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Showing posts with label Valenzuela Op-Ed. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Valenzuela Op-Ed. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 03, 2025

Beyond the Myth: Rethinking Meritocracy in Education and Society, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Beyond the Myth: Rethinking Meritocracy in Education and Society

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.
September 2, 2025

For generations, we’ve been told that education in the United States is a meritocracy—that if you work hard, study diligently, and play by the rules, you can rise as far as your talent will take you. It’s the story of the “American Dream” translated into classrooms and campuses. But for anyone paying close attention, this story is less truth than myth. Meritocracy suggests that educational outcomes are solely about individual effort. Yet persistent disparities by race, class, gender, and language tell a different story. 

Some students start the race miles behind, while others inherit head starts in the form of privilege, networks, and resources. To cling to meritocracy is to ignore history, power, and systemic inequality. If we are serious about democracy, we must stop pretending that meritocracy delivers justice and instead imagine what a truly liberatory education could be.

Rather than treating education as a contest where a few winners emerge, we reimagine success as the ability of all children to thrive. Education must be about collective flourishing, not exclusion. True equity requires more than the promise of opportunity; it demands addressing deeply unequal starting points and ensuring that outcomes are not predetermined by race, class, or zip code. Equity-driven pedagogies already point the way. 

Culturally sustaining pedagogy argues that schools should nurture rather than erase students’ home languages and cultures (Paris & Alim, 2017). Yosso’s (2005) framework of community cultural wealth highlights the rich forms of capital—aspirational, familial, social, linguistic, navigational, and resistant—that marginalized students carry into classrooms. And Freire’s (1970/1998) critical pedagogy insists that education should prepare students not simply to adapt to unjust structures but to question and transform them.

Source: Schools Matter

Meritocracy is upheld not just through ideas but through the machinery of schooling. Practices like tracking and high-stakes testing place students on narrow paths early, often based on biased measures. 

Standardized tests and admissions practices reward wealth and cultural privilege more than effort, while school funding tied to property taxes guarantees uneven opportunity from the start. To move beyond meritocracy, these structures must be dismantled, and resources redistributed so that a child’s future is not dictated by neighborhood, language background, or family income.

Perhaps nowhere is the myth of meritocracy more visible than in our obsession with testing. These exams, presented as “objective,” disproportionately punish students of color, bilingual learners, and those from low-income families (Au, 2009; Valenzuela, 2005). Because scores track most closely with family income, they measure privilege more than potential. Worse, they narrow the curriculum, pushing out art, history, and critical thinking in favor of endless drills (Au, 2009). 

Students are reduced to data points and teachers to test-prep technicians. Low scores are framed as individual failures rather than reflections of systemic inequality, perpetuating deficit narratives that work to reinscribe Eurocentric cultural dominance. Far from advancing equity, high-stakes testing suppresses the very cultural wealth and talents that students bring to school.

Moving beyond this obsession requires recovering cultural frameworks that define education differently. In Latina/o culture, being bien educado/a—well-educated—refers not to grades, degrees, or credentials but to respect, reciprocity, and responsibility to community. This ethic challenges the individualism of meritocracy and reframes education as a public good essential to democracy. It calls on schools to replace competition with cooperation, to cultivate belonging, and to ground learning in dignity and care.

Policy, too, must confront legacies of exclusion head-on. Affirmative action and targeted supports remain necessary correctives to centuries of systemic inequality. Community-university-school partnerships can bring resources into underserved neighborhoods while honoring families as co-educators and decision-makers. Democratic accountability must mean more than bureaucratic checkboxes; parents, students, and communities deserve a real voice in shaping curriculum, discipline, and funding priorities.

Perhaps the boldest step is to abandon meritocracy as the ultimate measure altogether. Drawing inspiration from Sen’s (1999) Development as Freedom and Nussbaum’s (2011) Creating Capabilities, the capabilities approach shifts the focus from test scores and credentials to what people are actually able to do and be.

