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Showing posts with label Cecilia Ballí. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cecilia Ballí. Show all posts

Saturday, January 04, 2025

A New Year's Reflection on Cecilia Ballí's NYTimes story on "Charro Days" and what "This Glorious Celebration Shows What Border Communities Can Be"

Friends:

Instead of the hideous, iron-gated wall along the U.S.-Mexico border championed by Trump and Texas' Governor Abbott—marked by violence, death, and tragedy for many seeking refuge from hardship and striving for a better life—let's envision a more positive and affirming approach to the U.S.-Mexico border. This is where art and the enduring beauty of cultural traditions come into play.

Journalist and cultural anthropologist Cecilia Ballí shares a beautiful story appearing in the New York Times about Brownsville's annually celebrated "Charro Days." A "charro" is a traditional Mexican horseman known for ornate attire, including fitted pants, intricately embroidered, fitted jacket, and a sombrero. Charros are known for "charreadas," or rodeo-like events that are Mexico's national sport. They're worth going to if you've never been to one.

As a side note, "charros" are analogous to, yet distinct from, "vaqueros," or "cowboys." It is important to recognize that vaqueros were the original cowboys of the American Southwest, predating the stereotypical image of the white, Marlboro-looking man popularized by Western films. Both charros and vaqueros are skilled horsemen and work with livestock, but charros are deeply intertwined with Mexican traditions, culture, and formal attire. 

Their role may extend beyond ranch work entirely such as through equestrian events and competitions.  In contrast, vaqueros were primarily members of the American working class of their time, with attire that was more functional than aesthetic. 

Not only do women participate in charrería, known as "escaramuzas"—together with silver threads and ornate sombreros, but the sport is gaining traction in the U.S. as you can learn from this CBS morning news story. A distinctive talent is riding sidesaddle and equally daunting and competitive "horesmanship" (or "horsewomanship"). Escaramuzas get scored on what they're wearing and may become rodeo queens. Check out this pertinent documentary titled, "Escaramuzas: The Elegant Tradition of the Mexican Charrería & Charreada."

Charrería dates back to the haciendas of the 1500s and is recognized by UNESCO as an "Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity." This designation acknowledges charrería not only as a sport but also as a rich cultural expression that reflects Mexico's history, values, and artistic heritage. 

A UNESCO designation further means that charrería has achieved international acclaim despite challenges like assimilation and urbanization, while simultaneously contributing to its preservation and ensuring its transmission to future generations as a powerful symbol of Mexican cultural identity. 

As beautifully recounted by Ballí, Brownsville's "Charro Days" is an annual fiesta, established in 1937, that celebrates the shared Mexican heritage of the border region.that U.S. assimilation policies have wanted us as U.S. Mexicans to ignore or somehow forget altogether. In the educational arena, I term this "subtractive cultural assimilation"—or simply, "subtractive schooling," to convey how priorities, policies, and practices have systematically sought to eviscerate our language, culture, and identities.

Thanks to the vision and leadership of Brownsville's business leaders, "Charro Days" defies subtractive cultural assimilation with its redemptive annual fiesta that began in 1937, celebrating a shared Mexican heritage across the border—a heritage U.S. assimilation policies have often pressured Mexican Americans to overlook. This year’s event, scheduled for February 20 to March 1, 2025, serves as a vibrant reminder of the power and beauty of cultural traditions. As Ballí’s account suggests, why should we ever stop celebrating something that not only fosters conviviality but also showcases the resilience and richness of our culture? 

The answer is clear. Transforming the border into a space of dialogue, connection, and aesthetic beauty empowers a community that state and national policies have historically sought to marginalize.

Finally, and most importantly, heartfelt thanks to Cecilia Ballí, whose work consistently reminds us of the transformative power of art, culture, and aesthetics. Through her storytelling, she demonstrates how, when guided by visionary leaders, these forces can heal divisions, uplift communities, and, indeed, save the world.

Happy New Years, everybody!

