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Showing posts with label in-state tuition (HB 1403). Show all posts
Showing posts with label in-state tuition (HB 1403). Show all posts

Tuesday, December 30, 2025

Texas Higher Education at a Crossroads: Incentives Without Evidence Will Not Deliver Equity, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Texas Higher Education at a Crossroads: Incentives Without Evidence Will Not Deliver Equity

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

December 30, 2025

Recent reporting from the Texas Tribune makes one thing unmistakably clear. In his December 18, 2025 analysis, journalist Rob Reid draws on newly released longitudinal data from the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board to show that while more Texas students are completing degrees and credentials than in years past, deep inequities persist. 

Overall attainment has inched upward, yet economically disadvantaged students—along with Black, Hispanic, rural, and first-generation students—remain far less likely to complete the journey through higher education. This uneven progress is not a puzzle to be solved nor is it accidental. Rather, it is the cumulative result of policy choices layered onto deeply unequal social and educational conditions.

Texas has taken steps to rethink how it funds readiness and completion, yet whether these steps meaningfully advance equity remains an open question. That said, the model is one that ties bonuses to college, career, and military readiness in K–12 together with a restructured finance system for community colleges, reflecting a shift away from seat-time accounting toward progress, momentum, and completion. In theory, these policies reward what matters. In practice, however, they raise questions the data cannot yet answer—and that policymakers may be eager to ignore.

First, incentives can redistribute attention without redistributing capacity. Schools and colleges serving high-poverty communities confront barriers—housing insecurity, work obligations, childcare needs, transportation breakdowns—that no performance formula can neutralize. Without sustained investments in advising, academic support, and students’ basic needs, outcomes-based funding risks rewarding institutions already positioned to succeed while leaving others further behind.

Second, measurement itself shapes behavior. What gets counted gets prioritized. When incentives emphasize short-term or easily documented outcomes, institutions may narrow pathways rather than expand opportunity—particularly for students whose educational trajectories are nonlinear and require time, flexibility, and sustained institutional support.

Third, these reforms are unfolding alongside an aggressive push to privatize education through vouchers. Diverting public dollars to private providers drains resources from the very public schools expected to produce better outcomes. You cannot systematically weaken public education and then fault it for uneven results. Well, I guess you can, but you shouldn't.

History matters here. Texas once understood that access drives attainment. The Texas Dream Act—adopted in 2001—expanded in-state tuition to undocumented students who had grown up in Texas schools. Research showed clear enrollment gains, particularly among Latino students, and Texas emerged as a national leader in pragmatic, workforce-aligned access policy. 

The repeal of that law did not improve outcomes; it constricted them. It removed a proven pathway to higher education for students Texas had already invested in—and whose talents the state still needs.

Reinstating the Texas Dream Act is not a symbolic gesture. It would be a data-aligned policy response to persistent attainment gaps and looming workforce shortages. Any serious conversation about outcomes must include restoring access to students intentionally pushed out by regressive policy reversals.

Texas has the data. Texas has the policy tools. What remains uncertain is whether state leaders—and voters—are willing to insist that equity, not privatization, guide the next phase of reform. Incentives alone will not save us. Public investment, inclusive access, and political courage might.

Policy and reporting can shape behavior, but incentives are not the same as evidence—especially when privatization undermines public capacity.

Finally, Texas must recommit to peer-reviewed, independent research to evaluate these largely untested policy shifts. Outcomes-based funding models, voucher expansion, and access rollbacks are being implemented at scale without the benefit of long-term causal evidence—particularly regarding their effects on low-income students and communities of color. 

Policy experimentation without rigorous evaluation is not innovation; it is risk. 

If Texas is serious about student success, it must fund and follow research that shows what works across differences in race, income, geography, legal status, and gender.

More Texas students complete journey through college, but low-income students still left behind
Economically disadvantaged students are much less likely to go on and attain degrees, according to new state data that tracks long-term outcomes.

By Rob Reid, GRAPHICS BY Alex Ford and Carla Astudillo

Dec. 18, 2025, 12:00 p.m. Central


Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news.
Audio recording is automated for accessibility. Humans wrote and edited the story. See our AI policy, and give us feedback.

Texas has long failed to get most of its students the higher education credentials the workforce increasingly demands. But recent laws that reward schools for helping students succeed later in life could help the state make up lost ground, experts say.

The Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board regularly tracks if students enrolled in eighth grade eventually receive a degree or certificate at a two- or four- year institution within the state.

The proportion of students who have received a degree has climbed over the last 15 years, according to data the board released in December 2025.

Still, the state appears to be far short of meeting workforce demand. Nearly three-quarters of U.S. jobs will require education or training after high school by 2031, according to Georgetown University’s Center on Education and the Workforce. In Texas, 25% of students obtained such education or training within the state. (The coordinating board didn’t track students who went out of state for college every year.)

Texas has long failed to get most of its students the higher education credentials the workforce increasingly demands. But recent laws that reward schools for helping students succeed later in life could help the state make up lost ground, experts say.

The Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board regularly tracks if students enrolled in eighth grade eventually receive a degree or certificate at a two- or four- year institution within the state.

The proportion of students who have received a degree has climbed over the last 15 years, according to data the board released in December 2025.

Still, the state appears to be far short of meeting workforce demand. Nearly three-quarters of U.S. jobs will require education or training after high school by 2031, according to Georgetown University’s Center on Education and the Workforce. In Texas, 25% of students obtained such education or training within the state. (The coordinating board didn’t track students who went out of state for college every year.)


“Texas is a tale of two states,” says Jesse Hendrix, executive director of College Possible, a national nonprofit focused on supporting low-income students through college. “On one hand, Texas is the eighth largest economy in the world; on the other, Houston now holds the highest poverty rate of any major U.S. city.”

Nearly 80% of students in the Houston Independent School District are socioeconomically disadvantaged, compared to about 60% statewide. And only 15% of students from the district received a degree or certificate, compared to 25% statewide.

But Hendrix also notes that rural regions face their own challenges, including limited broadband access, sparse postsecondary options, and long commutes to reach college campuses.

Male students also lag behind female students, and Black and Hispanic students face lower completion rates than their peers.

Sharp dropout rates have long persisted as students journey through high school and college. More than a decade ago, former Texas Higher Education Commissioner Raymund Paredes called it “leakage in the pipeline”.

Economically disadvantaged students, males, and Black and Hispanic students are more likely to experience it.

Note: Outcomes are based on a cohort of students enrolled in Texas public schools in the 2013-14 school year. The study tracks if students receive a degree or certificate at a two- or four-year institution in Texas within 11 years of enrolling in 8th grade. Numbers may not add up to 100 because of rounding.
Source: Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board
Credit: Alex Ford

Despite these shortcomings and disparities, Texas ranks near the middle nationally in degree attainment.

Texas historically pioneered innovative policies, but its competitive edge was lost as the state was rolling back some initiatives, which other states also adopted, experts said. More recent policies — including bonus funding for schools with college and workforce success — may help Texas regain its edge. But the impacts aren’t yet fully known.

“This combination of wide-ranging disparities, fast-changing policies, and bold outcomes-based reforms makes Texas both one of the most challenging and most opportunity-rich environments in the country,” Hendrix said.
Economic challenges

Higher ed credentials are “one of the most reliable pathways to economic stability and long-term mobility,” according to Will Davies, the director of policy and research at Breakthrough Central Texas, a nonprofit focused on supporting first-generation students.

Davies notes that “even short-term credentials and associate degrees are associated with meaningfully higher earnings compared to a high school diploma alone,” citing a wage analysis by Commit Partnership.

But students from working-class and low-income families have to weigh more heavily the cost of college and household responsibilities with a shot at greater economic security, Davies said. He stressed that taking breaks away from post-high school education or training — often called “stopping out” — can backfire.

“Students who delay or stop out often accumulate debt without earning a credential, limiting both their earning power and their confidence in returning to school later,” he said.

Staying on track can be particularly difficult for economically disadvantaged students, according to Ann Vlach, who oversees Education to Employment Partners, a nonprofit that helps agencies in the Corpus Christi region support students as they progress through college. Things like work commitments, car repairs, and the need to line up child care can derail student progress, she said.

“It’s much harder to get back into that system once you’ve stepped away from it,” she said.

Look up student outcomes for your school district




Note: Outcomes are based on a cohort of students enrolled in Texas public schools in the 2012-13 school year. The study tracks if students receive a degree or certificate at a two- or four-year institution in Texas within 11 years of enrolling in 8th grade. The district-level data is one year older than the statewide data released this week by the state. District types are based on Texas Education Agency categories.

Source: Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board
Credit: Carla Astudillo, Rob Reid.

Shifting policy, middle-of-the-pack results

Compared to other states, Texas has hovered around the “middle of the pack,” depending on the year and metric, said Carlo Castillo, a data analyst with Texas 2036, a nonprofit working on pressing statewide issues such as workforce development. He further noted that while Texas higher ed attainment accelerated in the past ten years, it’s still close to the national average.

In 1997, Texas created the Top 10% Plan, a first-of-its-kind program guaranteeing admission to high school students in the top 10% of their class. Then in 2001, Texas was the first state to provide in-state resident tuition for undocumented youth with the Texas Dream Act.

“Those types of policies tend to be impactful for student outcomes,” said Brian Holzman, an assistant professor at Texas A&M, who researches demographic gaps in higher ed attainment.

Holzman pointed to research from 2010 by Stella Flores, then an assistant professor at Vanderbilt University, who uncovered a sharp enrollment boost among foreign-born Latinos in Texas and other states that allowed undocumented students to pay in-state tuition.

But Texas rolled back these policies, undermining their aim to address disparities. Undocumented students in Texas no longer qualify for in-state resident tuition or state-distributed aid.

