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Showing posts with label colonization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label colonization. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 21, 2022

"Why Decolonization Matters," by Margaret Kimberley—Sept. 14, 2022, Alternet

 In total agreement that we should not only take an unblinking look at monarchy and state violence, but that we should simultaneously disavow the seductive idea that we, as Americans, "should also be interested in the royals," as expressed herein by Margaret Kimberley. We are simply not to admire enslavers or colonizers. Kimberley further expresses the following:

"Decolonization is hard work and serious business. It requires a rejection of what passes for news and conventional wisdom. Of course, its meaning can be changed at an opportune moment, as recently happened when the neo-conservative fantasy of breaking up Russia was reimagined as decolonization. That sort of trickery is proof that political education is key."

I'm learning right now, for example, that Britain is devising ways to deport/export desperate refugees who turn up on their shores to Rwanda. For example, read this June 29, 2022 piece titled, Uproar Over Britain’s Rwanda Asylum Plan Overlooks Nagging Issues in Illegal Migration, as well as this Aug. 15, 2022 Reuters piece titled, "UK pushes ahead with Rwanda migrant scheme as small boats keep coming, together with this Sept. 7, 2022 Council on Foreign Relations piece titled, "What is the UK's plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda and how many could go?"

Doesn't look like this agenda has quite played out yet in Britain, but if Venezuelan refugees getting shipped off to the island of Martha's Vineyard by Ron deSantis pops into your head, that's an appropriate comparison. The Brits are not to be emulated in this regard. Asylum seekers have rights, too.

Civics education, including political education and Ethnic and Women and Gender Studies are definitely key to discerning when fascism is knocking at your door.

-Angela Valenzuela

#DecolonizationMatters #decolonize


Why Decolonization Matters

The word decolonization should not be treated as trendy slang. It describes an important political and psychological process.

Alternet, Counter Punch, Tom Paine and Buzzflash.

  • SEP 14, 2022

  • The word decolonization should not be treated as trendy slang. It describes an important political and psychological process. Media and state attempts at indoctrination show just how important it is.

    It is vital to free ourselves from belief in the systems of white supremacy and imperialism that are inculcated in the educational system and are affirmed and amplified by the media and establishment opinion. The recent death of Queen Elizabeth II puts the need for political and psychological liberation in high relief. We are encouraged to admire an anachronistic monarchy, and are exhorted to join in mourning an individual and a system that have caused great harm to Black and other oppressed people around the world.

    It is important to point out that British prime ministers are heads of government while the monarch is head of state. Elizabeth bore responsibility for every UK government action during her 70-year-long reign. The concentration camps and torture in Kenya during the independence struggle were her responsibility. So was the U.S. backed decision to undermine the commonwealth nation of Australia, and dispatch Gough Whitlam , the elected prime minister, who strayed too far from the imperialist consensus. The Windrush scandal which deprived Caribbean immigrants of their rights happened under her reign, as did Britain's invasion of Iraq and support for the destruction of Libya.

    Yet anyone who questions the monarchy’s role as part of the western axis of domination is rarely given access to media, making it difficult to be free of propaganda that is used to elicit fealty to monarchs, presidents and the people and institutions who empower them. 

    From childhood we are taught that invaders of other nations, enslavers, and colonizers are worthy of respect and admiration. Centuries of criminality are passed off as benign and we are admonished to remember that the criminals in question were “products of their time” and are to be thought of with fond reverence.

    The corporate media didn’t begin lionizing the queen of England just this week. Her private life and that of her ancestors are the stuff of endless histories that permeate popular culture. Eras in British history are directly identified with past monarchs and called Elizabethan or Victorian or Edwardian. The idea that Americans should also be interested in the royals is the result of heavy-handed indoctrination.

    This columnist was the recipient of a Eurocentric education, beginning with an emphasis on European history in high school. College continued this unstated belief in the superiority of the people being studied, that is to say white people who either were from the ruling classes or worked to further their interests. History lessons were full of emphasis on the blood lines of monarchs, and stories of which king or queen did what to whom were staples of the curriculum. It is a somewhat interesting factoid that the monarchs of Great Britain, Russia and Germany in the early 10th century were all related but that information doesn’t reveal anything about the causes of World War I. The lede was buried under historical fluff but teachers and professors don’t announce that they are brainwashing students.

    Of course that is why the very deliberate confusion continues. The narrative that the U.S. and Britain have a “special relationship” is based on manufactured sentimentality rather than the fact that the founding state acts in concert with its settler colony. The indoctrination process can be like a sledgehammer, as it will be for the next few days, but can also be more subtle. None of my teachers said that the deaths of white people were worse than the deaths of people of color, but the only time I heard the word genocide in a classroom was if the Nazi killings of Jewish people were discussed. 

    I was taught nothing of Belgian King Leopold’s personal theft of the Congo’s resources or of the killing of some 15 million people there. Nor was the word genocide used to describe the trans-Atlantic slave trade or chattel slavery as practiced throughout the Americas or the deaths by invasion, slaughter, and disease of indigenous people which also took place in this hemisphere. The elevation of one group as the sole victims of genocide and the erasure of others as not being worthy of the designation sends a subtle message that seeps into the mind and is imprinted in memory.

    Decolonization is hard work and serious business. It requires a rejection of what passes for news and conventional wisdom. Of course, its meaning can be changed at an opportune moment, as recently happened when the neo-conservative fantasy of breaking up Russia was reimagined as decolonization. That sort of trickery is proof that political education is key.

    Our political education must take place within revolutionary educational structures. If it doesn’t, we will believe that World War II started in 1939 when Germany invaded Poland. It actually began in 1937 when Japan attacked China. What ought to be a simple and commonly known fact is lost because white supremacy centers the European experience. When we learn new information and unlearn falsehoods, the process of decolonizing begins. At that point no one has to direct us to ignore royal weddings or funerals or unveilings of Barack and Michelle Obama’s new portraits. We know the truth and free ourselves from believing in state propaganda.

    Decolonized people know that the prestigious universities they are told to admire receive funds from the Defense Department and the military industrial complex. They know that think tanks that are treated as oracles not to be questioned are also an extension of the state. Corporate media are also compromised. The publisher of the Washington Post played a key role in Operation Mockingbird , the CIA’s plan to control the media. Of course the current owner, Jeff Bezos, has CIA contracts through Amazon so little has changed. The decolonized know that the media act as scribes for police departments as much as they do for the state department.

    Most importantly, radical and independent media, like Black Agenda Report and LA Progressive, are a must for anyone who wants to free their thinking. BAR is one of the few publications, even left publications, which seriously analyzed the NATO attack on Libya, or the coups against the people of Haiti, or the U.S. role that began the current crisis in Ukraine. Reading BAR on a regular basis is an antidote to mental colonization.

    So beware when a narrative is spun 24 hours per day, seven days per week. In all likelihood it is one that must be opposed, and in the best decolonized fashion possible.

    Margaret Kimberley

    Margaret Kimberley is a New York-based writer and activist for peace and justice issues. Ms. Kimberley is the author of Prejudential: Black America and the Presidents. She has been a columnist for Black Agenda Report since its inception, and was for four years the weekly columnist for Black Commentator. She also provides original work on PatreonHer work has also appeared in the Dallas Morning News, the Chicago Defender, and on web sites 

    Friday, July 15, 2022

    Democrats Still Have a Latinx Blind Spot: Understanding Far-Right Republican Mayra Flores' recent Congressional Victory

    This thoughtful piece by Xochitl Gonzalez writing in this week's Atlantic, helps illustrate how race and ethnicity are social constructions. That is, these are historically produced in the context of, and in response to, social, political, economic, and cultural forces, resulting in a high level of complexity in relation to identity that Gonzalez identifies as problematic in the context of South Texas' conservative, far-right Republican Mayra Flores' recent election to Congress. 

    Gonzalez raises the question of whether a "Latinx" or "Latino" electorate actually exists—even to the point of suggesting that there may be no "Latino vote," much less a "Latinx vote" in light of not only our diversity as a Latino community writ large, but also by a potentially false centering of it in places like South Texas where the electoral dynamics don't align.