While neither Sen nor Nussbaum cite Paulo Freire directly, their visions align with his insistence that education must be a practice of freedom. Freire (1970/1998) argued in Pedagogy of the Oppressed that true learning cultivates critical consciousness—the ability to question, imagine, and act upon the world in transformative ways. 

In Pedagogy of Freedom (1996/1998), he further emphasized that teaching should nurture autonomy, responsibility, and ethical engagement. Similarly, Sen (1999) and Nussbaum (2011) contend that development and education should be measured not by narrow economic or meritocratic outcomes—like GDP or test scores—but by the expansion of people’s real freedoms and capabilities. 

Read together, Freire’s pedagogy of liberation and the capabilities approach point toward a shared horizon: an education that resists domination, affirms human dignity, and equips learners to participate fully in democracy and in shaping more just futures. Education, then, is not a scarce privilege but a human right, to be measured by how well it reduces inequality and advances collective well-being.

Critiquing meritocracy is not about dismissing effort or perseverance. It is about dismantling the lie that effort alone determines who succeeds and who struggles. It is about exposing how privilege tilts the field for some and not others.

The challenge before us is to imagine—and fight for—an education system that lifts everyone, not just a select few. One that affirms students as cultural beings, equips them as agents of justice, and measures its worth not by how many are excluded but by the communities it strengthens. Education must be redefined as a shared project of democracy, care, and liberation. Only then will we move beyond the myth of meritocracy and realize what education has always promised at its best: not a sorting mechanism for the few, but a foundation for freedom.

References

Au, W. (2009). Unequal by design: High-stakes testing and the standardization of inequality. New York: Routledge.

Freire, P. (1970/1998). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: Continuum.

Freire, P. (1996/1998). Pedagogy of freedom: Ethics, democracy, and civic courage. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Nussbaum, M. C. (2011). Creating capabilities: The human development approach. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

Paris, D., & Alim, H. S. (2017). Culturally sustaining pedagogies: Teaching and learning for justice in a changing world.New York: Teachers College Press.

Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. Alfred A. Knopf.

Valenzuela, A. (2005). Accountability and the privatization agenda. Educational Policy Analysis Archives, 13(41), 1–24.

Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.

Sunday, August 24, 2025

Don’t Burn the Hemp Bridge: A Climate and Health Solution Rooted in Texas Soil by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Don’t Burn the Hemp Bridge: A Climate and Health Solution Rooted in Texas Soil

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Texas policy on hemp is at an inflection point. As the debate fixates on hemp-derived THC, it obscures the larger public-health, climate, and rural-economy stakes. 

Since vetoing an all-THC ban in June, Gov. Greg Abbott has advocated a stringent regulatory framework—age limits, potency caps, testing, and enforcement—built to withstand court challenges, while Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and the Senate have continued to advance near-total prohibitions such as SB 6 in the second special session (Guo, 2025; Malenfant, 2025).

On the health side, a key resource is the National Academies’ comprehensive review, The Health Effects of Cannabis and Cannabinoids, which synthesizes evidence on benefits, risks, and research needs (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, & Medicine, 2017). 

Separate from that report, I am fascinated by the fact that our bodies also produce their own cannabinoids—“endocannabinoids”—that help regulate mood, stress responses, pain, and inflammation (Lu & Mackie, 2016). And yes, the classic “runner’s high” appears to be driven in part by endocannabinoid signaling (Fuss et al., 2015).

Public-health experts and many Texas stakeholders warn that prohibition doesn’t make communities safer—it makes them vulnerable. Outright bans typically displace sales into unregulated channels, where age checks, lab tests, and labels vanish; advocates instead argue for targeted rules that limit youth access and inform consumers (Simpson & Keemahill, 2025; Neill Harris, 2025)

As one Texas Tribune report noted during this year’s debates, opposition included veterans, caregivers, and older adults who stressed practical access—paired with tighter rules to curb synthetics and youth marketing (Simpson & Keemahill, 2025). 

The lesson isn’t new: a century after alcohol Prohibition, reporting shows bans pushed drinking into unregulated markets—sometimes into poisoned industrial alcohol that killed thousands (Blum estimate, as cited in Dowd, 2019)—while fueling organized crime, overwhelming enforcement, and producing a surge in illegal “speakeasies” (Dowd, 2019). Speakeasies were illicit, often membership- or password-only drinking rooms hidden behind ordinary storefronts or in back rooms and basements. 