-Angela Valenzuela




This Glorious Celebration Shows What Border Communities Can Be



June 8, 2024 | New York Times



Thalía Gochez for The New York Times

By Cecilia Ballí | Photographs by Thalía Gochez

Ms. Ballí is a journalist and cultural anthropologist who is writing a book about competitive high school mariachis in South Texas. She wrote from Brownsville, Texas. Ms. Gochez is a Salvadoran Mexican American photographer based in Los Angeles.

The sky was muddy gray when I arrived at the Sams Memorial Stadium parking lot on a cool February afternoon. As soon as I parked, a school police officer appeared in a golf cart to rush me to the front of the parade line. I clambered aboard, one hand holding my large white Mexican sombrero rimmed with gold embroidered roses, the other scooping my thick, long skirt.

I was there for Charro Days, a festival that honors Mexican culture and our city’s intimate connection with Matamoros, Tamaulipas, across the border. As an alumna of the Brownsville school district, I’d been invited to serve as grand marshal of the children’s parade.

I felt regal dressed in a bright salmon pink traje de charro, a modified version of the traditional Mexican horseman outfit worn by mariachis and ranchera singers. As we whizzed by the century-old red brick buildings of my junior high campus, norteño music wafting from nearby speakers, my eyes welled up and I felt a lump in my throat.

via Cecilia Ballí

Every year, right around Lent, life slows down in my hometown, and for eight glorious days we celebrate Charro Days. The first time I took part in the festival was in 1983, when my twin sister and I danced in the children’s parade to “La Cacahuata,” a norteño folk song, with our schoolmates.

During this week, residents often show up to work or school dressed in traditional Mexican clothing. Some wear charro outfits — the costume from central Mexico most associated with national identity. Others dress as chiapanecas and china poblanas, jarochas and tehuanas, in the blouses and skirts typical of the south. And there are lots of tamaulipecas, the fringed suede jackets of Tamaulipas.

To outsiders, it may all seem like a caricature of Mexican culture, but for Brownsville natives this is a time when we get to take pride and joy in who we are, in a country where it sometimes feels difficult to do so.



In the coming months, as the presidential campaign gets in full swing, Americans will no doubt be bombarded with visions of a broken U.S.-Mexico border. (Just this week President Biden issued an executive order that temporarily blocks most migrants from seeking asylum.)

What will be missing are portraits of the beautiful border some of us know — a place of community, continuity and celebration.

I like to say the border begins in Brownsville, where President James K. Polk first provoked a war with Mexico.

In April 1846, after the U.S. annexation of Texas, Polk dispatched 4,000 soldiers into the Nueces Strip in South Texas, ordering a land and water blockade of Mexican troops and civilians. Mexico claimed the border ran along the Nueces River in Corpus Christi, while the United States insisted it was the Rio Grande, 150 miles to the south.

When Mexican forces crossed the Rio Grande attempting to break the blockade, Gen. Zachary Taylor sent a small force to meet them. The Mexican Army fired, killing 11 American troops. Polk then convinced some skeptical members of Congress that it was an invasion.





Charro Days fiesta in Brownsville, Texas, February 1942.Credit...Arthur Rothstein, via Library of Congress

The war ended two years later, with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which required Mexico to cede 55 percent of its territory to the United States. Soon surveyors began the task of demarcating the new border from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean, which was nearly 2,000 miles long.

Thus the U.S. Southwest was born, marking the beginning of American westward expansion.

As children, we didn’t learn much about our city’s pivotal role in the construction of our nation, but the repercussions of that history hung over us. Both sides of my family, the Ballís and the Hinojosas, had been in the region since the 1700s and once owned vast tracts of land that, as was true for most Mexican American families in the region, they lost over time to Anglo land grabbers. My paternal grandfather was raised in Texas but moved to Matamoros in the late 1910s, during a period of intense racial violence against Mexican Americans.

While the national boundary changed, the border remained fluid. My parents were born in Matamoros. After they married, they got jobs as seasonal farmworkers. Eventually they saved enough to build a home in Brownsville.

Even though a vast majority of students I went to school with in the 1980s were Mexican American, there was a strong pressure to assimilate. In first grade, my teacher gave me a C in English because I spoke too much Spanish with my friends.

