • During the COVID-19 pandemic, some university staff argued he should be doing more to protect them by establishing stricter testing and masking protocols. On Tuesday, he pointed to the way he navigated COVID as a highlight of his presidency.
  • In 2020, in the wake of social unrest following the murder of George Floyd, Hartzell announced that "The Eyes of Texas" would remain the school song, despite its racist origins. The issue pitted wealthy donors against upset students.

The other side: During his tenure, UT achieved record highs in applications, enrollment, graduation rates, research expenditures and donations.

  • He also oversaw a partnership that will bring an MD Anderson Cancer Center hospital to Austin; expanded student housing options; undertook the construction of two new academic buildings; and kicked off a renovation of the UT Tower.

What's next: Hartzell, who has served on the Texas faculty since 2001 and previously served as dean of UT's business school, starts his new job June 1.

  • "I am honored to serve as the next president of an exceptional institution like SMU in one of the most dynamic and fastest-growing cities in the nation, and excited to see how I can make the greatest impact as a leader," Hartzell said in a statement.

The bottom line: He's going from a world-class research institution of nearly 54,000 students to a private school of roughly 12,000 students — but he will be insulated from the politics that follow around the leader of a school like UT.

From the sidelines, some Christians in US strive to be peacemakers as Israel-Hamas war continues

Friends,

This hopeful piece authored by Marc Ramirez in USA Today on how some churches are addressing the war in Gaza and its impact on the relationship between Christians, with many feeling not fully informed but nevertheless "caught in the middle" between Jewish and Muslim communities is hopeful. It's easy to see how many within the church are left without a voice as "incidents of antisemitism and Islamophobia rise."

After all, we are not exposed in our public schools, and thusly, as a society, to books or curricula that teach us these things. Nor are we taught what "Christian nationalism" means such that these vital aspects of knowledge are the domain of some college classroom or academic discourse, leaving the broader public largely unaware of their significance and impact on society and politics. Relatedly, take a look at this insightful piece, rooted in history on political ideology that 
aligns white or EuroAmerican Christians with national identity (McDaniel, 2022).

An important takeaway from this 
USA Today piece is that Christian nationalist support for Israel means supporting the far right of Israel, as opposed to Israel itself. Therefore, Christian nationalists cannot claim to represent the full range of political ideologies held by Israelis. For further insight, I highly recommend Tim Alberta’s compelling book, The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory, which examines the fractures within the white evangelical church.

We absolutely all do have that "spark of divinity" that should make us all stop and reflect and, yes, see this as an opportunity to work for peace. Like the late President Jimmy Carter once said, "We will not learn to live together by killing each other's children."

Next on my reading list is Carter's book titled, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid that I learned about this morning from this article authored by Mustafa Barghouti (2024), which highlights President Carter's evolution on this subject.

His book stirred American politics by asserting that peace requires Palestinian freedom and dignity. Despite being vilified and accused of anti-Semitism, Carter, a supporter of Israel's survival, persisted in advocating for justice in Palestine. It is clear that the church needs moral courage and clarity in policy efforts toward a more open and honest treatment of the savage war against Gaza's children and families, coupled with peace at home to stem racial, ethnic, and religiously motivated prejudice, discrimination, and violence.

– Angela Valenzuela


Barghouti, M. (2024, Oct. 8). To honour Jimmy Carter’s legacy, amplify his call for freedom in Palestine, Al Jazeera.com


Carter, J. (2007). Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Simon & Schuster.

McDaniel, E. (2022, Nov. 6) Talk of 'Christian nationalism' is getting louder—but what does the term really mean? Chronicle of Higher Education




From the sidelines, some Christians in US strive to be peacemakers as Israel-Hamas war continues


by Marc Ramirez | USA Today | April 3o, 2024




At Northwood Church in Keller, Texas, senior global pastor Bob Roberts has heard from congregants wrestling with the Israel-Hamas war and the heightened emotions it has unleashed across the United States. Some call for more support for Israel. Others want the same for Palestinians.

“Our response is that no war is good,” said Roberts, who founded the Dallas-area church in 1985. “Our goal is not to bring everybody to the same viewpoint; it’s to help them understand that God created every person in the image of God, that they all have that spark of divinity and should have the opportunity of life.”

As the latest Israel-Hamas war threatens to spawn wider global discord, frustrations over the toll of the conflict and growing numbers of Palestinian civilian casualties are leaving Israel increasingly isolated.

But while some among the nation’s approximately 210 million Christians strongly support one side or the other, many see themselves caught in the middle as the war strains interfaith relations, especially those between Jewish and Muslim communities, and incidents of antisemitism and Islamophobia rise.

“We’re kind of on the sidelines,” Chris Hall, minister of missions for Houston Northwest Church in Texas, said at a recent interfaith gathering. With tensions among groups increasingly fragile, Hall said, “how I respond to my neighbor now has more depth than it has in years past.”

Some Christian faith leaders say it’s more important than ever to shift from being bystanders into more active roles as arbiters.

“Christians ought to be right in the middle of it,” said Roberts, who is also co-founder of Texas-based interfaith organization Multi-Faith Neighbors Network. “It’s an opportunity for Christians to be peacemakers, to build bridges and keep the conversation going.”

Some of the most influential Christian voices amid the conflict, he noted, have belonged to evangelical Christians who strongly support Israel's war effort and U.S. Republican leadership. For instance, John Hagee, the San Antonio, Texas-based founder of the Christian Zionist organization Christians United for Israel, delivered the opening ceremony benediction when President Donald Trump relocated the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem in 2018; he also gave the invocation when former presidential hopeful Nikki Haley launched her campaign early last year.

