Whose Bible, Whose History, Whose Texas? When Curriculum Becomes a Civilizational Project
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State Board of Education member Julie Pickren prays during the invocation before a meeting on social studies standards at the Barbara Jordan Building in Austin on Friday, June 26, 2026. The board is considering revisions that would place greater emphasis on Christian history and biblical content in public school classrooms.
Jay Janner/Austin American-Statesman |
To bring Texans up-to-date, they must know that our state is not simply putting the Bible back into public schools. It is making a much larger decision about which cultural and religious tradition will occupy the privileged center of public education—and therefore which version of America Texas children will be taught to inherit.
That distinction matters.
On June 26, the Texas State Board of Education approved a first-of-its-kind required literary works list for public schools, along with sweeping revisions to the state’s social studies standards. The literary list, approved 9–5, includes direct biblical passages and stories across grade levels, from Jonah and the Whale and David and Goliath in the elementary grades to passages from Corinthians and the Book of Job in later grades. The requirements will begin taking effect in phases starting in the 2030–31 school year.
The Board simultaneously rewrote social studies standards for kindergarten through eighth grade, placing substantially greater emphasis on biblical figures, Christian history, ancient Israel, the Ten Commandments, and what supporters call “Judeo-Christian values (Yu, 2026)."
Let me begin with something that should not be controversial: The Bible is worthy of study.
It is one of the most consequential collections of texts in human history. Students cannot fully understand Western literature, art, music, political rhetoric, abolitionism, the civil rights movement, or large portions of American history without some knowledge of biblical language and traditions.
The Supreme Court itself recognized precisely this point in School District of Abington Township v. Schempp (1963). The Court prohibited state-sponsored devotional Bible reading but expressly distinguished it from the objective academic study of religion. The Bible, the Court observed, may legitimately be studied for its literary and historical significance when presented objectively within a secular educational program.
So the question is not whether children should encounter the Bible.
The question is what happens when the state decides that one religious tradition should function as the organizing, colonizing grammar of public education that resides in the assumptive world of knowledge and skills standards and accountability regimes. And that is where the Texas story becomes troubling.
What Looks Like Addition Is Also Subtraction
Curriculum is never simply a collection of things we add. Every addition consumes instructional time, assigns cultural importance, and necessarily reduces the space available for something else. That is why the most revealing part of the Texas curriculum controversy may not be what the State Board added but what it simultaneously diminished.
According to reporting by Isaac Yu, staff writer with the Houston Chronicle, the new standards reduce or eliminate material addressing racial segregation, slave revolts, the Ku Klux Klan, Black and Hispanic history, and aspects of world cultures. Board members even removed language stating that Africans were enslaved in the U.S. because of the color of their skin. Meanwhile, critics testified that Islam is disproportionately introduced through warfare, invasion, jihad, piracy, radicalism, and terrorism, while proposed references to Muslim contributions to algebra and astronomy were removed. That juxtaposition is enormously important.
The issue is therefore not:
Bible or no Bible?
It is:
What knowledge is being elevated, what knowledge is being burdened, and what knowledge is disappearing to make room for the new canon?
The Texas curriculum is not merely becoming more religious. It is becoming more civilizational.
The State Board itself says the new standards will give students a historical arc extending from the “rise of Western Civilization” through the creation of the United States and its experiment in self-government. Its official announcement promises students the “full story,” while simultaneously describing the curriculum in terms of America's—and Texas'—greatness.(State Board of Education, 2026).
But no curriculum tells the “full story.” That an impossible proposition. Every curriculum selects. Every curriculum elevates. Every curriculum leaves something behind. The political question is who gets to do the selecting.
We Have Seen This Before
There is a deeper history here that Americans would do well to remember.
Religion was once much more explicitly present in American public schooling. Nineteenth-century common schools frequently incorporated Protestant religious practices and Bible reading. But what many Protestants regarded as simply “Christian” or “nonsectarian,” Catholics often experienced as Protestant domination.
Conflicts over which Bible would be read—and whose Christianity would define the public school—became part of the great nineteenth-century “School Question.” Historian Steven K. Green (2012) has documented how disputes over Bible reading, Protestant cultural authority, Catholic immigration, and religious pluralism helped produce the modern American understanding of nonsectarian public education.
That history should caution us against confusing majoritarian religion with religious neutrality.
American schooling also developed partly within a larger civilizational project that joined Christianity, racial hierarchy, assimilation, citizenship, and nation-building. Its most brutal expression appeared in federal Indian boarding schools. Native children were removed from their families, deprived of languages and cultural practices, and subjected to an educational regime explicitly intended to assimilate them into Anglo-American society. The federal government itself now acknowledges that religious organizations were deeply implicated in that system and that assimilation included efforts to strip Native children of their religions and cultures.