On Sundays, we crossed the international bridge to visit our grandparents on their small ranch outside Matamoros, which had an outhouse and no running water. We ate tamales and celebrated Christmas there. At night, my grandmother lulled us to sleep with Mexican folk tales.





Mexican culture was the salve that helped blunt the pain of growing up in poverty and of my father’s eventual cancer diagnosis and premature death.

Living in Brownsville I was able to be both deeply Mexican and deeply American — and crossing the border showed me that it was possible to hold those two identities at once. I learned to shift between countries, cultures, societies and political systems, ultimately giving me a stronger sense of myself.

Charro Days was founded in 1938, the brainchild of a local white businessman who wanted to stimulate the economy during the Great Depression, draw tourists and cultivate civic pride. It eventually morphed into a four-day fiesta that included parades, street dances, fireworks, a carnival, a rodeo and motorboat races.

It soon captured the nation’s imagination. National Geographic wrote about it. Paramount and Universal showed reels of the event in theaters across the country. By the 1950s, radio and television networks were broadcasting some of the festivities from coast to coast.

Around the same time, the main parade began crossing over into Matamoros, which also held its own events. In 1954, the U.S. government began opening the Gateway International Bridge in downtown Brownsville, which connects the two cities, so revelers could cross back and forth freely during the festival.

But our binational ties would wear thin as the border became harder to cross.

Beginning in the early 1980s, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans and Guatemalans fleeing civil wars poured into Brownsville and across other parts of the border. The Reagan administration responded by prosecuting religious activists who provided them safe harbor.

As world economies became more interconnected, the movement of people and goods across national borders increased. The attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, further changed the nature of border enforcement. The Department of Homeland Security was established in 2002; the Border Patrol eventually doubled in size.

In communities like Brownsville, these changes were felt intimately. Many residents stopped going to Matamoros, afraid of growing violence among Mexican drug cartels. With waits in customs lines to get into the United States now stretching for hours, many Matamoros residents also lost the incentive to come to Brownsville.



After my grandmother died in 2022, my family, too, lost our anchor across the border. So, when the school district invited me to participate in this year’s parade, it was a chance to reconnect with an older Brownsville that I missed.

I arrived in town a few days early to attend Fiesta Folklorica, an evening event where the children who will dance in the parade perform for their families. Dozens of little girls in elaborate costumes stomped on the wooden dance floor and swirled their colorful skirts furiously, like butterflies ready to fly.

That morning, the White House announced that Mr. Biden would be coming to Brownsville the same day as the children’s parade to underscore his policy wins. For a moment, we weren’t sure if his visit would interrupt our celebration. It’s a form of theater that border communities are familiar with: politicians visiting, flanked by border agents and cameras.

The record numbers of migrants and refugees are undeniable. In the 2023 fiscal year, which ended in September, Customs and Border Protection apprehended over 2.4 million people at the southwest border, many of them hoping to gain asylum.


Border communities are sandwiched between the issue, the politics surrounding it and the often misguided policies, which can prove unhelpful or even make the situation worse.

In the end, the children’s parade went on as planned. When I arrived at the meeting point that day, the young costumed dancers were lining up behind the car I would ride in. They were a picture of sheer beauty and joy, decked out in red lipstick with flowers and bows on their heads.

“I like your dress!” one little girl yelled, pointing at me. “You’re so pretty!” another one said. I laughed and asked if I could take their picture.

A mile away, the Rio Grande meandered languidly. On the grounds of the old Amigoland Mall, carnival operators added finishing touches to the mechanical rides that would begin receiving thousands of guests that evening.



My car lurched forward and what followed was a sweet, nostalgic blur. Spectators on metal folding chairs cheered. Children dressed as small charros and charras flashed toothy grins and waved. One little boy with a mustache penciled on his upper lip took off his cowboy hat, twirled it chivalrously and bowed.

All the while local, state and federal agents lurked at every street corner: hulky tactical vehicles and men in camouflage with radios, buzz cuts and bulletproof vests. It was emblematic of all the increased policing we’ve seen on the border.