    My short answer to this question of whether a "Latino electorate" exists is that it does and it doesn't. 

    It does to the extent that being "Latino," "Hispanic," "Latina," or "Latinx" correlates to such things as consumer and political behavior, as well as to language and cultural practices. A shared experience of subordination also promotes a sense of "we-ness."

    It doesn't in the sense that ethnicity is also "situational," meaning that how one describes oneself varies by context. In spaces like a college campus or highly diverse urban contexts, it's easy to adopt pan-ethnic labels like "Latino," "Hispanic," "Latina," or "Latinx." It's further encouraged when one is in an ethnically mixed group of "Latinas" or "Latinos," consisting of Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Cubans, Salvadoreans, and so on. However fraught (e.g., "Latinx"), pan-ethnic labels are inclusive terms that can easily straddle political party identification and views.

    To be sure, pan-ethnic labels and identities can be different from how one regularly identifies or how one experiences or "feels" one's identity, including in instances like South Texas where race and ethnicity may be less salient than say, class, gender, sexual orientation, or generational status (immigrant or non-immigrant)—that can themselves also function intersectionally, or in tandem, while shifting in salience—at different times depending on context.

    Many are quick to decry overarching labels and even question their validity, but for those situationally choosing such labels, this can facilitate navigating across diverse contexts and promote inter-ethnic solidarity. Without a doubt, these constructions are so powerful that they do have implications for how our multiple identities get formed and evolve over time.

    But what about contexts like South Texas that are more homogeneous—in this case, "Mexican" or "Mexican American?" Clearly, ethnicity is experienced differently. The "other," isn't a white person, but rather an immigrant, foreigner, or outsider who may be viewed either in a competitive manner or with disdain, as Congresswoman Flores' winning rhetoric displays (e.g., read this New York Times piece titled, "The G.O.P.’s ‘Wildest Dream.")

    Moreover, when everybody around you in South Texas is "Mexican," including all the candidates running for office, Gonzalez is correct to conclude that given the uniqueness of this context, a "blanket Latinx Outreach Strategy isn’t going to win over the Hispanic voter." Instead, an approach that is more situated in the lived experiences of the community holds much greater promise.

    I don't think most South Texans are anti-immigrant, but many can be manipulated to be so with schools that don't teach that we didn't cross the border, but that the border crossed us instead. It's perhaps more probable that it's mostly not taught. Errors of omission in curriculum and pedagogy leave wide, gaping holes in knowledge and interpretation. And this is exactly what we're seeing—a filling in of that conceptual gap with a pernicious and harmful ideology.

    For those with ill will, it's so convenient. The anti-immigrant, white supremacist trope of the "invading immigrant" who is "taking our jobs" maps onto fears about the economy, giving folks in South Texas and beyond a false sense of entitlement that translates into the scapegoating of so-called "immigrants" whose ancestors inhabited this continent before there ever was a border or a place called "Texas" or the "United States." 

    This leaves the question of how to address Congresswoman Myra Flores' conservative views toward immigrants and immigration—especially considering that she herself is a Mexican immigrant? Clearly, she was either not educated or miseducated about the history of the border and her own people in San Benito High School that she attended upon migrating across the border to the U.S. What happened—or what didn't happen—when she thereafter went to South Texas CollegeProbably the exact same thing since our higher education institutions are also assimilationist and Eurocentric. 

    It's amazing that any of us hold on to our languages and cultural integrity. And yet many of us do. In defense of our own humanity, we resist in the service of social justice.

    This is not at all an insult but rather a statement of the status quo of our assimilationist education system that does not want us as Mexicans or Latinos to hold onto our identities. However, if we do manage to do so, the "next best thing" is for us to think negatively about them, where we unknowingly internalize and accept as truth the dominant views held toward minority (or minoritized) people, ourselves included.

    All told, it's positive to have an expansive, open view of race and ethnicity precisely because this fosters an awareness of, and appreciation for, difference that welcomes curiosity, acceptance, and peaceful relationships. How can we be open to others if we are not first open to our own identities and selves?

    Yes, Democrats absolutely do have a "Latinx Blind Spot." The first step in fixing this is to acknowledge how they, too, have been complicit in the creation of a system—especially an educational system—that engineered this from the get-go. This is exactly why we struggle for Ethnic Studies, including Mexican American Studies, alongside culturally relevant and sustaining curriculum and pedagogy in our schools. 

    We have a human right to our ethnicity. All people do. 

    Without such grounding, vacuums in identity exist that can and do get exploited—in this case, by the Republican party that's winning big on an ongoing political project of invisiblizing and eviscerating Latino culture and identity. Not that this project is ever fully realized, but rather that we are always positioned in vexed relation to the dominant culture that's pushing this. In short, this is actually not a "minority people's problem," but rather, a "white people's problem."

    This project has definitely been a force in our history as Latina/o/x peoples, making many in our community vulnerable to rhetoric and ideologies that betray their origins and resonate with their fears—when there really is nothing to fear at all except fear itself, as John F. Kennedy once said.

    Let's support the teaching of Ethnic Studies in our schools. Let's also continue challenging the attack on Critical Race Theory and our teaching of the truths of history. Let's widen the circle of citizenship so that all can benefit from the wealth and riches of our communities and country. 

    Let's also vote this extremist Republican leadership out of power—and get reconciled to one another and the planet so that our children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren not only heal from the historic trauma of assimilation, but most importantly, love themselves. This will help them to also love the socially constructed "other," nurturing ways of knowing and being in the world where no one is scapegoated, "othered," or treated as "less than." 

    Love is the answer. It always has been and will always be. It begins with us loving ourselves so that instead of hostility and division, we can engineer peace and prosperity.

    Sí se puede! Yes we can! 

    -Angela Valenzuela

    #EthnicStudiesNow

    Democrats Still Have a Latinx Blind Spot

    The victory of the ultraconservative congresswoman Mayra Flores in South Texas shows what Democratic campaigns are doing wrong.

    By Xochitl Gonzalez | July 12, 2022 | The Atlantic


    Congresswoman Mayra Flores of Texas, with her family, after being sworn into Congress. (Brandon Bell / Getty)

    Several years ago, shortly before the 2016 elections, I was having a drink with an acquaintance of mine, another Latino Brown alumni, who we’ll call Mando Gonzalez. Other than our last names and our Brown degrees, Mando and I don’t have much in common, but we hit it off at an alumni function and went on to get the occasional drink or coffee when we find ourselves in the same city. When the conversation turned to the election and how much Hillary Clinton needed the Latino vote, Mando said something that I found nearly blasphemous at the time, but that I’ve pondered since. I paraphrase, but he said: “There is no Latino vote; Latino identity is an invention of academia.”

    His point, as he further explained, was that Latino-ness is something your kids “catch” when they go to college, like feminism. And not just any kind of college, but a predominantly white institution. Had Mando, the son of Mexican immigrants who was reared in a Spanish-speaking Los Angeles household, gone to, say, UCLA—a school with a 21 percent Hispanic population (about 6,600 students), and whose Chicano-studies program is nearly 20 years old—he would have likely emerged with a different worldview. Surrounded by so many other Hispanics of similar backgrounds, he argued, he likely would have just considered himself Mexican American. Mando felt that having the rarified experience of being part of a pan-ethnic Hispanic minority at a predominantly white institution is what gave the term Latino emotional and intellectual resonance. (To help paint a picture, Brown—by no means an outlier among the Ivies—boasts a 10 percent Latino enrollment rate, which is about 1,000 students. This number includes students from every Latino ethnic and geographic background that the U.S. has to offer.)

    I found myself thinking of Mando this weekend while reading the recent New York Times coverage of Mayra Flores, the newly elected, ultraconservative congresswoman in Texas’s Rio Grande Valley. I was wringing my hands the whole time, yet I was also utterly unsurprised. I wasn’t surprised that Flores and other conservative Latinas’ success in running for office has largely been fueled by the power of Latina political organizing—something the Hillary Clinton campaign tried to tap into as well. I also wasn’t surprised that Flores’s simple slogan, “God, Family, Country,” was persuasive; it clearly reflects the values of a certain slice of her predominantly Mexican American, pro-law-enforcement region of South Texas.

