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Showing posts with label Angela Valenzuela publication. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Angela Valenzuela publication. Show all posts

Friday, December 20, 2024

Monopoly Tycoons in a Game of Jenga: The Censorship of Bodies, Protest, and Speech at UT-Austin, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D. Texas Observer

Friends,

I encourage you to read my just-published piece in the Texas Observer, titled "Monopoly Tycoons in a Game of Jenga: The Censorship of Bodies, Protest, and Speech at UT-Austin." When I saw the list of censored words circulating at my university in mid-November—exposed by KXAN’s Jala Washington—I was deeply angered and offended. I felt compelled to write about it. I'm grateful to the Texas Observer for publishing it.

 -Angela Valenzuela

Dec. 20, 2024 [online version]

March, 2025 [print edition]

As a faculty member at the University of Texas at Austin, each day feels like a precarious game of Jenga, with the iconic tower of our institution at constant risk of collapse. This instability stems not only from legislative actions but also from behind-the-scenes maneuvers by university leadership, leaving many students and faculty in a state of uncertainty, fear, and foreboding, wondering what may happen next. This tension has been exacerbated by recent events, including the sudden “departure” of a respected College of Liberal Arts dean, difficulties in recruiting faculty, failed job searches, the departure of valued colleagues to other universities, unexpected retirements, declining faculty morale, and an increasingly fragile system of faculty governance—if it can be said to exist at all.

These developments reflect a broader trend of censorship—targeting certain bodies, protests, and speech—imposed through top-down power and control. The result feels less like a functioning academic institution and more like a manifestation of despotic corporate control.

I leave open the question of whether the structure will eventually collapse. Some in my circles are already speaking of irreparable damage done, or at least of an urgent need for action from faculty, students, and the community to prevent further deterioration if long-term consequences to society are to be averted.

When one further considers that, per a recent Austin Chronicle report, since 2018 the university’s Legal Affairs department has hired a majority of its attorneys straight out of Attorney General Ken Paxton’s office, a more fitting game metaphor than Jenga might be “Monopoly Tycoon,” which transforms players into landlords and empire-builders. Employing tactics of “strategic expansion,” this video game rewards players for takeovers of influential, or simply less powerful, competitors. 

UT-Austin’s College of Liberal Arts faces a comparable challenge: the establishment of a new, seemingly redundant entity—the School of Civic Leadership—which will teach from a Western Civilization perspective, mirroring much of the liberal arts school’s existing offerings but without all of the “pesky” material from scholars who challenge Eurocentric histories.

This strategy undermines the College of Liberal Arts’ market influence by promoting the false and untenable narrative that there is a lack of intellectual diversity within the largest college on campus. It leverages the broader anti-diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) agenda, which mischaracterizes DEI efforts as “discriminatory” when nothing could be further from the truth. Instead, DEI efforts exist (or existed) to counter decades of exclusion faced by Black and Brown students and faculty who are just beginning to establish themselves in academia. Consequently, faculty find themselves on the defensive as programs, offices, and initiatives aimed at fostering a diverse student body and a sense of belonging are dismantled.

Despite my use of gaming metaphors, what’s happening at my university is no game at all: UT faculty and students are currently experiencing profound disruption and distress. This starkly contrasts with the arrogant posture and detached, dismissive demeanor of those perpetrating this harm, which has significant consequences for Texas and society as a whole.

Rooted in the civil rights movement, the principles of DEI represent a holistic framework for cultivating environments, programs, organizations, teaching strategies, and institutional practices that empower and uplift historically marginalized communities. These principles extend beyond the boundaries of any curriculum.

Although these initiatives often target specific groups requiring particular forms of support—such as first-generation and transgender students, students with disabilities, veterans, or immigrant students—they ultimately benefit the entire academic community. By fostering environments where individuals from diverse backgrounds, cultures, and identities can interact, collaborate, and learn together, these initiatives enhance the educational experience for all. Consequently, opposition to DEI efforts can only be interpreted as a deliberate choice to neither support this agenda nor these students, despite the university’s increasingly diverse student population.

For many, the first shakeup took place on April 2, 2024, with the firing of 60 staff members who were formerly associated with the Division of Diversity and Community Engagement to ostensibly comply with Senate Bill 17 (SB 17), which took effect three months before the firings. Shockingly, this occurred after individuals in all DEI offices had already been reclassified to other non-DEI jobs. Those terminated were largely staff of color, mostly women. At a legislative hearing a month after the dismissals, Chancellor James B. Milliken informed legislators that 311 positions were eliminated system-wide, with the caveat that this number could change pending ongoing audits.