The Top 10% plan can slightly increase the number of students of colors automatically admitted into Texas colleges. But, Holzman said, it does not increase the number of students of color as much as race-conscious admission policies had. Amidst these changes, Hendrix said that College Possible has recently experienced a steep increase in requests for help from students and school districts in Texas trying to navigate the challenges of applying for and obtaining financial aid.

“Students are facing the consequences of newly regressive policies, such as a repeal of the Texas Dream Act, which directly fuels the affordability crises for many currently enrolled college students and those that are considering their next move after high school,” he said.
Promising Texas policies

Across Central Texas, the E3 Alliance partners with higher ed, employers, nonprofits, and policymakers to develop the student pipeline.

“The playbook is already in place for Texas and the eighth largest economy in the world, to really put together this massive workforce,” said Kyle Seipp, Senior Director at E3, which focuses on higher education and workforce development.

He points to some policies already in place that should help more students attain the degrees or certificates they need:The College, Career, or Military Readiness Outcomes Bonus, which was established in 2019, provides bonus funding to school districts with the highest rates of students who finished high school ready for college or the workforce. To address demographic disparities, this bonus is provided in separate categories for economically disadvantaged students, non-economically disadvantaged students and special education students.
A 2023 law restructured community college funding to incentivize schools that demonstrate students are making progress toward obtaining a workforce credential and completing college, rather than just boosting enrollment.

Because the state tracks the outcomes of students over the course of many years, the impacts of these laws won’t be apparent until the coordinating board has time to track whether recent eighth-graders end up attending or completing college or training programs.

Grace Atkins, a policy advisor at Texas 2036 focused on workforce and postsecondary education, is encouraged by these laws and thinks Texas is ahead of the pack with funding models based on student outcomes.

“Outcomes-based funding is something that is talked about a lot nationally, but Texas, more so than any other state, really, really emphasized that,” she said.

Vlach, with Education to Employment Partners, said the student outcomes bonus should help districts cover the costs of academic advising, which will aid students in filling out the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, and preparing them for college admissions tests.

To help keep districts on track to earn a bonus, Vlach carefully tracks the outcomes data as it’s being updated and presents it to principals and superintendents every month.

“If we’re starting to see that we’re struggling with getting FAFSA done, if we’re doing that data once a month, it gives us a very active chance to pivot on that and do a FAFSA workshop,” she said. “Pull in more parents, do whatever we need to do to make that happen.”

“Same thing with testing,” she added. “If we’re not seeing testing happen, we can actually go in and say, like, hey, it’s time to do a testing workshop.”

About this analysis

Data for this analysis was obtained from the Texas Higher Ed Coordinating Board. We tracked outcome results for eighth grade students between the 1997-98 and 2013-14 school years and combined them into one longitudinal dataset.

The agency’s 8th Grade Cohort Longitudinal Study, now known as the Texas Talent Trajectory, tracks groups of Texas public school eighth graders over 11 years. This data is broken down by race/ethnicity, gender and economic status.

Friday, June 06, 2025

A State's Betrayal: The Dismantling of In-State Tuition for Undocumented Students in Texas, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

A State's Betrayal: The Dismantling of In-State Tuition for Undocumented Students in Texas

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.


CreditJUNE 4, 2025

I am deeply troubled—heartbroken, really—by the news that undocumented students in Texas are no longer eligible for in-state tuition (Klibanoff & Priest, 2025; Vertuno & Lathan, 2025). As someone who was directly involved in the development of this policy—House Bill 1403 in 2001—I see this decision as a moral and political failure of staggering proportions.

These young people are Texans. They’ve grown up here, gone to our public schools, and graduated from our high schools. They have signed affidavits pledging to regularize their status when eligible, just for the chance to pursue higher education. And now, with the stroke of a judge’s pen and a state attorney general who refused to defend a 24-year-old law, we are telling them they don’t belong. That they are undeserving. That their dreams, their labor, and their humanity mean nothing. It is cruel. It is shortsighted. And it is indefensible.

What makes this even more disturbing is the false narrative being pushed by officials like U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi, who claimed the ruling was necessary to prevent U.S. citizens from being treated like “second-class citizens.” This is a blatant distortion of the truth. In-state tuition for undocumented students does not displace or disadvantage U.S. citizens in any way. 

These students are not receiving a “benefit” that others are denied; they are paying the same tuition as any other Texas resident under a law that has been in place for nearly a quarter-century. No student loses access to college because another is granted a fair shot. To suggest otherwise is to weaponize resentment and obscure the real aim: to exclude, to punish, and to stoke division.

This isn’t just about tuition. It’s about dignity. It’s about who counts, and who doesn’t. The message Texas is sending is one of rejection and disposability. These students, many of whom I’ve known and worked with over the years, are being told their futures don’t matter—not because they’ve failed, but because our political leaders have. This is a textbook case of what I call subtractive schooling—a system that strips away the identities, languages, and aspirations of immigrant youth rather than nurturing and investing in them (Valenzuela, 1999).