    But here’s what had me wringing my hands: I could very easily see that slogan having appeal in pockets of Florida, Arizona, Central California, and even parts of New York. As we watch this Hispanic drift toward the GOP, I wonder: What, exactly, are Democrats offering “Latinx” voters? (Indeed, that very language is somewhat polarizing, as just 3 percent of the Hispanic population uses the term, but that’s a newsletter for another day.) What, beyond the blanket and possibly patronizing presumption that Latino voters all see themselves as people of color and therefore are voting against their own interests by voting Republican, is being offered up? Or, to return to Mando’s take, how do you make a compelling case for voting around Latinx identity politics when only a micro-segment of the population feels an emotional tether to that identity? In a community like Flores’s, which is overwhelmingly not just Hispanic, but Mexican American, what aspect of a pan-ethnic identity do voters there connect with? Do they connect with such an identity at all?

    Personally, getting to college and finding a Latino community was a salve for me. I am of mixed Puerto Rican and Mexican American heritage; I spent my school years in Brooklyn and the summers in Northern California with my paternal grandmother. No single identity felt fully correct, and at that time it didn’t matter, because in the streets of Brooklyn, you were just “Spanish.” When I got to college, the term Latino, which spoke to my own pan-ethnic identity, felt like a comfortable identity to embrace. (I preferred it to Hispanic, which, in my opinion, put the colonizer in the center of our experience.) Away from my family and home and with such a small group of us on this largely white campus, the Latino community became my family. I learned how to cumbia from my Colombian friends, perfected my bachata with my Dominican ones, and developed a familiarity and affection for the cultures of many other ethnicities and experiences that comprise what we think of as Latinx in the United States. (While I tend to use the terms interchangeably, I personally prefer LatinLatine, or Latinx, in a sign of respect for my gender-nonbinary brothers and sisters out there, although I also understand the resistance.)

    My experience is rare. Going away to college is what gave me access to Latine diversity, yet only about 16 percent of Latinos have college degrees. (Again, a gap that merits its own post.) Within that group, students are overwhelmingly attending local community colleges, state schools, and regional private, often religious, institutions, with majority minority or Latinx populations. Couple that with the sheer fact that nearly 72 percent of Americans live near where they were born and raised; that number includes Hispanic Americans, who traditionally have gravitated to certain regions and areas based on ethnicity. What we can extrapolate is that most Hispanic Americans are living a highly specific, regional experience of their identity. Even among college-educated Hispanics, the pan-ethnic experience that made Latino identity into more than just a demographic term for me is not a universal one.

    Maybe Mando was right. Yes, part of the Democrats’ problem with the Latino vote is their laziness in failing to look at the regional cultures and concerns of the Hispanic electorate and tailoring their messages to that (or their refusal to even use the terminology most Hispanics prefer). But I believe it’s also, as David Shor has pointed out, a blind spot that Democratic campaigns have developed, in which they over-index the worldview and experiences of the college graduate. As Shor’s theory was paraphrased in Politico:

    Although young people as a whole turn out to vote at a lower rate than the general population, the aforementioned type of young person is actually overrepresented within the core of the Democratic Party’s infrastructure. According to Shor, the problem with this permanent class of young staffers is that they tend to hold views that are both more liberal and more ideologically motivated than the views of the coveted median voter, and yet they yield a significant amount of influence over the party’s messaging and policy decisions. As a result, Democrats end up spending a lot of time talking about issues that matter to college-educated liberals but not to the multiracial bloc of moderate voters that the party needs to win over to secure governing majorities in Washington.


    In my experience volunteering in politics, this holds true for the young Latinx movers and shakers seeking to make a mark in politics as well. A quick search of “emerging leaders” celebrated by the Biden administration last Hispanic Heritage Month reveals a talented bunch of young staffers, all of whom, as expected, have four-year degrees, many from elite, predominantly white institutions, where I would imagine they, like me, found some comfort in their pan-ethnic Latino communities. But their reality is not reflective of the reality of Mayra Flores’s constituents, many of whose families have lived in the Rio Grande Valley since before it was Texas, and the majority of whom are Mexican American.

    When every candidate on the ballot is Mexican American, what matters to voters is not an allegiance based on identity, but which candidates’ values (God, family, country) are aligned with their own. I don’t know what the midterms will hold, and I can’t even wrap my head around the 2024 presidential race, but what I can tell you is that any candidate who comes out with a blanket Latinx Outreach Strategy isn’t going to win over the Hispanic voter.

     

    Thursday, April 23, 2020

    The Age of Collective Delusion Why Societies Unable to Cope With Reality are Retreating Into Fantasies Which Rip Them Apart

    Interesting piece that delves deeper in our post-truth society than conventional treatments.  The psychological dimensions should concern us to the extent that delusions, reflecting a "fragile psychology of narcissism," signal the presence, in places like the U.S. and Britain, of an over-inflated sense of worth as a polity that sees its perceived status and power as threatened.

    Delusions of grandeur, persecution fantasies, and erotomania is the framework Umair Haque presents for getting into the minds of Brexiteers and Trumpists.  

    In short, the stuff of fascim.

    This piece, published on February 4, 2019, begs the question of a relationship between such delusional thinking and what has turned out to be our vulnerability to COVID, on the one hand, and our response to it, on the other.

    -Angela Valenzuela

    The Age of Collective Delusion

    Why Societies Unable to Cope With Reality are Retreating Into Fantasies Which Rip Them Apart