A woman waved, and I realized it was Mrs. Gomez, my former kindergarten teacher. A couple of bandmates from high school called out my name.

But it was my mom, aunts and cousins who screamed the loudest when I passed by them in front of the old Majestic Theater. Fourteen blocks from where it started, the parade ended at the Gateway International Bridge — the bridge that had defined our lives.



As the festival wound to a close, I visited with Rosendo Escareño, the director of Charro Days Inc., the main organizer of the festival, and Henry LeVrier, the group’s board president. They described the simple satisfaction they get watching children enjoy themselves at the parades with their parents, as so many generations did before them. Every cycle builds the tradition. “It becomes a really huge memory for us,” Mr. Escareño said, “and that’s why we’re here, 87 years strong this year.”

While the country becomes increasingly divided over the border, during Charro Days, those of us from Brownsville have something that still brings us together. In one another’s waves along the parade route, in our approving gazes, we saw ourselves. We belonged to the same thing, the same place. A place called home.




Cecilia Ballí is a journalist and cultural anthropologist based in San Antonio. She is writing a book about competitive high school mariachis in South Texas.

Thalía Gochez is a photographer based in Los Angeles. The photographs of the Children’s Parade were taken during the Charro Days festival in Brownsville, Texas, this year.


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Wednesday, March 03, 2021

A Deep Dive on Texas and the Latino Electorate, featuring Chuck Rocha and Cecilia Ballí

Friends and Colleagues:

I got a lot out of this presentation moderated by Dr. Victoria DeFrancesco Soto out of the LBJ School titled,  "A Deep Dive–Texas & the Latino Electorate," featuring Tío Bernie author Chuck Rocha and journalist and anthropologist Dr. Cecilia Ballí to help explain why specific counties, namely Cameron, Starr, and Zapata in S. Texas voted for Trump, as opposed to Biden—when these same counties voted for Bernie during the primaries. 

Specifically, in the primary election, Bernie Sanders won both Cameron and Starr Counties by large margins with Zapata County nearly tied with Joe Biden (see USA Today primary results).

You can read Ballí's important Texas Monthly report from which she derives her analysis and talking points here.

My major takeaway is that Bernie had a good ground game coupled with a robust communication strategy that further consisted of successive investments over time—as opposed to investing in Texas in the last two months of the presidential race when many had already cast their vote.  

Identity, which connects to outreach also matters. So-called Latinos from South Texas don't identify with the term, "Latino" or "Latinx," which means that messaging didn't quite resonate. Note: Nor did "Tejano" or "Chicano" resonate except for some slivers of the population. 

In contrast, what did resonate were national origin identifiers like "Mexican," "Mexican American," and "Guatemalan," and so on. She attributes this to the ongoing history of migration to Texas.

Related to the ground game, personal contact that consists of political engagement and empowerment cannot be underestimated.

I really appreciate Dr. Ballí's statement that unlike what is often experienced by the African American community, people in South Texas did not have a sense of working from  "a sense of collective history or shared struggle." And yet we know that fighting for the franchise, as well as for civil and human rights is very much a part of our history in our state. 

The issue is that this collective memory is not only fragile but—except for Mexican American Studies courses offered as elective courses in some high schools—excluded from our public school curriculum. This despite our current curricular struggle for Mexican American Studies courses in the schools. It's shameful that this history is not already taught as a matter of course.

To this end of curricular inclusion, call whoever represents you and support Texas State Representative Christina Morales' (Houston-D) HB 1504 that call for incorporating at least a half credit in Mexican American Studies and a half credit in African American Studies. 

A final takeaway is that not only that the national and state party structures need to invest in Texas' Mexican American and Latino community, but that the party itself must look more like Texas in the diversity of its leadership and membership. 

There are other gems within, too, like Chuck Rocha's political analysis of the Latino electorate and why Sanders had such a strong showing among South Texas voters in the Texas primary. 

Do take some time out and listen to the entire episode for yourselves. 

Enjoy!