And this decision is unfolding within a broader landscape of racialized rhetoric and exclusionary policymaking, where terms like “illegal alien” and “second-class citizen” are deliberately deployed to divide, dehumanize, and distract. The same forces behind the dismantling of DEI, the silencing of Ethnic Studies, the whitewashing of curriculum, and the whitening of Texas colleges and universities are at work here. This isn’t about law and order—it’s about fear of the “other” and the ruthless and hateful exercise of power. 

Let me be clear: this decision isn’t just morally wrong—it’s economically reckless. By stripping undocumented students of access to in-state tuition, Texas isn’t saving money—it’s sabotaging its own future.

Each year, approximately 20,000 undocumented students attend Texas public colleges and universities, collectively paying over $81 million in tuition and fees (Every Texan, 2021). Denying them in-state rates will price many out of higher education entirely. And when enrollment drops, institutions lose the tuition revenue they’ve come to rely on. This loss will hit smaller colleges and regional universities especially hard, exacerbating existing financial strains.

Beyond tuition, higher education is one of the strongest predictors of lifetime earnings and tax contributions. When we deny these students access to college, we also deny the state the economic returns their education would generate. According to the American Immigration Council (2023), rescinding in-state tuition for undocumented students could cost Texas more than $460 million each year in lost wages and spending power. That’s money that won’t be earned, taxed, or spent in our communities.

These students have contributed millions in tuition and gone on to fill critical shortages in fields like education and health care (Klibanoff & Priest, 2025). There are broader ripple effects, too. Without access to higher education, many of these young people will be forced into underemployment or informal labor markets, where they are more vulnerable to exploitation and less able to contribute meaningfully to the economy (Flores, 2010).

Removing their access to higher education undermines not just their futures, but all of ours. And the way it was done—through a backdoor legal maneuver with no real public debate—is an affront to democratic process. This is not leadership. This is cowardice wrapped in legal armor.

But we cannot afford to stay in despair. We must act—boldly, strategically, and in community. This is a moral emergency, and it demands a coordinated, collective response. First, we must continue to come together to build a statewide coalition for immigrant student justice. Students, families, educators, advocacy groups, faith leaders—everyday Texans—must unite in defense of these young people and what they represent. This is a fight for the soul of our state.

We must also pursue every legal pathway available. If the state won’t defend these students, others must. Independent legal challenges, amicus briefs, alliances with organizations like LULAC, MALDEF and the Texas Civil Rights Project—all of these are essential to challenging this ruling in the courts and in the court of public opinion.

At the same time, our colleges and universities must step up. If public dollars are constrained, then institutions must find other ways—private scholarships, emergency funds, tuition relief from unrestricted accounts—to keep undocumented students enrolled and supported. They must show moral courage and commit to student-centered leadership.

Equally important is the work of storytelling. We need to flood the public sphere with the voices of students who have benefited from in-state tuition—those who stayed in Texas, who became teachers, nurses, engineers, and leaders in their communities. These are not abstractions. These are real lives. And the public needs to hear their stories now more than ever.

We also need to look to policy solutions at every level. If Texas has abandoned its responsibility, then cities, counties, and the federal government must act. We need local sanctuary funding, and we need national legislation—starting with the long-overdue passage of a clean DREAM Act. Texas may have failed these students, but we do not have to.

Above all, we must center the students themselves. Their leadership, their voices, and their resilience will guide the way forward. We can support them through teach-ins, legal clinics, wellness resources, and organizing spaces that affirm their power. We must remind them—and ourselves—that they are not alone. They belong. And we will fight for them.

This moment is painful. It is infuriating. However, it is also a call to action. I still believe in the power of people to change the course of history. Above all, we must empower undocumented students themselves to lead this fight. They belong here. Their voices matter. And their dreams are worth defending.

I still believe that Texas can be a place of hope, not fear—a place where every student, regardless of immigration status, has the right to learn, to thrive, and to dream. 

Friday, April 18, 2025

Texas DREAM ACT (in-state tuition) is coming up for a hearing next Tuesday, April 22, 2025. Check out this Senate Bill 1798 Advocacy Toolkit

Friends:

When we are talking about Texas DREAMers—the progeny of former Rep. Rick Noriega and former Rep. Domingo Garcia's HB 1403 that became law in 2001—we are often talking about students who have been in the U.S. longer than they've been in Mexico, Latin America, or anywhere else. They strongly identify with Texas and the U.S. This IS their country and with some exceptions, it's all they really know. 

House Bill 1403 recognized—as I have in my own work—that many immigrant students often outperform their U.S.-born peers. Moreover, this is a common finding with other immigrant groups, newcomers to the U.S. I document this in my award-winning book, Subtractive Schooling: U.S. Youth and the Politics of Caring, a three-year study of immigrant and non-immigrant U.S.-born Mexican American Houston inner-city high school youth. 

Succinctly, I found differences in school engagement and academic achievement between immigrant Mexican and U.S.-born Mexican American students. I drew on this research when testifying in support of House Bill 1403 back in 2001. I noted that many immigrant students, who had spent three or more years in the U.S., often excelled academically and identified deeply with Texas and the U.S.