    When I look around the world today — and particularly at English speaking societies — entire nations seems to be having a kind of severe mental breakdown. America. Britain. Nation after nation is falling into the grip of a kind of mania, driven by strange, foolish, downright bizarre myths. You can see evidence everywhere you look — once you know what you’re looking for. Anti-vaxxers. Flat earthers. Extremists. Supremacists. Collective delusions, all. But I want to go deeper in this little essay, and explore the collective delusion at the root of this age of collapse.
    The truth is that our societies are not ruled by reason, logic, and morality anymore — they have been conquered by collective delusions — something like mass fantasies, which please us, in a time when facing the truth, reading the headlines, becomes a little more difficult every day. When we say things like “the truth doesn’t matter anymore” or “our leaders are pathological liars” or “nobody can reason with those people”, we’re talking, really about collective delusions: a psychology which can’t distinguish what’s real from what’s imagined anymore. Doesn’t that line seem to have been crossed — that enough people can’t tell what’s real from what’s imagined — to plunge even rich, powerful societies like America and Britain into spectacular breakdowns, that the world’s jaws are dropped by…in just a few short years? That’s how powerful collective delusion are, my friends — and we ignore them, their growth and genesis, their existence and reality, at our peril.
    (Now, collective delusion doesn’t mean that every single person in a society believes in outlandish, bizarre things — you, gentle reader, probably don’t — but it does mean that enough of them do, to badly destabilize a society. How many is enough? The unfortunate truth, which we still haven’t quite grasped, is that it doesn’t take a majority to plunge a society in chaos — just a committed enough, collectively deluded minority, as in the cases of Brexit and American collapse, neither of which are supported by majorities anymore, but it’s too late, really, to change the explosive nature of catastrophe.)
    There are three types of collective delusions which are ripping the world apart. Let me go through them one by one.
    The first are delusions of grandeur. What is “Make America Great Again!” or “Brexit means Brexit!” but a delusion of grandeur, really? The technical definition is “a sense of over-inflated worth, power, or status” — or more accurately, the need for it. And that is exactly what we observe spreading around the globe — as the global economy stalls, societies are reverting to age old supremacies. Our tribe must be number one! Our nation is the best! Our destiny is not to be poor! We are the rulers of the world — everything belongs to us! This is the fundamental delusion behind the spreading wave of global neo-fascism — a return to the imperial politics of tribal warfare, the need to be superior to others, instead of coexisting as equals.
    Delusions of grandeur are afflicting the English-speaking world first and hardest because the English-speaking world has long had a fragile psychology of narcissism. Britain and then America built the world’s mightiest empires. They came to think the world revolved around them — and in a way, it did — but only by force, not through consent. Brexit and Trumpism are the shadows of these dead empires, the feelings of inadequacy and neglect that haven’t been “processed” yet, as an American psychologist might say. They are reflections of the need to be above, atop, beyond everyone else — and centered by them, too. But that world also requires a return to war, supremacy, hatred, and colonization — and that is why America and Britain are regressing now at lightspeed. Enough Americans and Brits genuinely believe they must be the most powerful and supreme people in the world to sacrifice their entire societies for that very cause — breaking up with neighbours, tearing up alliances, lashing out, putting kids in camps — which, of course, is a Pyrrhic victory for any modern society.
    The flipside of delusions of grandeur are persecution fantasies — and they often go hand in hand. If you are the best, the most superior, the most supreme — then why isn’t the world recognizing you? Because you are being persecuted by some malign, all-powerful monster. And if you could just get rid of them — why, then you would rise to attain your and rightful natural position of supremacy, emperor of the world.
    Again, because America and Britain have the fragile psychology of dying empires — an easily broken narcissism — they are prey to persecution fantasies, too. Who are the malign monsters keeping Britain from assuming its rightful position as ruler of the seas again? The EU — who is demonized and scapegoated for all Britain’s problems by Brexiters, from austerity to stagnation to a broken healthcare system. But none of these problems are the EU’s fault — they are Britain’s very own choices. Who are the malign monsters keeping America from “being great”? They are little immigrant and refugee children. Now, a little Salvadoran child cannot hurt a grown man — never mind: because they have supernatural to infect a whole society of the pure, with laziness, violence, and greed, they are to be put in camps, locked away, separated from their parents, put on show trial.
    Do you see the similarities here? You should. Both America and Britain have invented imaginary monsters to blame their problems on — and enough Americans and Brits believe that these monsters are persecuting them to destabilize their whole societies into teetering on the verge of the abyss. America is melting down into fascism — and British nationalism is about to blow up it’s economy like a suicide bomber. Both, though, are based on persecution fantasies, which are collective delusions.
    Now, if you shortchanged, disappointed, frustrated, angry, disillusioned — as many Americans and Brits do, by their systems, institutions, and leaders — what you likely to feel when a demagogue comes along and tells you something like this: you are rightfully one of the pure and true — the powerful and supreme — only you have been kept down by malign, mysterious monsters, who are persecuting you? You are likely to cheer and applaud, aren’t you? It’s not your fault you’ve voted for predators for years, which has only resulted in your own ruin. Not at all. It’s someone else’s fault. Now you don’t have to feel guilty, ashamed, stupid, foolish — bad. Instead, you have a target for that rage, that disappointment — you feel good, as that tension leaves you. But the price is that all those bad feelings are transformed into easy pleasures of hate. Whoosh! Instead of feeling bad at your own folly — you feel good, at demonizing and scapegoating and hunting and hating others (who have precisely nothing to do with the plight you’ve put yourself in).
    That brings me to my third kind of delusion. If you’re such a person — what do you feel for the demagogue who has taken your bad feelings, and turned them into good ones? Who has transformed the bitterness of your rage into the pleasure of hate? You feel a strong, almost unbreakable bond with such a person. They become your surrogate parent — they have protected you from harm, in an unsafe, insecure world. They will always look out for you. (They won’t, objectively — this is just what you feel.)
    This delusion is called erotomania — it is the feeling that someone must really, really love you. Must genuinely care for you, must be thinking about you, puts you first. When, in fact, such a person wants nothing to do with you — or worse, is only exploiting you for their own benefit. And yet this is precisely the bond we see between Trumpists and their surrogate daddy, or true believers in Brexit and the Brexiteers who are leading them off a cliff. Daddy loves me — mommy loves me — they’d never let be hurt. They care about me more than I care about myself!
    How strong is that bond? Why do I call it a collective delusion? Remember the definition of a delusion — an inability to distinguish between reality and what’s imagined? Now consider this: Britain’s literally about to run out of food and medicine in a few weeks, not according to me, but according to its entire food and pharma industries — and Brexiteers simply don’t care. Nobody can convince them this will actually happen — when in fact, it’s beginning to happen as we speak, in plain sight for all to see. It’s pure, shattering, astonishing delusion. And beneath lies an erotomanic bond of broken-minded people with demagogues.
    Have you ever wondered why you can’t “reason” with a Trumpist? Why a Brexiteer will simply just ignore reality? It’s because erotomania is occurring — what psychologists might call an “erotomanic transfer.” They have bonded so strongly to demagogues, they feel about them like they would surrogate parents — Trumpists and Brexiteers believe, just like little children, that mommy and daddy will always look after them, even until the end of the world. There is nothing you can say to convince them otherwise because there is nothing that can be said at all to convince them otherwise. They are operating at a level below words, at a level of pure feelings. The pleasure of erotomania grips them in a kind of delusional mania — and you can see it on the rapturous, ecstatic faces at Trump or Brexit rallies: can you see the same note of fervent exhilaration I do? It’s the look of infantile regression — when an adult has become an infant, and feels perfectly cared by an ideal mommy and daddy again.
    This pattern of collective delusion — delusions of grandeur, which feed persecution fantasies, held in place by an unbreakable erotomanic bond with a demagogue, which operates far below the level of the adult mind — we’ve seen it before. It’s exactly what happened in 1930s Germany. It’s what happened in Iran, in Turkey, in Russia. It’s happened time and again in history. There is a nation in trouble — plunged into adversity by its own foolish choices. Along comes a demagogue, and blames its troubles on the vulnerable, the powerless, the other. The masses exult, in a kind of perpetual histrionic mania, screaming and shouting and cheering and smiling.
    This is the story of ruin, my friends. It is the story of fascism, of nationalism, of extremism. It is the general sociopsychological pattern of the implosion of nations — how a social mind descends into a state where it can no longer distinguish difficult reality from pleasing fantasy.
    That is where we are now. This is the age of collective delusion. The delusions that mark this age are spreading, thanks to cheap, ubiquitous technology, thanks to propaganda, thanks to dark wars of information, across the globe. America and Britain are societies which have fallen, in this new century, prey to collective delusions that have ripped them apart. Will they be the last — or are they just the first?
    The story doesn’t change. The delusions are always the same. It’s only the names of the peoples who succumb to them that does. In that sense, my friends, history never goes anywhere, but around the wheel of folly.
    Umair
    February 2019

    Friday, November 01, 2019

    The Indigenization Controversy For Whom and By Whom?

    Four Arrows
    I have been sharing with folks that in our community work here in Austin, we at Academia Cuauhtli, a Saturday School for fourth graders attending five East Austin elementary schools, that we are both "decolonizing" and "re-indigenizing."  Frankly, we have been so colonized as Mexicans, and Latinx people generally, from centuries of Western European dominance, that despite our DNA, the very concept of Indigeneity can sound strange or "off key."

    We accomplish our identity work through the curriculum that we co-construct that consists not only of the teaching of Mexica or Aztec knowledge coupled with basic Nahuatl and in the Spanish language.  We also do this by teaching Indigenous ways of knowing and being—not the least of which is Danza Mexica (Aztec ceremony).  That is, we rescue these ways of knowing and being from our more familiar identities as "Mexicans" or "Mexican Americans" to which, in many aspects, they are integral but are simply not named.  In ways that are similar to American Indian/Native American and Indigenous Afro-descent peoples, the importance we generally accord to family and community relations are cases in point such that to date, no curricular or societal regime has been able to fully dismantle or supplant.

    We decolonize in many ways, but first by recognizing that words and labels like "Mexican," "Mexican American," "Texas," "United States," "borders," "race," and "racism," are not only impositions on peoples native to this continent, but that these ways of knowing, however imposed, are new and recent against the phenomenal backdrop of tens of thousands of years of history that render the modern part of our history—1492 to the present—the briefest part! 

    I have read and highly recommend Four Arrows' edited volume titled, Unlearning the Language of Conquest: Scholars Expose Anti-Indianism in America.  I think you will enjoy this timely, just-published piece that I have cut and pasted below.

    I should conclude by letting folks know about tomorrow's Powwow here in Austin.  It's definitely worth attending should you get a chance.