At UT-Austin, this decision, with its dizzying feeling of a Jenga tower wobbling, was executed with such calculated swiftness that it swept through the university in a single day. Timed precisely with President Jay Hartzell’s email to all university staff titled “Organizational Changes,” it resembled a strategy from Monopoly Tycoon, reflecting a well-orchestrated plan of monopolized resource control, literally bypassing schools and colleges, with terminations dictated from the top. The university’s approach was endorsed by Republican state Senator Brandon Creighton, author of SB 17, who described the ban as “a fundamental shift in the operations of our higher education institutions” to ensure “a merit-based environment.”

As for myself, I experienced my own Jenga moment even earlier, with an email I received on January 7, 2024, asking me to quickly consider making changes to one of my university websites. As the spring session had not even begun and we were barely past the New Year’s holiday, it seemed to be an effort to comply with the looming SB 17 compliance deadline.

The experience felt like psychic whiplash, causing me a great deal of distress at the time. I received this request just prior to a departmental retreat, where I exclaimed, “What the administration perceives as a bureaucratic request for compliance, I interpret as a hostile act of censorship.” Anxiety-ridden, I felt sick to my stomach and left the meeting. This was a first for me. Afterward, several of my colleagues reached out, thanking me for having the courage to express my views and lending their support.

Specifically, the words that they flagged—“diversity,” “diverse,” “equity,” “equity infographic,” “DEI programs,” and “DEI initiatives”—appeared on a research-based policy brief that was on my website’s landing page. SB 17 had a carve-out for teaching and research, yet here we saw my university over-complying. I got legal counsel when this happened and was advised not to make myself a target, so I reluctantly archived the brief on another page.

The next Jenga block to drop was on April 24, when university police and state troopers showed up to a peaceful, pro-Palestinian student-led protest in riot gear, carrying batons, and on horseback, arresting 57 protesters. “Everything was peaceful until the police arrived,” a student of mine who was present expressed.

My student’s words reminded me of the massive pro-Palestinian protest on November 12, 2023, which began at the Texas Capitol and wound its way through the heart of downtown Austin. I remember thinking that even in a very dense crowd packed with students, children, and families, it was not only entirely peaceful but visibly included the participation of Jewish Voice for Peace-Austin with their “#JewishResistance” and “#CeasefireNOW” banners, met by a welcoming, cheering crowd that contradicted the view that pro-Palestinian protestors are anti-Semitic.

While it is impossible to argue that there is no anti-Semitism among pro-Palestinian protestors—or no Islamophobia among the defenders of Israel, for that matter—this was not a significant element of the protests I witnessed. Nor did anti-Semitic sentiment seem to surface in testimony at a May 14 Senate Subcommittee on Higher Education hearing that I attended. Witnesses, comprised of UT students and faculty, overwhelmingly expressed concerns over the violence against peaceful pro-Palestinian protestors, the climate of fear on campus with the takedown of DEI centers and offices, SB 17 over-compliance, and violations of students’ First Amendment right to free speech—connecting the censorship of certain bodies, protest, and speech.

Unsurprisingly, our university was recently ranked eighth in a list of 251 universities that are the “worst for free speech” in research carried out by College Pulse in the wake of nationwide campus protests and encampments at other universities. Specifically, close to half of all UT students surveyed said that they censor their own speech at least once or more every month. The Spring semester ended with many UT students feeling betrayed.

The most recent Jenga block to drop at UT was reported in November by KXAN’s Jala Washington: a list of words being flagged, in university audits of UT websites for compliance with SB 17, including “Latino,” “Latinx,” “Latina,” “colonizer,” and “trans.” Although the university is not banning or taking formal action related to most of these words, this amounts to at least a form of implicit censorship with institutional power behind it.

The list also raises critical questions: What message is being conveyed here? What rationale underpins this decision? The terms “Latino,” “Latina,” and “Latinx” are not “DEI-related words”; rather they are significant identities for those of us who identify as such.