HB 1403 simply waived out-of-state tuition for these students, provided they signed an affidavit affirming their intent to regularize their status and seek citizenship which they all did.

Though this was a step forward, because legalization takes at least 15 years, even the first graduates under this policy in 2005 remain undocumented. They, along with myself, continue to advocate for the passage of the DREAM Act and by 2012, for DACA, or Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which allows certain undocumented individuals who were brought to the U.S. as children to apply for work permits and protection from deportation. DACA, too, faces an uncertain future, regrettably (Gonzales, et al., 2019).

Back to House Bill 1403. Former Governor Rick Perry supported this as a workforce development issue. I remember support also being linked to the importance of averting "wastefulness" by not allowing talented high school youth, including valedictorians and salutatorians, into higher education institutions.

Great tips, by the way below, compliments of Krystal Gomez with the Texas Immigration Law Council on how to frame your testimony and what to expect next week. There is much to celebrate about sound policy that truly invests in our youth and by doing so, in the future of our state. Let's do this again now.

-Angela Valenzuela

Advocacy Toolkit on S.B. 1798 

Background



S.B. 1798 is a bill moving through the Texas Legislature that seeks to eliminate access to in-state tuition for undocumented students in Texas. This policy change would directly impact thousands of immigrant youth and weaken Texas’s long-standing investment in education for all its residents.

This bill is scheduled for a hearing before the Senate Committee on Education (K-16) on:

Tuesday, April 22

11:00 AM

Room E1.028, Texas Capitol Extension
        
Ways to Take Action

1. Testify in Person at the Hearing- Your voice matters.

Where to Go:

Parking: Capitol Visitors Parking Garage – 1201 San Jacinto Blvd, Austin, TX

Capitol Entry: Use any public entrance. North entrance is handicap accessible.

Hearing Room: E1.028 in the Capitol Extension – Take stairs or elevator down to Level E1

How to Register to Testify:

• Connect to Capitol Wi-Fi and visit: https://swrs.senate.texas.gov/

or use a registration kiosk in the Capitol Extension.

• Register before 11 AM on April 22 to testify on S.B. 1798.

• Be prepared to wait—bills may be called out of order.

• You will be called up individually or in small groups to testify

 

2. Submit Written Testimony

If you can’t attend in person but still want your voice heard on Tuesday, you can submit written testimony opposing S.B. 1798. Written testimony can be a powerful way to share your perspective and show committee members the widespread opposition to this harmful bill.
How to Submit Written Testimony:

You must have someone deliver it in person at the Capitol on your behalf.

Prepare 13 printed copies of your testimony.

Have your representative register in person at a Capitol kiosk or online (connected to Capitol Wi-Fi) using: https://swrs.senate.texas.gov/

Your representative must deliver all 13 copies to the Committee Clerk in the hearing room:

📍 Room E1.028, Texas Capitol Extension

Tips for Written Testimony:

Include your full name, city, and any relevant affiliations (e.g., educator, student, advocate).

Make your testimony personal, clear, and concise—ideally 1–2 pages.

Start by stating: “I am writing in opposition to S.B. 1798…”

Explain how this bill would affect students, families, or your community.

✉️ If you need help finding someone to deliver your written testimony, contact Krystal Gomez at kgomez@txilc.org.

3. Call Senate Education Committee Members

Let them know you strongly oppose S.B. 1798 and support access to higher education for all Texans.

Sample Call Script:

Hello, my name is [NAME] and I am calling to urge Senator [LAST NAME] to oppose S.B. 1798. This is an incredibly harmful bill that attempts to repeal the Texas Dream Act, which grants immigrant students in Texas access to in-state tuition.

Non-resident tuition rates can be upwards of tens of thousands of dollars more than in-state tuition rates. Repealing the Texas Dream Act will undermine immigrant students' ability to afford and obtain a higher education. Immigrant students should not be denied the same opportunities as others simply because of their immigration or citizenship status.

Undocumented students across the state contribute millions to our state upon graduation and placing barriers on their access to college will only hurt our workforce, economy, and the contributions made to our local communities.

All Texas students deserve an opportunity to pursue a higher education, and we urge you to vote NO on SB 1798.

4. Send an Email

Use the sample email below or write your own!

Sample Email:

Subject: Vote NO on S.B. 1798 – Protect Texas Students

Dear Senator [Last Name],

I am writing to express my strong opposition to S.B. 1798, which seeks to repeal the Texas Dream Act and remove in-state tuition for undocumented students in Texas.

Texas was the first in the country to pass the Dream Act, and as a result we have a stronger workforce, taxbase, and economy. Each year, students who benefit from the Dream Act graduate and enter the workforce, contributing more than $461 million annually to Texas communities. By placing barriers to obtaining a higher education for students who live in our state, have graduated from Texas high schools, and are trying to access the same opportunities as their peers, our state and our communities will suffer.

No student should face additional barriers to attend college simply because of their immigration or citizenship status, especially when a majority have lived in Texas for their whole lives. Moreover, the contributions of Texas Dream Act students in school vastly surpass the amount they receive from financial aid. In 2021, students paid nearly $82 million in tuition and fees while receiving only $10.6 million in financial aid.