    -Angela Valenzuela




    Volume 10 Number 18 November 1, 2019 ISSN 1920-4175
    by Four Arrows
    Fielding Graduate University
    Citation: Four Arrows. (2019). The Indigenization controversy: For whom and by whom?
    Critical Education, 10(18), 1-13. Retrieved from:
    http://ojs.library.ubc.ca/index.php/criticaled/article/view/186438

    Abstract
    Efforts to decolonize and Indigenize education are occurring throughout Canada, and to a lesser
    degree in the United States. Although initially about addressing the historical and continuing
    oppression of Indigenous peoples, I expand the goals to include the survival of all humans and
    our non-human relatives. In light of our global crises, we must move more forcefully toward
    truth, reconciliation and Indigenous sovereignty, while at the same time decolonizing and
    bringing Indigenous worldview and local Indigenous knowledge into and across the curriculum
    for the benefit of all students. Unfortunately, resistance from both Indigenous and non-
    Indigenous critics of this mandate continue. A main concern relates to who should be allowed to
    implement such education and who should have access to it. I offer a rationale for engaging all
    people in this enterprise in spite of the complexity and risks that our outweighed by the profound
    potential for bringing our world back into balance. Pointing out the important difference
    between pan-Indigenousism and local place-based knowledge and why both are needed,
    conclude with specific suggestions for how all educators can help with decolonizing
    and Indigenizing schooling immediately.
    Readers are free to copy, display, and distribute this article, as long as the work is attributed to
    the author(s) and Critical Education, it is distributed for non-commercial purposes only, and no
    alteration or transformation is made in the work. More details of this Creative Commons license
    are available from http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/. All other uses must be approved by the
    author(s) or Critical Education. Critical Education is published by the Institute for Critical Educational Studies
    and housed at the University of British Columbia. Articles are indexed by EBSCO Education Research Complete
    and Directory of Open Access Journal.

    2
    Four Introductory Stories
    Story One: Indian Country Divided
    Two decades ago, I served as a school board member for STAR (Service to All
    Relations), an alternative elementary school for Navajo children just outside the reservation near
    Flagstaff. One evening my wife and I played music for a fund-raiser. With her on the banjo and
    me on a keyboard, we played favorite Dixieland standards to a mixed audience of Navajo parents
    and non-Indian supporters from Flagstaff. We opened with “Georgia on my Mind,” a Hoagy
    Carmichael song that Mildred Bailey made famous when it first came out in 1930. Bailey’s
    mother was a Coeur d’Alene, and she grew up on the reservation in Idaho. Like Kid Ory, Charlie
    Parker, Miles Davis and many other musicians of the time, she was proud of her Indian heritage
    but was careful who she told. Although no one in the audience had a clue about the Indian
    association with our first song, the affiliation was evident for the last one. I explained to the
    audience that we would close with a Lakota gratitude song I had sung many many times in inipi
    ceremonies. I told why it was important to close with such a song. As I was packing up the
    piano, a Navajo Hatałii (Medicine Man) came up to me and scolded me: “You know better than
    to bring a ceremonial song out of the circle and perform it in public!” He walked abruptly away.
    Almost immediately, another respected Medicine Man came up to me and said, “Thank you for
    bringing that song out of the circle for everyone to hear.”

    Story Two: We Are All Related
    In September 2016, I co-organized the “Sustainable Wisdom Conference” at the
    University of Notre Dame. We managed to sponsor a dozen respected Indigenous speakers. After
    the first day’s presentations, we held a reflective talking circle. One of the presenters voiced a
    severe concern about our conveying too much that should be for Indigenous eyes and ears only.
    Some emotional dialogue ensued, and when it got uncomfortable, people looked at me to
    respond. Thinking I would just make things worse with my strong position on the topic, I asked a
    Cree Sun Dance Chief who I had managed to bring in spite of his not having a doctoral degree if
    he would say a few words. He spoke for nearly fifteen minutes about trees being great teachers
    who with all their variety and colors share open spaces and support for one another via the
    intertwining roots. He said we all share the same spiritual truths, and Indigenous worldview
    allows us to hold many sacred centers. The essence of his message was that none of us really
    own sacred ideas. They belong to the Creator. We can share because we are all related and
    because our world is in trouble and needs everyone to do what we know can work. I looked at
    the eyes of the person who had registered the concern and could see that even if she did not fully
    agree she was now at peace with going forward.

    Story Three: Importance of Indigenizing Primary School Teachers
    I was in the first grade at a school in St. Louis Missouri. I had forgotten my lunch. It was
    in a box with an image of Roy Rogers and his horse Trigger on the front. Both were my heroes.
    Mom arrived half and hour after school, walked into the classroom, and set my lunch on a table
    in the back. She had obviously rushed to bring it to me and had not put on her usual makeup. As
    soon as she left the children began to chant “Donnie’s Mom’s a squaw.” I looked at the teacher
    with eyes pleading to make them stop. When she crossed her arms and smirked, I got up and ran

    3
    home. How different it might have been for me if the teacher had learned to recognize the value
    of Indigenous worldview, knowledge and perspectives? How much better it would have been for
    the rest of the children? For the world at large? What if she even knew what I did not know until
    I was 50- that Roy Rogers had Choctaw ancestry?

    Story Four: Divisions from Within
    After entertaining a number of pitches, Ojibwe author Richard Wagamese agreed to
    partner with two talented, award-winning non-Indigenous film-makers, Trish Dolman and
    Christine Haebler, to make the movie of his acclaimed book, Indian Horse. (The book conveys
    the tragedy of boarding schools and anti-Indian prejudice.) They, in turn, hired a non-Indigenous
    director, one Wagamese liked, along with two Indigenous directors in training. Wagamese, a
    partner and executive producer, was very involved in every aspect of the development of the film
    before he died half way through the making of it, wanted his story to reach as many people as
    possible and thought this group had the talent and resources to do this. Included in the company
    was Paula Devonshire, a member of the Mohawks of the Bay of Quinte First Nation along with
    executive producer, Clint Eastwood.

    With the success of the film, however, came some harsh criticism and backlash from a
    minority of Canada’s Aboriginal filmmaking community. Whereas most recognized the sincere
    commitment of the producers to native rights, truth and reconciliation, continuing education, and
    their helping Indigenous members of the crew with industry careers, a few others put forth nasty
    claims and alleged that the producers, as white women, should not have had such control over
    the film and should never have hired a non- indigenous person to be creatively involved in
    directing the film. (They posited that it was cultural appropriation and in a way diminished
    Wagameses’s sovereign right as the original creator to have anyone he wished to interpret his
    works) Positioned as a legitimate desire to bring Indigenous voices to the forefront, the
    allegations more likely stem from the kind of fear, anger, frustration, and impatience that
    historically divides Indigenous communities (C.Haebler and T.Dolman, personal
    communication, August 10, 2019).

    Decolonizing and Indigenizing Together
    An Internet search for this topic results in thousands of references to decolonizing and
    Indigenizing. The firs term is generally referred to as being about correcting revisionist history;
    challenging authoritarian structures; diversifying instructional practices; questioning assessment
    practices; challenging conquest masquerading as law. Indigenizing can bring forth Indigenous
    worldview and local wisdom while promoting sovereignty. Both efforts primarily focus on
    Indigenous students and their communities. The original goals were about giving space to
    Indigenous people and stopping the invisibility. I propose that the goals target all people because
    everyone suffers from colonizing and loss of Indigenity.

    The problem is that even scholars who talk about the importance of Indigenous
    worldview for human survival, continue focusing only on Indigenous students. For example, in
    her article “Making Space for Indigeneity: Decolonizing Education” Tiffany Smith writes that
    “decolonizing needs to begin within the mind and spirit of educators so that they can seek to
    accept that there are worldviews that exist other than the dominant Western perspective,”
    however the goal of her work relates to the “impacts of deficit thinking on the education of
    Indigenous students.” (2016, p 50).