Smart regulation works. Age restrictions, potency caps, child-safe packaging, and rigorous lab testing help keep intoxicating products out of kids’ hands and ensure consumers know what they’re getting. Abbott’s veto and subsequent guidance emphasized exactly this approach—enforceable rules that preserve a lawful market while protecting public safety (Guo, 2025).

Meanwhile, the environmental and economic stakes couldn’t be higher. Hemp is a fast-growing, low-input crop that fits Texas’ drought-prone conditions and diversified rotations. Beyond the farm, Central Texas builders are piloting hemp-lime “hempcrete” for lower-carbon construction, while Texas researchers are advancing drought-tolerant fiber and grain varieties—signs of a broader materials and agri-tech ecosystem with real local traction (Curtin, 2024a; Curtin, 2024b). For rural Texans, this isn’t just about climate; it’s about opportunity. Every time we threaten prohibition, we freeze investment, strand farmers, and stall innovation.

Texas doesn’t have to choose between chaos and prohibition. We can regulate intoxicating hemp products responsibly and supercharge the non-intoxicating value chain. That means processing grants, university research and development, and public procurement—pilot hemp-lime in state buildings; prioritize hemp fiber for erosion control and packaging; and support farmers who want to grow for climate, not controversy. If we care about children, climate, and communities, don’t burn the hemp bridge—build it.

References

Curtin, K. (2024a, April 12). The Austin Chronic: Former Ag Commissioner candidate Susan Hays is building a hempcrete house. The Austin Chronicle. https://www.austinchronicle.com/columns/2024-04-12/the-austin-chronic-former-ag-commissioner-candidate-susan-hays-is-building-a-hempcrete-house

Curtin, K. (2024b, October 4). The Austin Chronic: Texas A&M’s hemp breeding program adds drought-resistant genetics to the national collection. The Austin Chronicle. https://www.austinchronicle.com/columns/2024-10-04/the-austin-chronic-texas-aams-hemp-breeding-program-adds-drought-resistant-genetics-to-the-national-/

Dowd, K. (2019, January 17). 100 years ago: What Prohibition looked like in America. Houston Chronicle. https://www.houstonchronicle.com/news/article/photos-of-prohibition-1919-america-speakeasy-13523929.php

Guo, K. (2025, June 22). Gov. Greg Abbott vetoes THC ban, calls for regulation instead. Texas Tribune. https://www.texastribune.org/2025/06/22/texas-thc-ban-bill-greg-abbott-veto-senate-bill-3/

Fuss, J., Steinle, J., Bindila, L., Auer, M. K., Kirchherr, H., Lutz, B., & Gass, P. (2015). A runner’s high depends on cannabinoid receptors in mice. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 112(42), 13105–13108. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1514996112

Lu, H.-C., & Mackie, K. (2016). An introduction to the endogenous cannabinoid system. Biological Psychiatry, 79(7), 516–525. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26698193/

Malenfant, M. (2025, August 20). Have THC laws changed in Texas? Here’s a 2025 guide. Austin American-Statesman. https://www.statesman.com/news/article/thc-ban-texas-special-session-august-2025-20824050.php

National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. (2017). The health effects of cannabis and cannabinoids: The current state of evidence and recommendations for research. The National Academies Press. https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/24625/the-health-effects-of-cannabis-and-cannabinoids-the-current-state

Neill Harris, K. (2025, August 21). A THC ban won’t make Texans safer. Better hemp laws would. Houston Chronicle. https://www.houstonchronicle.com/opinion/outlook/article/thc-texas-ban-hemp-laws-20826232.php

Simpson, S., & Keemahill, D. (2025, July 22). THC-related poison control calls tripled in Texas after hemp became legal. Experts say there’s more to the story. Texas Tribune. https://www.texastribune.org/2025/07/22/texas-marijuana-hemp-data-poison-control-overdose/