I am aware of “Latino,” “Latina,” and “Latinx” UT students who are very disturbed by this. It’s hard not to be. I am sure that our gay, lesbian, trans, queer, and bisexual student communities are feeling just as unsafe, especially since the terms “ally” and “safe space” have also been flagged.

Is this an attempt to marginalize the student and faculty communities associated with these identities at our university? If so, what is the underlying rationale? Is the objective to restrict teaching and research related to these communities? Such actions can be perceived as a form of censorship, effectively silencing and rendering invisible communities that hold significant importance to both our state and nation.

As Latina/o and non-Latina/o faculty, are we not to hold on to our scholarly career commitments to teaching and conducting research on this significant and consequential community to our state and nation? Is a shadow, Monopoly Tycoon group serving to usurp the interests of an autonomous and independent faculty?

We are all adults here. Rather than engaging in censorship, our university administration should empower faculty to be the true voice of the university. Shared governance, especially on matters of curriculum, is a time-honored practice that relies, as it should, on the expertise of the faculty and promotes both student and faculty morale.

All this should alarm Texas taxpayers whose hard-earned money helps fund higher education and whose children attend our universities. As one of Texas’s two flagship institutions, alongside Texas A&M, these actions mark a troubling decline and a predictable loss of reputation that will be challenging to reverse if this agenda continues to gain traction. We cannot allow the Monopoly Tycoons who are ideologically vested in this takeover to continue trampling over students’ free speech and faculty’s academic freedom.

Ironically, in allegedly wanting to minimize so-called bias in the university curriculum, anti-DEI censorship is itself a demonstration of bias, against Latinos and Latinas and others. In education, a subject that I teach, one can never stand outside of either bias or the politics of education as the entire enterprise is inherently subjective, comprised of value judgments, ethical and moral dilemmas, sociocultural factors, power dynamics, and so on. 

Clearly, a subjective, values-based decision was made with the list of flagged words to marginalize Latino identities, along with other important identities and critical topics, within the university curriculum. This action is not only anti-Latino but also un-American and un-Texan. It represents a direct assault on the teaching and research mission of our university. As research faculty, our teaching and research are intrinsically linked—each informing and enhancing the other, even though they are never entirely reducible to one another.

We are facing a threat to democratic principles and the legitimacy of the UT-Austin. However, this will only persist if we, as a campus community and the public, allow it. Together, we must respond every time with equal force to stop the Jenga tower from collapsing for good, toppled by the Monopoly Tycoons.

Particularly as faculty, we must demand a stop to these censorious audits targeting speech, identities, and ideas that are of vast importance to the college classroom and an increasingly complex and interconnected world.

Together with our students, civil rights organizations, and the broader public, we must also prepare for and lead the fight in the 2025 session of the Texas Legislature, the policy arena where the battle over the future of higher education in Texas will continue.

For the benefit of the university and the very notion of public higher education, it is imperative that we respectfully dissent while crafting a restorative narrative of faculty governance and shared responsibility. This narrative should prioritize inclusivity, free speech, academic freedom, and the collective well-being of the entire university community.

List of flagged terms:

DiversityBisexual
DEI
Trans
DiverseQueer
DEAINonbinary
Equity
Decolonize
EquitableColonizer
EquityMarginalized
InclusiveUnderserved
InclusionMicroagression
Safe space
Whiteness
BIPOCAnti-Colonialism
Implicit biasInstitutional racism
IntersectionalitySystematic racism
Anti-racist
White privilege
OppressionWhite fragility
Gender identitySocial justice
LGBTQBias
LesbianRacism
GayMinority
BisexualLatino, Latinx, Latina
TransPrivilege
GayAlly

, Ph.D., is a professor in the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy at the University of Texas at Austin. She is a member of the National Academy of Education and author of the award-winning book, Subtractive Schooling: U.S.-Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring.

Tuesday, February 13, 2024

"Anti-DEI Law Implementation Has Been a Disaster," by Emilio Zamora & Angela Valenzuela, Texas Observer, Feb. 13, 2024

Many thanks to the Texas Observer for publishing this piece appearing today that captures the sad state of affairs with respect to the carrying out of anti-DEI policy at UT Austin. Please share widely.

-Angela Valenzuela

Reference

Zamora, E. & Valenzuela, A. (2023, Feb. 13). "Anti-DEI Law Implementation Has Been a Disaster," Texas Observer. https://www.texasobserver.org/anti-dei-law-implementation-has-been-a-disaster/



Anti-DEI Law Implementation Has Been a Disaster

Kowtowing to the legislature, UT Austin disbanded all its diversity, equity, and inclusion programs wholesale—with little input from students or faculty.