Obviously, today's Texas curriculum is not the Indian boarding-school system. Historical comparisons require precision. But the older history raises a question that remains hauntingly contemporary:
Who is the school supposed to make us into? That question lies at the center of this debate.
This Is Where Christian Nationalism Enters the Picture
It would also be a mistake to say that including biblical literature automatically constitutes Christian nationalism.
It does not.
Christian nationalism is not Christianity, nor is it ordinary Christian religious belief. It is a political ideology that fuses a particular understanding of Christianity with national identity and governmental authority.
The concern arises from the cumulative pattern.
Texas has adopted Bible-infused Bluebonnet instructional materials. The Legislature passed a law requiring the Ten Commandments to be displayed in public-school classrooms. Now the State Board has mandated biblical texts within the statewide literary canon and expanded Christian and biblical content within social studies standards (Yu, 2026)
And proponents themselves are telling us what they believe they are accomplishing.
State Board member Brandon Hall celebrated the June action by declaring that Texas was “bringing the Bible back into schools.” Supporters described the overhaul as a restoration of Judeo-Christian values, moral formation, classical education, and American exceptionalism (Yu, 2026).
This is no longer simply an argument about whether students should recognize biblical allusions in Shakespeare.
It is an argument about national identity.
Who are “we”? Where did “we” come from? Which traditions made America Which traditions are peripheral? Whose stories constitute civilization And which children are expected to locate themselves inside somebody else's story?
There Is Also a Constitutional Question
The constitutional question deserves precision as well. The Supreme Court's Establishment Clause jurisprudence has changed considerably since Schempp. In Kennedy v. Bremerton School District (2022), the Court instructed courts to look closely to historical practices and understandings when evaluating Establishment Clause claims.
That makes predictions about future litigation less certain.
But Kennedy did not declare that states may convert public-school instruction into religious exercise, nor did it erase the longstanding distinction between teaching religion academically and using governmental authority to advance religion.
Indeed, Schempp's fundamental insight remains crucial: there is a difference between studying religion and practicing, promoting, or privileging it through the machinery of the state.
Whether particular provisions of the Texas standards ultimately cross the constitutional line will depend upon their language, implementation, context, and how courts apply today's Establishment Clause doctrine.
But there is another question that precedes the courtroom.
Is this wise public education?
Public Schools Belong to Everyone
Texas is one of the most religiously, racially, ethnically, linguistically, and culturally diverse states in the nation.
Our public schools therefore carry an especially demanding democratic responsibility.
They should absolutely teach Christianity.
They should also teach Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Indigenous spiritual traditions, secular philosophical traditions, and other belief systems that have shaped human civilization.
They should teach students why the Bible matters. And the Qur'an. And the Torah and Talmud. And Indigenous knowledge traditions. And classical Greek thought. And the intellectual achievements of the Islamic world. And the African civilizations that long preceded European colonization. And Enlightenment skepticism. And the struggle between faith and reason that has itself helped shape modern democracy.
That would be religious literacy. That would be intellectual rigor. That would prepare children for citizenship in a pluralistic democracy.
However, what Texas appears increasingly interested in doing is different.
It is constructing a canon in which Christianity and a particular rendering of Western civilization function as the cultural center of gravity while difficult histories of race, conquest, segregation, colonialization, and minority experience become easier to trim, soften, or remove.
That is why the argument over this curriculum cannot be reduced to whether the Bible is a “good book.” Of course it is an important book.
The real question is who possesses the authority to turn a sacred text into a state-sanctioned civilizational narrative.
Public schools should help children understand the many traditions that made the world they inhabit. They should not be used to tell millions of extraordinarily diverse children that there is only one tradition through which they can become fully American.
That is not religious literacy.
That is something much closer to curricular authoritarianism premised on a state-constructed hierarchy of knowledge.
And Texans should understand the difference.
References
Green, S. K. (2012). The Bible, the school, and the Constitution: The clash that shaped modern church-state doctrine. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199827909.001.0001
Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, 597 U.S. 507 (2022). https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/21-418diff_k4l8.pdf
School District of Abington Township v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963). https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/374/203/
State Board of Education. (2026, June 26). Texas State Board of Education adopts new social studies standards and required literature reading list. https://sboe.texas.gov/state-board-of-education/sboe-news/texas-state-board-of-education-adopts-new-social-studies-standards-and-required-literature-reading-list
Yu, I. (2026, June 26). Texas becomes first state to require students read the Bible with required literary list. Houston Chronicle. (Houston Chronicle)