Our state benefits when we uplift all students and set them up for success. We encourage you to support Texas students and urge you to vote NO on S.B. 1798.

Thank you for your time and consideration.

Sincerely,

[Your Name]

[City, TX]

[Optional: Title/Organization]


Learn More

Bill Overview + Impact Analysis:

Review this helpful explainer by CDF-Texas: ​​ CDF-TX_In-State Tuition for TX Dream Act Students_Mar 13, 2025.pdf

Explainer on the Texas Dream Act: https://everytexan.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Texas-Dream-Act-fact-sheet-May2023.pdf

Blog post about economic impacts: https://immigrationimpact.com/2025/03/04/texas-dream-act-undocumented-students-higher-education/?utm_source=chatgpt.com
Tips for Advocates

• Be respectful, clear, and personal in your messages.

• Share your connection to education, Texas, or immigrant communities.

• Use social media to spread the word! Hashtags like #TxLege, #InState4All, and #SB1798 can help amplify the message.

• Coordinate Testimony Here: SB 1798 Testimony Coordination


Sample Talking Points

Humanitarian Focus:

A Texas that hinders a child’s access to education turns its back on its values of perseverance, self-determination, and opportunity for all.

Education is a stabilizing force that keeps families together and communities strong. Stripping children of their right to learn forces families into hardship, weakens local economies, and disrupts social cohesion.

Economic Impact:

Undocumented students contribute significantly to the state’s economy. In 2021 alone, they paid $81.6 million in tuition and fees, directly supporting Texas educational institutions.

Restricting students' access to instate tuition limits their access to higher education, thus limiting their future economic opportunities and lifelong earnings.

Many industries in Texas rely on a skilled labor force. Educating undocumented students ensures they can fill crucial roles in healthcare, education, tech, and other sectors.

Educational Equity

Every child in Texas deserves the opportunity to learn, grow, and contribute to our state—regardless of where they were born. The Texas Dream Act is not just a policy; it is a promise and priority we make to Texas children and to the future of Texas.

Texas Values

Education is a shared Texas value. When we invest in all kids, we strengthen Texas for generations.

When every child gets an education, Texas wins. More educated workers mean a stronger economy, a more skilled workforce, and greater prosperity for all.

Legal Concerns

Lawful presence is a legal term of art and does not mean the same thing as lawful status.

Legal status is non-linear and ever-shifting.

Saturday, September 03, 2022

Hostile Takeover Attempt of LULAC — Sept. 2-3, 2022 Updates

LULAC is under attack, my friends. As posted previously, National LULAC experienced an attempted coup at its national convention on the island of Puerto Rico on July 30, 2022. My husband and I were there and witnessed this. It was no fun watching our 93-year-old civil rights organization with deep roots in Texas poised on the precipice of impending harm, possibly irreparable, had the Puerto Rican leadership associated with the Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP) taken over. We're still not out of the woods.

Doing my best to keep folks updated as this is an evolving situation. I've combined three posts in one. All were written by Bernardo Uresti, Editor of the subscriber-only blog, the VOICE OF THE MAINLAND

The obvious problem is that, however unfortunate, a divided national office impacts the whole.

Beginning with 
the Texas Dream Act (House Bill 1403) on which Rep. Domingo Garcia led as a legislator in the Texas House—that is now the Federal DREAM Act—I, and so many others, have worked closely with him since 2001. He is an honest and honorable man and easily the most progressive leader LULAC has had in a good long while.

I should add that I have been a LULAC member for over 30 years and presently co-chair with Dr. Theresa Montaño its national Higher Education Committee on which my husband, Dr. Emilio Zamora—along with 15 other members—also serves. Our work continues regardless as there are pressing policy issues at hand in education that don't go away however embattled our organization. Thanks to President Garcia for representing well our interests as an organization and for fighting the good fight. 

May peace, justice, and a brighter future for LULAC prevail.

-Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D., Member

LULAC Council #4721, District VII


Related Readings: TRO & Whistleblower Account/Signed Affidavit

LULAC Was Served A Temporary Restraining Order (TRO), Averting a Hostile Takeover by Members of the Partido Nuevo Progresista (PNP)

 

Signed Affidavit: Eye-opening and Shocking Detail of the Behind-The-Scenes Politics in National LULAC

 




Sept. 2, 2022


Dear LULAC Familia,


As you know from my recent communications, the health and future of LULAC is under threat because of an ongoing attempt at a hostile takeover by individuals who have created hundreds of unlawful local councils. This attempted takeover is nothing short of an effort to undermine LULAC’s core mission of protecting the voting rights and ensuring social justice for all of LULAC’s members – something we have been doing for nearly a century. This is an existential threat. As National President of LULAC, I have had to devote much of my time and attention to fending off this takeover. These efforts have included dealing with a restraining order from a Texas court that prevented an unlawful election from occurring at last July’s national convention in Puerto Rico. These efforts also include stepped up efforts on my part to supervise and manage the operations of LULAC, including attempting to oversee our financial operations and supervise the performance of our Chief Executive Officer, which are key parts of my job description.