February 13, 2024 | Texas Observer

In Texas, we know that incoming hurricanes require preparations to reduce damage. But the state’s colleges and universities were ill-prepared for the superstorm of Senate Bill 17 (SB 17). Passed during the recent, regular session of the 88th Texas State Legislature, SB 17 ostensibly prohibits the privileging of individuals based on race, color, ethnicity, gender identity, or sexual orientation, thereby defunding diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs in higher education.

Officials from the University of Texas at Austin, a leading university with Texas-size influence, have been recklessly inconsistent in implementing SB 17 in anticipation of a legislative audit. Administrators have also been indifferent to the vigorous response by students and their supporters to the highly consequential decision to defund initiatives designed to meet their needs.

Beginning on January 1, 2024, the University of Texas directed the Multicultural Engagement Center to shut its doors and discontinue the critical support that it provides for student-centered programs. Instead of a transparent and deliberative approach to redesigning and redefining student service programs to retain much of what has been built over the years, university officials’ interpretation of SB 17 has been an astonishing one of demolition. 

To wit, the university bulldozed the many programs that the Multicultural Engagement Center housed, including: the New Black Student Weekend, Adelante, CultivAsian, Bloq Party, Four Directions, the Leadership Institutes, Afrikan American Affairs, the Asian Desi Pacific Islander American Collective, Latino Leadership Council, Native American and Indigenous Collective, Queer Trans Black Indigenous People of Color and Allies, Students for Equity and Diversity, and signature graduation ceremonies like Black Graduation, Latinx Graduation, GraduAsian, Lavender Graduation, the Monarch Center.

Almost everyone who followed the legislative process understood that the passage of SB 17 would lead to the elimination of DEI offices and initiatives in all higher education institutions statewide. We further assumed that this would result in a plan to safeguard units like the Monarch Center, which serves undocumented youth of all races, ethnicities, and genders—SB 17 criteria that might have reasonably, if not lawfully, disqualified it from this sweep.

This blunt instrument of policy reflects fears of antidiversity legislators who are not only protecting their incumbencies but also doing so as part of a well-funded national assault on DEI programs throughout the country—a hostile, gale force campaign rooted in the fear of a browning America.

The core premise of DEI detractors is that DEI programs violate the principles of fairness and meritocracy when they accord “differential treatment of or providing special benefits to individuals on the basis of race, color, or ethnicity.” This despite an utter lack of evidence surrounding their claims. They also failed to offer credible, first-hand information on the long-standing operations of the numerous DEI programs in Texas that have been beneficial to students. Though conservatives have lacked good reason, sound evidence, and the sensibility of just change, they nevertheless wield excessive decision-making power in the Texas Legislature.

Higher education institutions inherited the responsibility of informing the Legislature, the governor’s office, and the public about how they would implement SB 17. Based on the wholesale dismantling of the Multicultural Engagement Center, it is highly likely that UT officials indeed had a preapproved plan. This raises important policy and procedural questions.

First, University of Texas executives began dismantling DEI programs without either a transparent or democratic process that would have ideally included consulting with important stakeholders, including students, faculty, and staff. They also failed to respond to requests from Texas senators and members of the university community for copies of the implementation plan that they were preparing. Further, they conspicuously failed to offer exceptions to programs like the Monarch Student Scholarship Program that serve students of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. The executives also self-servingly overlooked the fact that the spirit of SB 17 does not exempt whites from preferential and privileged status in senior management and faculty positions. 

Finally, this flagrant disregard for sound judgment and a culture of fairness and equity that we all strive to maintain at the university may be violating federal law and guidelines that guarantee equal rights under the law. We may differ on how to define, measure, or enforce equity principles or antidiversity ideas, but we must, in all instances, proceed in an open, deliberative, and democratic manner. To not do so is to incite unnecessary political acrimony and strife.

Thursday, May 11, 2023

PUBLICATION: Ties That Bind? The Teaching and Post-Teaching Trajectories of Black and Latino/a Community Insiders and Elite College Graduates," by Brantlinger, A., O’Neal Turner, B. & Valenzuela, A.

