Honoring La Raza Unida: A Third Party That Changed Texas Politics and Our Sense of What Is Possible
by
Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.
Sometimes you strike gold. It helps being married to a historian, who asked me to scan this document for a friend and send it along—reminding me how easily treasures like these can slip through the cracks of history, particularly for the casual reader.
In any case, here is a link to the Raza Unida Party platform (1974) that all can read. For the record, raza is an endearing insider term that means “the people.” Hence, the party platform of a “people united”—a bold declaration of dignity and self-determination at a time when Mexican Americans were still struggling to be seen and heard in the halls of power. While the fight for representation continues today, the barriers facing our community were even more formidable in those years.
This morning is the first time I have ever seen or read it. I was in middle school at a time when history itself seemed to march in the streets—the Chicana/o Movement in full stride, the women’s movement gaining strength, and the anti–Vietnam War movement shaking the nation’s conscience. It was then that I first exclaimed that I was “Brown and proud”—a declaration resonant with the spirit of the Black, Red, and Yellow Power movements. All of this action clearly shook the establishment and resulted in Civil Rights legislation that remains among the most significant victories for equity and democracy in U.S. history.
Because network television and newspapers were our major sources of information, it was almost impossible not to hear about what was happening in Texas and other places throughout the Southwest where it took root. In fact, the Raza Unida Party was very much present in my hometown of San Angelo, West Texas, during the early 1970s. These stories seeped into my consciousness, shaping the way I understood politics, justice, and my place in the world.
As this contributed to my political formation, I dedicate this blog to honoring the hard work of those who dared to form a third party—many of them still with us today—because both major parties were largely indifferent to Chicanas/os and Mexican Americans in Texas and throughout the Southwest. Sadly, this reality still resonates with sectors of our communities who continue to feel left behind. Yet most positively, it reminds us of our long history of resistance to exclusion and subordination, particularly in the realm of education—education that is culturally relevant, adequately resourced, and a genuine pathway to higher learning.
Our community has never received these things as gifts from above. They have always been won through struggle, sacrifice, and organizing. Despite the current Epoch of Institutional Unraveling, as I term it, the silver lining is that the vision of Raza Unida lives on today. It lives on in grassroots efforts—whether through Ethnic Studies programs, culturally sustaining schools, bilingual and dual language programs, community-based initiatives like Academia Cuauhtli, or movements for political representation—that continue to build on this legacy of courage.
The party’s story is a reminder that when communities come together to demand representation, justice, and dignity, they can build power against the odds. Its legacy calls on us not only to remember but also to continue imagining and creating the structures of democracy we deserve.
La lucha de La Raza Unida nos recuerda que la justicia nunca se concede, sino que se conquista. Su legado vive en cada esfuerzo comunitario por representación, educación y dignidad—y nos llama a seguir construyendo la democracia que merecemos.
Historical Note
La Raza Unida Party (RUP), founded in 1970 in Crystal City, Texas, emerged from the frustrations of Mexican American activists with the Democratic Party’s neglect of Chicano communities. Its roots lay in the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), created in 1967 by José Ángel Gutiérrez, Mario Compean, Willie Velasquez, Ignacio Perez, and Juan Patlan. Inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, they sought to create a new political force that advanced Chicano nationalism and self-determination.
From its earliest years, women shaped the party’s trajectory—activists like Luz Gutiérrez, Martha P. Cotera, Rosie Castro, Evey Chapa, and others demanded and secured space for Chicana leadership. RUP’s first major successes came in South Texas towns such as Crystal City, Cotulla, and Carrizo Springs, where candidates swept local elections. Alma Canales made history in 1972 as the first Chicana to run for lieutenant governor of Texas.
Dr. Emilio Zamora, now a distinguished historian, served as Travis County chair of the party in the 1970s, helping organize Mexican American political participation during a pivotal moment in Texas history. Today, his scholarship and mentorship continue to amplify Chicana/o voices.
The RUP’s statewide visibility peaked with the gubernatorial campaigns of Ramsey Muñiz in 1972 and 1974, which drew more than 200,000 votes and challenged the dominance of the two major parties. While RUP never succeeded at the state or national level, its campaigns demonstrated the potential of a united Chicana/o electorate and left a lasting imprint on Texas politics.