Unfortunately, I have faced multiple internal obstacles in my attempts to protect the health and future of LULAC, including resistance from our CEO to obtaining information necessary to evaluate her job performance and also basic financial information that is fundamental to our operations, and that would shed additional light on the origins of the hostile takeover. Because of this resistance and for additional operational reasons, I recently visited LULAC’s offices in Washington, D.C. for the purpose of temporarily suspending the CEO for her insubordination and multiple allegations of misuse of her office, and to obtain financial and other information that I am clearly entitled to as President of the organization. I was accompanied by our former National President, two highly respected female LULAC leaders. To my surprise, when we attempted to enter LULAC’s offices on the second day of our visit, the CEO prevented us from entering, even going so far as attempting to enlist the police in her effort. As a result, the CEO obstructed us from obtaining the information that, as President, I must have to monitor the operations of our beloved organization.


If that were not enough, as many of you likely have read in social media, after our attempted visit to LULAC’s Washington, D.C. offices, the CEO initiated an “anti-stalking” proceeding against me personally in a local trial court, claiming that I had engaged in intimidating and threatening behavior toward her. She did not notify me that she had initiated the proceeding and did not give me the opportunity even to respond to the highly inaccurate affidavit she submitted to the court. Contrary to the suggestions in her affidavit, I never even spoke with the CEO during my visit to the Washington, D.C. offices and did absolutely nothing that any reasonable person could construe to be a threat or any form of intimidation. These facts are fully corroborated by the three LULAC representatives who accompanied me on that visit. plus video and witness testimony. However, based on the CEO’s inaccurate affidavit and without any notice to me or opportunity to respond, the trial court entered a temporary anti-stalking order. A full hearing on that order will take place on September 8, 2022, which will finally allow me to respond to the CEO’s false statements and to defend myself against her completely unjustified claims. I will not allow her to smear the good name and reputation of our beloved LULAC, in addition to myself.


I ask for your patience and trust and promise that LULAC will survive this attempt to undermine the causes of voting rights, economic opportunity, and social justice that have defined us for nearly a century. We will not let that happen, and I need your support. Please stand up for LULAC and let others know we are united as we have been for 93 years to protect our community. Please help us ensure that LULAC continues to represent the millions of Latinos across the United States. There can be no room for compromise on our principles; together, we will win justice.


Feel free to contact me directly if you have any questions or comments that you wish to share with me. I respect you, and you have my word we will be successful in protecting and saving LULAC.


¡Hasta la Victoria!


Domingo

Domingo Garcia, LULAC National President


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Friday, March 17, 2017

83% Of America's Top High School Science Students Are The Children Of Immigrants

Happy to come across this story in Forbes that imparts an important, if inconvenient truth to some, about immigrant achievement in the U.S.  My guess is that those most in opposition are themselves the progeny of immigrants.  In any case, here's what author Stuart Anderson says in this regard:

The evidence indicates that the children of immigrants are increasing their influence on science in America. Sixty percent (24 of 40) of the finalists of the 2004 Intel Science Talent Search had at least one immigrant parent. In 2011, that proportion rose to 70% (28 of 40) who had at least one immigrant. And in 2016, the number rose again to 83% (33 of 40) of the finalists of the Intel Science Talent Search who had at least one immigrant parent.

Eye-popping, right?  (Continue to Anderson piece below.) 

Although the story of immigrant achievement is more complex than I can possibly do justice to in this brief commentary (for more, read my book Subtractive Schooling), research on immigrant achievement has consistently shown higher levels of achievement among our immigrant population relative to our U.S.-born youth.  As already suggested, there are caveats...

Despite these, research by my former student, Laurie Pierce, working with former Texas State Rep. Rick Noriega in 2000 showed that a very high percentage—I want to say at least 45 percent—of high school valedictorians that year in the Houston Independent School District (HISD) were immigrant youth.  For Texas legislators in that era with Rick Perry as governor, it seemed wasteful not to give these youth a chance by waiving their out-of-state tuition dollars.  After all, they had contributed positively to K12 education and it wasn't their fault that they found themselves in the U.S. Many of them didn't even know they were undocumented until they made that sad discovery in high school that having to pay out-of-state tuition as a "foreigner" was their only option if they had hopes of going to college.  And many of them did.
Plus, these young people were already living in the U.S. for an extended time period and it seemed the right thing to do.  Here are the qualifications:
To qualify in Texas, students must live in the state at least three years continuously before graduating from high school or receiving the equivalent of a diploma. Students who are not citizens or permanent residents of the United States must declare an intention to seek legal resident status as soon as they are eligible.
Years of advocacy by MALDEF,  LULAC, and other groups together with research that Laurie and I did contributed to the development and passage in 2001 of HB1403, Texas' in-state tuition bill, sometimes referred to as the "Texas Dream Act." 