    4
    It is this deficit thinking that is behind divide-and-conquer behavior such as occurred in
    the fourth story. The painful allegations come from generalized deficit-based protection of selfidentity.
    I watched the movie critically after reading the book and found it to be as true to the
    book as any movie can be. Indigenous actors played Indigenous roles. The producers have even
    put forth interactive educational modules for Canadian schools. Wagamese sadly passed into the
    next world before the movie was finished so we cannot ask him why he felt the company he
    selected would best get his message across. I believe, however, that he would feel satisfied. I
    think he would be disheartened to believe the power of the film might be overshadowed by an
    unnecessary controversy over it. He might prefer, as I do, that the message of the film be
    understood by all as a foundation for building the desired structures we all wish to see.

    Of course, none of this is to say we should go soft on decolonizing efforts. I have
    personally blasted many non-Indigenous book authors and film-makers myself for whitewashing
    anti-Indian coverage of Indigenous topics for many years. However, I have done so as a
    scholar pointing out specific inaccuracies or settler hegemony. (See, for example, my text
    my article for Indian Country Today entitled “The Heart of Everything that Isn’t” about the bestselling
    book about Red Cloud entitled The Heart of Everything that Is.) This is not what is
    happening, however, in the Indigenization controversy. I submit that when we see Indigenizing
    education and media as promoting Indigenous worldview, knowledge, and perspectives for
    human survival, not just Indigenous survival, not only will divisions between Indigenous peoples
    disappear, but we will have recruited allies of people who remember their ancient Indigenous
    ancestry-something every human has.

    Indigenizing schooling in behalf of Indigenous students will continue. It has already
    become a research specialization (Veracini 2010). The need for truth and reconciliation is more
    important than ever with the growing violence against Indigenous Peoples worldwide (Four
    Arrows, 2018). Adam Barker and Emma Battell Lowman (2016) write about settler colonialism
    as a structure that operates via a continual displacement and/or replacement of a place’s original
    Indigenous People. This must be addressed of course. However, we must add to this body of
    research about Indigenizing and decolonizing for only the benefit Indigenous peoples to its
    legitimate benefits for the world.. It is about a long overdue effort in schools to counter anti-
    Indianism (Cook-Lynn, 2007; Four Arrows, 2008) for the sake of all humans who are indigenous
    to the Earth. In fact, this was a message of the 2019 United Nations extinction rate report (Dean,
    May 6, 2019). 450 scientists from 50 countries studied 15,000 scientific papers to predict two
    things. One is that around a million more species will be come extinct in one generation based on
    current extinction rate projections. The other was that this tragic probability can be mitigated by
    Indigenous worldview (Four Arrows, 2019). Such conclusions were also published in Nature
    Sustainability: “Our results add to growing evidence that recognizing Indigenous Peoples’
    rights to land, benefit sharing and institutions is essential to meeting local and global
    conservation goals” (Garnett et al, July 16, 2018).

    A good example of what I am saying here is with Dr. Marie Battiste’s book,
    devastating consequences of colonial systems on both Aboriginal populations and everyone else.
    Rochelle Starr points out in her piece, “Decolonizing Education: Not an Indian Problem” (2014):
    “Battiste’s message, as I was privileged to learn during an interview with her, identifies the
    Eurocentric framework that underpins the educational system as continuing to have damaging


    5
    effects for everyone, impacting teachers, administrators, and students, non- Indigenous and
    Indigenous alike. Indigenizing education is for all students at all grade-levels. We are now all
    facing the same terrors to some significant degree. The more non-Indigenous people can learn
    about Indigeneity, the more likely they can become allies for Indigenous sovereignty. More
    importantly, the greater the chance for a sustainable world.

    It may also be that the best way for Indigenous communities to achieve toward authentic
    sovereignty is to get more non-Indigenous and more Indigenous people to re-embrace our
    original worldview. Many Indigenous leaders and tribal members have forsaken their traditional
    ways and Native languages while adopting the dominant worldview. I know a number of non-
    Indigenous “allies” who do more to protect traditional values, language and ceremonies than
    some First Nations governmental leaders! I also know Indigenous people who passionately want
    to participate in saving their language and traditions, but know too little about their worldview
    and local knowledge.

    The point is if we believe that we are all related, and if Indigenous worldview has been
    proven to work significantly better than the dominant worldview for more harmonious life, then
    we must begin a major campaign for complementary worldview reflection on a large scale.
    Future generations depend on such a transformational opportunity. Momaday says, “I think
    we’re on the brink of disaster on many fronts. I believe that Native people can help us out of that,
    help push us back away from that brink” (1991, p. 439). Similarly, Chomsky writes that “the
    grim prognosis for life on this planet is the consequence of a few centuries of forgetting what
    traditional societies knew and the surviving ones still recognize” (2016). And the list of scholars
    saying such things is growing.

    In spite of these warnings, education today unquestioningly supports the dominant
    colonizing worldview’s beliefs about such things as nature, hierarchy, authoritarianism,
    competition, cooperation, women, children, future generations, economic concepts, diversity,
    learning approaches, spirituality and virtue. Only through such global decolonizing and
    Indigenizing can we stop anti-Indian genocide and culturcide simultaneously with saving
    biodiversity and water. “It is this internalized logic of domination that blinds the settlers
    historically and currently to both the demands of a developing exploitive corporate state which
    needs them to assert its right to wealth and power gleaned from the land that they initially claim,
    and to the ongoing violence playing out on their own spirits, bodies, and families in the name of
    civilizational progress and national power (Martusewicz 2019).

    As educators use decolonization to challenge educational and cultural hegemony, we
    must also replace it with Indigenous perspectives and values that guided us for most of human
    history in ways that cultivate more peaceful, healthy and happy relationships in and with the
    world. We must wake up from the hypnotic trance that is causing us to destroy ourselves and our
    home. What are some of the reasons Indigenizing mainstream education is so difficult to put into
    action? I propose in addition to internal division and the absence of promoting Indigenizing as a
    global project for all people, it also relates to:

    1. Parents, legislators, teachers, and administrators who have been indoctrinated to see
    Indigenous knowledges as something of the past with no merit for the present.
    2. Supportive non-Indigenous teachers who are uncomfortable with teaching anything
    Indigenous for fear of doing it wrong or incompletely.

    6

    3. Supportive Indigenous teachers who feel they do not have sufficient authority.
    4. Indigenous tribal members who fear that in addition to everything else taken away
    from them, now their spiritual wisdom will be stolen, misinterpreted and misused.
    5. Indigenous tribal members who have themselves been assimilated; brainwashed or
    punished in ways that cause them to reject traditional Indigenous worldview and
    subsequent lifeways.
    6. Teachers fearful of retaliatory repercussions for challenging status-quo dominant
    systems.
    7. We must recognize the faulty scholarship of academics that continue anti-Indianism.
    This last objective is worth some more words. Hegemony is difficult to spot especially
    when it comes from high ranking professors and best-selling authors. Such prestigious academic
    and culture hegemons and gatekeepers have and continue to stifle Indigeneity. These are those
    who publish best-selling books that try to prove the superiority of modern civilization over the
    “primitive past.” Examples include Keeley’s Oxford University Press text War Before
    Civilization whereby he claims that civilian massacres prove that the “humanity of humans is a
    product of civilization and centralized governments that overcame the horrors of primitive life;”
    and UCLA anthropologist Robert Edgerton’s book, Sick Societies: Challenging the Myth of
    Primitive Harmony that says “child abuse and other social maladies that were far more pervasive
    in primitive societies than in ours prove the superiority of Western culture” (Four Arrows, 2008,
    p. 11). In his decades old article in the Journal of American Indian Education McKenna puts
    such academics“ into three categories (a) Those who are overtly racists and anti-Indian (b) Those
    who generally exclude Indians from academic life (c) those who neglect to include the Indian
    histories and contributions in scholarly presentations” (1981, p. 21). A recent article in the
    National Pos,t entitled “As Universities ‘Indigenize’ Some See a Threat to Open Inquiry,” cites a
    number of professors who may fit one of these categories or otherwise question the usefulness of
    Indigenous knowledge or worldview. The author writes:

    Some point to a politicization around Indigenous issues on campus that can be
    hostile toward critical thinking. Others are troubled to see universities hiring
    professors and admitting student based on race. And there are concerns that the
    embrace of Indigenous knowledge undermines a commitment to science
    (Hamilton 2018).