Robert Jeffress, senior pastor of the 14,000-member megachurch First Baptist Dallas in Texas, was also among the speakers at the Jerusalem embassy ceremony, and House Speaker Mike Johnson is a Southern Baptist and a onetime denomination official.

Nonetheless, Roberts said, “a lot of Christians are working quietly behind the scenes, doing everything they can to work for peace.”


Todd Deatherage, a Christian who is executive director of the Telos Group, a peace organization based in Washington, D.C., said that while peacemaking is central to what it means to be Christian, “it’s probably the most neglected aspect of Christian discipleship. Christians have a central compelling theology of being peacemakers and agents of healing, but we are not known for that in the way we could and should be.”

Today's atmosphere, he said, offers not just an opportunity but an obligation to fulfill that calling. That the conflict is taking place in what’s known as the Holy Land, a region fraught with overlapping significance for multiple religions, complicates the situation.

“It really requires us to think outside the binary view that for one side to win the other has to lose,” Deatherage said. “That’s the activist frame that has existed for so long, and we’ve imported this conflict into our culture – and now, as we’ve seen, our college campuses. When you reduce it to that binary, you’re missing the fundamental truth that there’s not a good future for anyone there unless there’s a good future for everyone there.”

Christian views about the conflict differ

Conservative evangelical Christians have been among Israel's staunchest supporters.

“Christians who understand the Bible realize there are two sides to the war in Gaza,” said Jeffress, of First Baptist Church in Dallas. “To side with Israel as they defend themselves against those who would seek to destroy them is to be on the right side of history and, more importantly, the right side of God."

A survey conducted last month by researchers at Boston University and the University of North Carolina at Pembroke found nearly 1 in 5 (18%) evangelical Christians had heard their pastor discuss the war during services, compared with 13% of Catholics and 10% of mainline Christians.

Nearly 3 of 10 respondents – including 36% of evangelicals – said their church had prayed for Israel, and just 17% said their church had prayed for Palestinians.

“The most vocal organized Christian voice has been the one of the Christian Zionist movement, which sees this as a classic good and evil battle,” Deatherage said. “That’s the dominant voice, but there are dissident voices within mainstream evangelicalism that are asking questions and wrestling with the conflict that say the violence on both sides is wrong and leading us to ever darker places.”

Author and journalist Sarah Posner said the most prevalent version of Christian Zionism is promoted by groups like Christians United for Israel.

“It’s the notion that other countries, especially America, have a biblical duty to love Israel and support Israel and that God will bless those who bless Israel and curse those who curse Israel,” said Posner, author of “Unholy: How White Christian Nationalists Powered the Trump Presidency, and the Devastating Legacy They Left Behind.”

“They say they support Israel, but what it means is that support Israel’s far right, the Netanyahu government, the settlements and occupation. So they cannot claim to represent the wide spectrum of political ideology among Israelis.”




Driving that conservative evangelical position, she said, are beliefs that Israel is central to biblical prophecies about Jesus’ return to wage a final battle at Armageddon to vanquish the Antichrist. Hagee, founder and chairman of Christians United for Israel, has delivered sermons as recently as last month that tie today's conflict to such prophecies.

“The theological view is driving the political view,” Posner said. "They equate any view of Israel that doesn’t align with theirs with antisemitism.”That position is now being used to condemn the college campus demonstrations against Israel's handling of the war in Gaza, she said.

Conversely, more progressive Christian voices have denounced both Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack and Israel’s response, calling for a mutually agreed-upon solution to the conflict. Another important voice, Deatherage said, belongs to Black churches; in January, more than 1,000 Black pastors united to pressure President Joe Biden to call for a cease-fire in the war.

“They have their own experience with silence in the face of injustice, and they’re troubled by what’s happening,” he said.
Most Christians say peace requires mutual cooperation

A national survey of 1,252 U.S. Christians in November, nearly two months into the war, found most understood the complexity of the conflict, even if they didn’t necessarily agree.

“Christians are aware that there’s a lot of nuances here,” said Scott McConnell, executive director of Lifeway Research, which carried out the survey sponsored by The Philos Project, a coalition of Christian leaders advocating for pluralism in the Middle East.

While respondents acknowledged suffering and reason to act out on both sides, McConnell said, most agreed military action was not the way to achieve lasting peace. Nearly 9 in 10 said that depended on a mutually agreed-upon solution between Israel and Palestinians.

The Rev. Mae Elise Cannon, executive director of Churches for Middle East Peace in Washington, D.C., said many church leaders have been reluctant to talk about the war, dreading the divisions such discussion might sow among their congregations.

“They are immobilized by fear,” she said.

Deatherage agreed.

“This is a complex and divisive topic,” he said. “Talking about it is really hard, and so they’ve probably been more silent than vocal.”

At the same time, he said, others are leaning into the issue even if they don’t feel they have the necessary command of the issues and history behind a conflict that stretches back decades.

“It’s important as Christians to weep with those who weep and to recognize the humanity in all, Palestinians and Israelis,” Deatherage said. “A lot are taking seriously the gospel imperative to feed the hungry and are trying to find ways to get humanitarian aid to Gaza and lift the blockades. There’s a line some are connecting in those ways.”



Some say Christian intervention is necessary at home as well, given the deep polarization that has pushed many interfaith bonds to their breaking point.

Cannon said some church communities are shy about expressing concerns with Israel, fearful of severing ties with local synagogues and Jewish communities. One pastor, she said, recently told her that after decadeslong relationships, he felt Christian pastors had done their Jewish communities a great disservice.

"He said, ‘We’ve kept our mouths shut about Palestine and didn’t tell them what we really think, because we didn’t want to offend Jewish rabbis and friends,’” she said. The pastor, she said, continued: “‘Now,’” he said, “‘we’ve known each other for years and come to find out we really haven’t been honest with one another. What kind of friendship is that?’”