Texas, was the first state to pass this and was followed that same year in 2001 by California's AB 540, with other states adoting it as law, as well.  Today, most folks recognize this as the federal DREAM Act. 

At the moment, there is a bill in the Texas House, HB 393, authored by a Texas legislator named Strickland to repeal the 2001 law but thankfully, House Speaker Joe Straus isn't hearing it as he deems the policy to be “perfectly acceptable,” according to the San Antonio Express-News. 

Not only is it "perfectly acceptable," but is in fact demonstrably important to our future as a society and economy as this piece indicates, as well as more recent research in 2015 by Ann Beeson of the Center for Public Policy Priorities.  Not only are immigrants poised to thrive with good policies like HB 1403 and the DREAM Act, but our state and nation, too.

Angela Valenzuela
c/s


83% Of America's Top High School Science Students Are The Children Of Immigrants

 Stuart Anderson, Contributor


Amol Punjabi won the First Place Medal of Distinction for Basic Research at America's top competition for high school science students in 2016.
(Linda Doane/Society for Science & the Public)

Amol Punjabi won the First Place Medal of Distinction for Basic Research at America's top competition for high school science students in 2016.
 
What would we lose if immigrants could no longer come to America? Surprisingly, one of the most important things America would lose is the contributions made by their children.

A new study from the National Foundation for American Policy found a remarkable 83% (33 of 40) of the finalists of the 2016 Intel Science Talent Search were the children of immigrants. The competition organized each year by the Society for Science & the Public is the leading science competition for U.S. high school students. In 2017, the talent search competition was renamed the Regeneron Science Talent Search, after its new sponsor Regeneron Pharmaceuticals,and a new group of 40 finalists – America's next generation of scientists, engineers and mathematicians – are competing in Washington, D.C., from March 9 to 15, 2017.

Both family-based and employment-based immigrants were parents of finalists in 2016. In fact, 75% – 30 out of 40 – of the finalists had parents who worked in America on H-1B visas and later became green card holders and U.S. citizens. That compares to seven children who had both parents born in the United States.



To put that in perspective, even though former H-1B visa holders represent less than 1% of the U.S. population, they were four times more likely to have a child as a finalist in the 2016 Intel Science Talent Search than were parents who were both born in the United States.



Parents who were international students were more likely to have a child as a finalist than native-born parents. A total of 27 of the 40 children – 68% – had a parent who came to America as an international student. That means if international students cannot remain in America after graduation (through Optional Practical Training and improved visa policies) it will also deprive America of the potentially substantial contributions of their children.



Three of the finalists, or 7.5%, had parents who came to America as family-sponsored immigrants (although the number is four parents, or 10%, if one counts the family-sponsored immigrant who married an H-1B visa holder).



Among the 40 finalists of the 2016 Intel Science Talent Search, 14 had parents both born in India, 11 had parents both born in China, and seven had parents both born in the United States. People of Indian and Chinese birth represent only about 1% of the U.S. population each, according to the Pew Research Center.

In addition to China, India and the United States, the countries of origin for the parents of 2016 Intel Science Talent Search finalists represent a diverse set of countries, including Canada, Cyprus, Iran, Japan, Nigeria, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan.

The evidence indicates that the children of immigrants are increasing their influence on science in America. Sixty percent (24 of 40) of the finalists of the 2004 Intel Science Talent Search had at least one immigrant parent. In 2011, that proportion rose to 70% (28 of 40) who had at least one immigrant. And in 2016, the number rose again to 83% (33 of 40) of the finalists of the Intel Science Talent Search who had at least one immigrant parent.

The science competition has been called the “Junior Nobel Prize” and more than 95% of winners of the Intel Science Talent Search (STS) traditionally have pursued science as a career, with 70% earning Ph.D.’s or M.D.’s. Many of the students I interviewed hope to start their own companies.

In 2016, seven of the nine top awards were earned by the children of immigrants, including first place prizes for innovation and basic research. Amol Punjabi won the First Place Medal of Distinction for Basic Research for developing software that could be used by pharmaceutical companies to combat cancer and heart disease.

The children of immigrants among the finalists I interviewed understood the sacrifices their parents made to ensure them a better life. And, it is important to remember, all of these children, whether born here or naturalized, are as American as you and me.

Augusta Uwamanzu-Nna appreciates all her Nigerian-born parents have done to give her the best education possible. “They sacrificed so much for me,” said Augusta, who experimented with ways to improve the properties of cement, which has practical applications that include helping to prevent oil spills. “My father grew up during the civil war in Nigeria and couldn’t afford an education.”

Despite the obstacles, Augusta’s father, Tobias Nna, overcame the odds and was trained as a physical therapist. He came to the United States on an H-1B visa. “Our goal in coming to America was to provide an opportunity for our children to study, have access to journals and computers,” Tobias Nna told me. “I’m very happy they have taken advantage of these opportunities.”

“Seeing what my parents did to make a better life for their children has inspired me to do everything I can to succeed,” said Augusta. “This is the land of opportunity.”