    Hamilton refers to a City College of New York philosophy professor who worries that the
    sensitivity around guilt about treatment of Indigenous People that leads to “diminishing the
    quality of education” by elevating Indigenous knowledge to the level of science in classrooms.
    According to the article’s author, the professor says “It is no better than religious schools
    teaching creationism.” He also refers to a politics professor at Calgary’s Mount Royal University
    who says that Indigenous knowledge is not knowledge but rather it is spiritual belief.
    In addition to writing about how a number of academics see the Indigenizing movement
    as being more about advocacy than scholarly work, Hamilton is another who talks about how
    Indigenous People are questioning or are outright attacking “the fitness of a white academic to
    teach Aboriginal history.” (As per our opening story #4). In spite of my disagreement, I
    recognize that there is a long history of distrusting education, and rightfully so. It is curriculum

    7
    that has maintained settler colonialism and the permanence of the settler-colonial nation state
    (Tuck and Gaztambide-Fernandez 2013). Nonetheless, education holds power for transformation
    or status-quo and we have no choice but to change it. Without understanding the problems of the
    status quo itself, however, transformation is unlikely. This is why decolonizing must be
    widespread. Smith defines “decolonization” as “a long-term process involving the bureaucratic,
    cultural, linguistic and psychological divesting of colonial power” (p.101). She views
    decolonizing as a continual process. The challenge always is to demystify, to decolonize” (p.
    17). Furthermore, in addition to decolonizing academic research, she is also interested in
    decolonizing the minds of Indigenous peoples who have been corrupted by hegemonic
    education.

    There is a need to understand the complex ways people were brought within the
    imperial system, because its impact is still being felt. The reach of imperialism
    into our heads challenges those who belong to colonized communities to
    understand how this occurred, partly because we perceive a need to decolonize
    our minds, to recover ourselves, to claim a space in which to develop a sense of
    authentic humanity (p.24).

    Smith does not talk much about “indigenizing” education per se. She does say “there are
    no limitations on the application of Smith’s principles in education which could become a
    fundamental aspect of an Indigenizing.” Citing her in the Canadian Journal of Higher
    Education, Louise et al write in “Indigenizing Principles of Decolonizing Methodologies in
    University Classrooms”:

    The mistake often made by university faculties is to ignore the value that
    Indigenous methods of education could bring to standardized Western curricula.
    Isolating Indigenous knowledges within discrete classes or disciplines, for
    instance, occurs to the detriment of all learners, as Indigenous pedagogies and
    perspectives are thus marginalized…While (Smith’s principles) are presented as
    methodologies that can help Indigenous people move towards self-determination
    via research, it is clear that the potential for the overall philosophy is just as
    applicable to informing pedagogy within a university classroom ((Louie et al
    2017. p. 22).

    Gwawaenuk Nation member Bob Joseph, founder of the award-winning company,
    Indigenous Corporate Training, Inc. and co-author with his wife Cynthia of Working Effectively
    with Indigenous Peoples (2017) help clarify the blurry distinction between Indigenizing and
    decolonizing. They write that “Indigenizing” is about helping non-Indigenous people become
    aware of the validity of Indigenous worldviews, knowledge and perspectives and respecting
    them as being equal to other views. It involves incorporating Indigenous ways of knowing and
    doing into the education system. This contrasts with “decolonization” that also restores the
    Indigenous worldview, but instead of “teaching it” it merely exposing the false interpretations of
    history and the harmful perspectives perpetrated by colonization on Indigenous People while
    removing obstacles to sovereignty.

    Devon Abbot Mihesuah supports this idea as well. in her edited book, Indigenizing the
    Academy. Her book also blurs the two terms, focusing on decolonizing educational systems by
    exposing problems of racism, territoriality and ethnic fraud. At the same time, many of the


    8
    chapters are about incorporating Indigenous values and perspectives into such disciplines as
    psychological, political science, archaeology and history as well pedagogy. She has also the
    colonialistic hegemony of Native Studies programs, revealing that just being Indigenous is not
    enough to get Indigenizing right (2006).

    The Risks of Pan-Indigenousism

    So what is it that makes some scholars think that Indigenizing education is riskier for
    Indigenous People and their goals than a focus on decolonizing education alone? This gets to a
    legitimate concern the “Indigenous teachers only” folks have about the inappropriateness of non-
    Indigenous educators having a hand in the Indigenizing movement. It is one thing to expect that
    all people can eventually teach our original worldview, it is another to expect everyone can
    easily teach local, place-based (“indigenous with a small “i”) knowledge. Whereas my work is
    with the Indigenous worldview that the great variety of First Nations hold in common and that all
    people have in our DNA, this is just a starting place. Indigeneity also vitally rests with local,
    place-based knowledge that exists in the traditions, ceremonies, stories and language of a
    particular First Nation. Teaching this must involve, when at all possible, local Indigenous elders
    who still remember the traditions and language that stem from the land. If such wisdom keepers
    are not to be found, then non-Indigenous teachers can and should engage students in research
    about the local language and knowledge as best as possible (while continuing with worldview
    reflection.) It may even be that in some places where the original inhabitants no longer exist or
    remember, people local may have to relearn and recreate their own Indigenous ways of living in
    attunement with the unique environment.

    This notion is of course potentially dangerous. Monique Giroux warns non-Indigenous
    settlers with no prior connection to an Indigenous community and no access to traditional
    sources could become the new Indigenous people. She writes that “indigenize” as a verb might
    then no longer refer to Indigenous peoples at all (2017). This is one of the slippery slopes that
    must be carefully negotiated. Even my own work in Indigenizing education is at risk for going to
    far away from addressing local Indigenous wisdom keepers with my emphasis on worldview
    reflection Timothy San Pedro, in his review of my 2013 book about Indigenizing mainstream
    education, calls me on this correctly:

    After reading this book, I wonder: What are the dangers in using Indigenous as a
    verb, to “indigenize?” What does it mean to “Indigenize mainstream education?”
    In the movement to a verb, it becomes an action upon another, rather than a
    change through internal reflection of lived experiences with our communities and
    families…What does Indigenizing education mean when it is delivered in
    classrooms voice of Indigenous Peoples? How do those “generalizable” tenets of
    Indigenous epistemologies, ontologies and paradigms translate when it is
    separated from the people and the places from which they originated? How might
    non-Native Peoples with few relations with Native Peoples embark upon this
    work? (2015 p.156).

    Indigenizing education thus as these two parts. One teaches precepts all or most
    Indigenous communities hold via an Indigenous worldview. The other focuses on unique
    understanding of a particular place. The first can be easier to learn for non-Indian teachers but
    place-based knowledges can usually only come from the local wisdom handed down to those


    9
    original inhabitants of the land, if such individuals are still around. All the work that generalizes
    Indigenous wisdom can miss the wisdom of a particular place that can only come from those
    who speak the language that emanated from it and who know the stories and teachings of the
    local plants and animals. Indigenous wisdom cannot be transferred in a classroom without local
    wisdom keepers, unless there is, sadly, no choice, as there may be in some geographic areas
    where the original inhabitants either no longer exist or no longer know the language and stories.
    In spite of such risks, I maintain that we must do everything possible to engage all people in both
    forms of Indigenizing and decolonizing. The more non-Indigenous allies participate in
    Indigenizing education, the more likely we can preserve existing Indigenous cultures. “More
    than indigenizing, decolonizing requires meaningful political action on the part of the university,
    aimed at restoring Indigenous control over such lands and at supporting Indigenous rights to
    control and possess their knowledge, languages and cultures” (Hill, 2012, p. 21). We are all in
    the same sinking boat and we must work together. Moreover, both Indigenous and non-
    Indigenous people can do the work. Would not transformational learning about Indigenous
    beliefs, such as relate to the role of complementarity seeking; the importance of women;
    reciprocal and respectful relationships with other-than-human life forms; or understandings about
    generosity, courage and fearlessness, etc., inspire political action in behalf of Indigenous rights
    as proposing legislation? Would not learning about local Indigenous knowledge, such as
    extraordinary water-saving strategies based on spiritual assumptions about the sentience of
    water, motivate action and expose non-Indigenous approaches that overuse water?