Students, Friends, & Colleagues:

Happy to share this recently published piece titled, "Ties That Bind? The Teaching and Post-Teaching Trajectories of Black and Latino/a Community Insiders and Elite College Graduates, co-authored with Andrew Brantlinger and Blake O’Neal Turner in Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis https://doi.org/10.3102/01623737231162583

Abstract: 

"Community teachers, particularly those who are Black and Latinx, are assumed to improve retention and outcomes depending on retention in schools that serve low-income Black and Latinx students. Based on a critical quantitative analysis of data collected on the career trajectories and retention of hundreds of alternatively certified mathematics teachers, the study shows that community insiders exhibit significantly higher rates of retention in district schools than community outsiders and, in particular, those from elite colleges. Utilizing quantitative critical theory methodology, the study helps to move the field beyond race-neutral analyses of teachers’ retention and careers."

In short, the study lends support to the idea of growing our own, community-based educators, i.e., establishing pathways into the teaching profession, and why investing in community-based teachers that emanate from their local communities to subsequently teach in them makes good sense from a policy perspective.

Conversely, on the other hand, it encourages us to re-think introducing 

"economically and socially privileged community outsiders as teachers in low-income neighborhood urban schools under the assumption that, as the graduates of the nation’s most selective colleges, they will be particularly effective at improving student learning, even if they stay only for a few years (Higgins et al., 2011Lovison, 2022)."

It was a pleasure doing this work with University of Maryland professor, Dr. Andrew Brantlinger and his newly-minted Ph.D, student, Dr. Blake O'Neal Turner.

-Angela Valenzuela

Friday, April 28, 2023

"Scholarship and Civil Rights: Claiming a Progressive Voice in Texas Politics and Policy Making," by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

I had forgotten about this piece published back in 2011 in the Journal of Curriculum & Pedagogy. By the way it reads, I almost could have published it yesterday. Thanks to LULAC for this organization's support over the years. We NEED our civil rights organizations still today.

Our work and the struggle continues. 

Thanks to Dr. Eliza Epstein for sending it my way.

-Angela Valenzuela


Scholarship and Civil Rights: Claiming a Progressive Voice in Texas Politics and Policy Making Angela Valenzuela 

ANGELA VALENZUELA University of Texas at Austin 


What is to be done to counter the current conservative political climate and how do we claim a progressive curriculum and pedagogy in our practices? I write from my perspective as a researcher, scholar, and legislative and community activist. Perhaps more through artistry and experience rather than through science or technical know-how, I further combine these roles in my current position as Education Commit-tee Chair of the Texas League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), the nation’s oldest and largest Latino civil rights organization (www.TxLULAC.org). 


Writing strictly as a scholar, it is tempting to answer this question with an analysis of larger political currents, not the least of which en-tails a serious consideration of minority and majority relations in our state and nation and their significant implications for curriculum, pedagogy, and policy development in these areas. I deploy these concepts of minority and majority not in a numerical sense but rather in the sociological sense of unequal power relations between Anglos and communities of color as reflected in uneven political representation—and thusly, civic participation—at all levels of government and decision-making. This imbalance institutionalizes a tragic divide between actors at the state level where conservative standardization policies originate and the communities and children who are targets or objects of such policies. 


As a researcher, I could similarly address the injurious divide between academic researchers and policymakers. To my university’s credit, this concern is echoed in a series of recent introspective and self-critical essays regarding the positive, bridge-building role that a “citizen-scholar” can play in response to pressing policy issues (Cherwitz, 2005). 


Stated simply, it matters enormously that university researchers are overwhelmingly ensconced in an ivory tower existence where their accountability is mainly to their profession along an open time frame in which to generate policy relevant results, if at all. In contrast, policy makers are accountable to their constituents and they operate within determinate time frames in which to develop solutions to pressing problems. As a consequence there exists a tragic gap between the academy and policymaking that is nonetheless being filled by mercenary, agendic researchers who work for a massive array of well-funded conservative think tanks that in the area of education seek to discredit and then privatize public schools under the guise of expanding choice to taxpayers (Valenzuela, 2004a; Shaker & Heilman, 2002). 


In an absence of both visionary leadership and effective grassroots mobilization, it will be difficult to leverage a significant challenge to this conservative turn in educational politics engendered by the in-creasing influence of both the religious and business right (Valenzuela, 2004a). However, since effective policy development demands a decades-long, committed, political response that civil rights organizations typically embody, I impart my work with Texas LULAC as a model for social action. This activity addresses these two fissures, namely, that between the state and a poor and minority polity whose children are increasingly concentrated in the public school system, as well as that between the academy and policymakers. 