-Angela Valenzuela



LATINO LANDSCAPE SERIES
MARCH 1 | A DEEP DIVE: TEXAS & THE LATINO ELECTORATE




Friday, December 04, 2020

What you need to know about Texas Latino voters and nonvoters

I do like this characterization by Texas Monthly journalist Cecilia Ballí of Texas Latino voters as in tune and complex. As I've blogged previously, the short of it in my view is that the democratic party has yet to make significant investment and inroads into South Texas, as well as many other areas of Texas. I also think that we need to have both Ethnic Studies and more Civics Education taught in our schools so that folks can know their history, including the ongoing struggle for the franchise.

-Angela Valenzuela

What you need to know about Texas Latino voters and nonvoters

Cecilia Ballí and two colleagues spoke to 100 Texas Latinos to better understand what drives civic engagement and whom they prefer as candidates.

Latinos are highly independent in how they think politically, says Cecilia Ballí, a writer-at-large at Texas Monthly. Credit:Jason Garza for The Texas Tribune

Will Texas Latinos eventually turn the state from Republican red to Democratic blue? The answer to that question is complicated, says Cecilia Ballí, a writer-at-large at Texas Monthly, who covers the borderlands of Texas, security and immigration.

Over the past year, Ballí, along with two colleagues — anthropologist Michael Powell and sociologist Betsabeth Monica Lugo — had one-on-one conversations with 100 Latinos in Houston, San Antonio, Dallas, El Paso and the Rio Grande Valley. Their research, commissioned and funded by the Texas Organizing Project Education Fund, sought to better understand Latino voters and nonvoters in Texas.

Ballí — who wrote about the study for Texas Monthly — talked to The Texas Tribune on Instagram Live about their key findings. The conversation’s highlights are below. You can watch the full conversation here.

Latino voters in Texas have been characterized as a “sleeping giant” that’ll wake up one day and show up at the polls. What has your work taught you about this metaphor? Are Latinos here tuned out of politics?

I never liked the term “sleeping giant” even before this research, because I think it plays on this racist stereotype of the sleeping Mexican — that image we’ve had in popular culture historically.

I didn’t like the connotation that people were just sleeping and that one day they were going to wake up.

Every election, we have this expectation that this is the election when we’ll get a much greater turnout. We have been getting an increasing turnout consistently, especially in the past couple of elections. But it’s never at the rate that we want.

What we discovered is that people are not sleeping, first of all. Almost all of the nonvoters we spoke to were following all of the political news. They could speak to the dramas going on in Washington, D.C. There were other reasons why they weren’t voting.

The nonvoters were not sure that their vote made a difference. They feel other people are the ones who decide these things, in the sense that power resides somewhere else.

What are some of the things that Texas Latino voters said they care about?

By and large, the thing that comes up the most is economy and jobs — like all people, especially working class and middle-class people. They want to be sure they can make a living and improve their lives so their children can be better off. Health care comes up. Education comes up a lot.

Immigration is also an important issue, but it's not the top or single driving issue. I think that's one of the things that the parties get wrong. At a national level, we imagine Latino voters purely as immigrants or children of immigrants. They're seen as one-dimensional voters with one entrance — immigration — and that's the only time Latino voters get engaged. When a political party needs the Latino vote, they put out an immigration policy proposal.That's not the single issue that's driving the behavior of Latino voters singularly. Latinos need to be engaged in a more complex way by the parties and by the campaigns.

How do Texas Latinos side politically?

Latinos are highly independent in how they think politically. We know that they vote on average two Democrats to one Republican. But when you ask them what party they affiliate with, many people don’t affiliate with a party.

They are either actively independent or, more commonly, say, “I don’t have a party,” even if they consistently vote Democrat.

If they consider themselves Democrats or Republicans, a lot would tell us, “but I would be open to another perspective,” or “I don’t want to be too extreme and closed off.”

There are a few explanations. One is that neither party has historically developed an ongoing relationship or dialogue with Latino voters, so there isn’t much partisanship. There isn’t a lot of party loyalty.

Also, many Latinos don’t come from families who’ve been voting across generations, so they haven’t passed on that loyalty.

Latinos also have ideological views that are all along the political spectrum. One person can have a progressive view on one issue and a conservative view on another.

Texas Monthly has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.