    We can find ways to give Indigenous individuals their voice and prioritize wherever
    possible, while at the same time taking advantage of the non-Indigenous educators potential for
    helping with this in particular and with the Indigenizing project for all people as well. There are
    just not enough traditionally raised Indigenous educators out there. There are too few
    Indigenous Indigenous leaders in the United States, Canada or Mexico, even those who still
    speak their original languages, who have not been corrupted enough by their own colonizing
    education, media, environments and religions. Until we can get educators to stop this colonizing,
    the problem will continue and understand the worldview problem, our boat will continue sinking.
    Up until now, the majority of pro-Indigenous work in the world has been about efforts to
    address Indigenous problems like high suicide rates, preventable disease, low employment,
    discrimination, land theft and pollution, etc. There have been some successes like the Canadian
    suit that resulted in the publication of the Truth and Reconciliation Report (2015). It gives
    evidence of how boarding schools were genocidal and responsible for continuing historical
    trauma. However, such victories have been marginal in transforming contemporary life.
    Indigenous rights the world over are still largely ignored. How much more effective might
    problem-solving efforts be if more people come to learn that what Indigenous People have to
    offer the world? Remember that the 2019 UN report says this may be necessary for human
    survival? Waziyatwawin (Angela Wilson) writes that “Decolonization ultimately requires the
    overthrowing of the colonial structure, not about just making it more Indigenous friendly.” This
    is, she continues, because “the existing system is fundamentally and irreparably flawed” (p.4).
    Just trying to help Indigenous cultures survive is not going to be enough to save us. Indigenous
    worldview, values, local knowledges and relatedness perspectives are necessary partners with
    critical pedagogy in the decolonizing and Indigenizing work. Critical knowledge without
    spiritual recognition of the sacredness of Nature is insufficient to meet our current global
    challenges. E. Wayne Ross is an example of a scholar who knows this. His work is about
    Flushing out and trying to change thought that is unchallenged, showing that things are not as

    10
    self-evident as they seem to be” (2017) and at the same time his efforts to bring Indigenous
    worldview into his social studies text books (2006) also reveals his understanding that
    decolonizing and Indigenizing also calls for the broader Indigenous worldview.
    I realize the risk of decolonizing and Indigenizing movements, or at least the perception
    that they are underway, can serve as window-dressing while continuing destruction of
    Indigenous lifeways, language and land go unchallenged. We cannot operate from fear however.
    The question of who will do the Indigenizing and who will be Indigenized reflects fear.
    Misappropriation, superficial curriculum, “playing Indian” and New Age experimentation can
    easily be separated from authentic Indigenizing efforts. Honest recognition of the tragic failure of
    capitalistic exploitation and its movement into fascism cannot be faked. Without recognizing the
    interrelationships that are putting us into a mass extinction, emancipatory education cannot lead
    to sustainability. “As long as the political project of critical education fails to theorize the
    interrelationship between human consumption, capitalist exploitation, and the struggle for
    ‘democracy,’ it will fail to provide emancipatory pedagogies that are sustainable and pertinent
    for the global age” (Grande, 2004, p. 7). However, without worldview reflection that relates to
    the Indigenous and the dominant worldview, no criticality can bring forth healthy sustainability.
    Educators must gather all the resources available for such a monumental task as decolonization
    and Indigenization. We need as many “qualified hands on the deck” as we can get. If elder
    wisdom is not physically available, we must search for it in books and in life experiences with
    both cognitive and trance-based learning (ceremony). That westernized peoples must accept
    direction from traditional and reestablished forms of Elder wisdom “is likely to secure futures”
    if, says Sepie, “ the focus is on Indigenous values that can shift us towards good outcomes for all
    living beings – how to live well, and sustainably, together” (Sepie 2018, p. 17).

    Some Quick Suggestions for How to Indigenize Education Now
    The first thing is for teachers to recognize how easy it is for us to be complicit in
    colonizing students. Just giving letter grades, for example, is a colonizing act that would be
    countered via Indigenous precepts. “An understanding of the subtleties of such inadvertent
    participation in colonizing education, whether intentional or not, is “crucial for every student,
    professor, and administrator who is either involved in Indigenous studies or who has Indigenous
    faculty or students in their departments” (Mihesuah, D. A., & Wilson, A. C. 2004, p. 34). With
    this in mind, I offer some suggestions I hope will help kick-start the reader’s commitment to this
    work.

    Non-Indigenous teachers must make the distinction between pan-Indigenousness and
    worldview reflection and local traditional knowledge, as has been pointed out. This involves
    understanding the common and vital precepts various First nations share while at the same time
    knowing that only local traditional Indigenous Peoples (or their writings) can bring forth placebased
    wisdom. There is no one “Indigenous culture.” Navajo learners will have uniquely
    different beliefs and ways of being than Lakota ones, for example. And of course within these
    groups, individuals will likely have uniquely diverse learning styles. At the same time, traditional
    cultures share a generalized worldview that contrasts significantly with the dominant one (along
    with some complementary aspects.) Worldview reflection is thus an important way for faculty to
    better understand when Western colonizing is operating. A simple “Indigenous and Western
    Worldviews” search yields ample comparative charts to help with this.


    11
    Generally speaking, traditional Indigenous education learning emphasizes that which
    works best for all of us. It includes: (a) cooperative environments, (b) use of imagery, metaphor,
    and storytelling with emphasis on visual learning, (c) integrative learning (valorizing intuition
    and bodily knowing along with other modes of cognition) (d) opportunities for independent
    (solo) reflection, and (e) holistic perspectives that are historically generated, problem-solving,
    and mutual interdependent. Learning relates to significant observation of another followed by
    private practice leading to confidence for public performance. It is best if classroom
    communication speaks around the subject rather than directly to it, leaving room for students to
    come to their own conclusions rather than that of the instructor per se. Wait time and silence are
    important. Students must also learn to “move comfortably among different cultures while
    valuing the unique cultural assumptions of their home, community and heritage” Jacobs &
    Reyhner, 2002).

    Indigenizing education also calls for embracing the mysterious and acknowledging the
    sacredness of its energies. Regardless of one’s religious affiliations, teachers can bring
    “spirituality” (giving sacred significance to all things) into the classroom. This means avoiding
    anthropocentrism and learning to recognize that sentience is all around in other-than-human life
    forms. Weave in when possible a less fearful understanding of death. Attempt to recognize the
    interconnections between physical, spiritual, emotional, communal, and virtue-based ideals of
    traditional Indigenous cultures. Be willing to consider Indigenous science when it conflicts with
    Western science. Encourage students to courageously truth-seek and do it collaboratively with
    them. Even in the academic world the Western emphasis on logical linear cognitive thinking
    must be balanced with what in many instances is the truth-seeking that comes from courageous
    exploration of the heart and of one's unexamined beliefs.

    With only the computer and an open heart, teachers can start Indigenizing by weaving
    ecological topics into coursework whenever possible. This includes recognizing the source of
    violence against people of all varieties, humans, animals, reptiles, insects, birds, plants, rivers,
    mountains, etc. Focus on local place-based priorities and whenever possible bring in local
    Indigenous elders to teach about them.

    Another useful tool is the CAT-FAWN mnemonic for metacognitive worldview
    reflection. I have written about this extensively in Point of Departure: Returning to our More
    Authentic Worldview for Education and Survival. It simply shows how Indigenous worldview
    perspectives see Fear, Authority, Words and Nature in very different ways than cultures under
    the dominant worldview. Moreover, dominant cultural understandings of these four forces do the
    damage we see all around owing to how they influence outcomes when we are in unintentional
    trance states that make us susceptible to “Concentration-Activated Transformation.” This tool
    can help all students with critical, complementary worldview reflection and with actualizing
    transformation according to a healthier understanding of the four forces.

    I close with repeating what the Cree Sun Dance chief, White Standing Buffalo, told
    everyone that first day at the University of Notre Dame’s Indigenous Sustainable Wisdom
    conference when some of my colleagues expressed concern about giving too much sacred
    information to the non-Indigenous audience. He said, “None of us really own these sacred ideas.
    They belong to the Creator. We can share because we are all related, and because our world is in
    trouble and needs everyone to do what we know can work.”

    12
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