As Education Committee Chair of Texas LULAC, I have had the pleasure of organizing several legislative events that have brought university researchers together with legislative staff, teacher associations, and civil rights organizations to discuss issues related to high-stakes testing and student retention. Through our research, presentations, and publications (Valenzuela, 2002, 2004b), we have made the case that when the test is the sole or primary arbiter in decisions with such long-lasting consequences for children, they have a right to be assessed in a complete and fair manner. This has translated into a legislative remedy that calls for the use of as many criteria as may reasonably indicate children’s cognitive abilities and potential whenever making high-stakes decisions like graduation/non-graduation or promotion/retention in grades 3, 5 and 8 (the state’s new retention policy went into effect in 2003). 


Although for the past two legislative sessions our proposed legislation has been quite specific, it addresses the linchpin of the accountability system—student testing. It should be noted that despite support for the legislation in the Texas House of Representatives, we have encountered political roadblocks with the current and previous chairs of the House Committee on Public Education. As scholars, we nevertheless remain resolute that children are entitled to fairness and validity in assessment. Indeed, this position flows directly from our review of the evidence, including that provided by the state itself. 


As observers of the inner-workings of the accountability system, we further contend that the testing system is performing two incompatible functions in one (McNeil and Valenzuela, 2001). That is, it doubles as both an “assessment” (testing) and “monitoring” system. Particularly in poor and minority schools that are subject to the “gaze” of central office, numbers-based accountability manages the behavior of the adults in the system by pressuring them to perform. The rhetoric gives the impression that all children are finally being taught; however, the reality is that this edict often translates into dumbed-down routinized pedagogy with disastrous implications for student learning and growth. This conflation of functions logically corrupts the assessment since official test results do not control the extent of coaching, cheating, or the marginalizing of those youth who become liabilities under the cur-rent design. By utilizing a more robust evaluation process, our pro-posed multiple criteria legislation addresses this built-in problem of test validity while promising fairness in testing children when so much is at stake to them personally.


Politically, LULAC has been engaged in a protracted effort to educate its base about the harmful effects of high-stakes testing. Our success is evident in the fact that assessment is at the top of our 2005 legislative agenda. Just as importantly, LULAC also spearheads a multi-ethnic, statewide coalition of university faculty, graduate students, and grassroots advocates for fairness and validity in assessment (www.texas-testing.org). Accordingly, we prepare for and plan press conferences, lobby days, television and radio spots, opinion-editorial pieces, and public forums at the grassroots level. 


To conclude, there is much that we as citizen-scholars can do to address the deep and deleterious divides that impact both public life and the development of policy. However formidable the opposition may be, I consider it an extraordinary privilege to both chronicle and par-take in the moment. Indeed, the very act of standing up to injustice is to savor the seeds of triumph. 


References 


Cherwitz, R. (January/February 2005). Citizen-scholars. The Alcalde, 50–60. 


McNeil, L. & Valenzuela, A. (2001). The harmful impact of the TAAS system of testing in Texas: Beneath the accountability rhetoric. In M. Kornhaber & G. Orfield (Eds.), Raising standards or raising barriers? Inequality and high stakes testing in public education (pp. 127–150). New York: Century Foundation. 


Shaker, P. & Heilman, E. E. (2002, January). Advocacy versus authority: Silencing the education professoriate. Policy Perspectives, 3 (1), 1–6. 


Valenzuela, A. (2004a). Accountability and the privatization agenda. In A. Valenzuela (Ed.), Leaving children behind: Why ‘Texas-style’ accountability fails Latino youth. New York: State University of New York Press. 


Valenzuela, A. (2004b). The accountability debate in Texas: Continuing the conversation. In A. Valenzuela (Ed.), Leaving children behind: Why ‘Texas-style’ accountability fails Latino youth. New York: State University of New York Press. 


Valenzuela, A. (2002). High-stakes testing and U.S.-Mexican youth in Texas: The case for multiple compensatory criteria in assessment. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, 14, 97–116. 


Angela Valenzuela is a professor at the University of Texas at Austin and the Education Committee Chair of the Texas League of United Latin American Citizens