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Showing posts with label Christian nationalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Christian nationalism. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 17, 2025

In Lak’Ech and the Good Samaritan: Texas State Rep. James Talarico and the Redemptive Politics of Radical Neighborliness, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

In Lak’Ech and the Good Samaritan: Texas State Rep. James Talarico and the Redemptive Politics of Radical Neighborliness 

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

September 17, 2025

With tens of millions of views on TikTok and a steady stream of national coverage, State Rep. James Talarico (D–Round Rock) is being talked about as “the next big thing” in Texas politics. In a July 1, 2025 special edition of Austin InSight/Austin PBS, host Laura Laughead sits down with Talarico for a wide-ranging conversation about what’s happening at the Capitol, how his openly professed Christian faith shapes his politics, and where he’s headed next.

What makes this interview worth watching isn’t just Talarico’s rising profile; it’s the way he frames public service through a moral vocabulary—love of neighbor, dignity, and the common good—while pushing for policies that address material needs here and now. That juxtaposition, rare in our polarized climate, comes through clearly in the full, unabridged conversation now available through PBS.

Talarico also speaks openly about his calling beyond politics. He’s an aspiring preacher studying at Austin Presbyterian Theological Seminary, and he treats faith not as a weapon but as a compass. For Texans who are weary of performative culture wars, that posture offers something different—an appeal to shared values, even when his policy positions may not be your own.

I find myself in strong agreement with his view that the separation of church and state protects both. It not only prevents the state from privileging one faith tradition over another, but also safeguards the integrity of the church by ruling out the possibility of political co-optation. It’s no wonder that the Austin Seminary has publicly expressed support for his journey.

As we know and have ourselves heard, Texas politics is often narrated as a clash of ideologies. Talarico reframes it as a contest of imaginations: What kind of neighbor will we be to one another? What do love, safety, and opportunity look like when translated into law and budget—not just rhetoric? Agree or not, he is modeling a style of leadership that could broaden rather than narrow the public conversation, especially among younger voters who may first encounter him on TikTok before meeting him at the ballot box.

Watching this episode also stirred something personal. I realized that Talarico and I share a spiritual inheritance—our grandfathers were both Baptist preachers. My granddad was my pastor throughout my entire youth. My own father—my late grandfather's son-in-law—continues in ministry today as a missionary in Peru. Incidentally, my grandfather was also a minister, for a time, in the Mexican Presbyterian church in my hometown of San Angelo, Texas, which he viewed as theologically similar to that of the Baptist Church.

I am deeply grateful for having grown up in my grandfather’s Mexican Baptist church where we believed deeply in the Golden Rule: to treat others as we ourselves wish to be treated. I've previously mentioned on this blog how this ethic is practically universal in faith traditions across cultures, including the Mayan philosophy of In Lak’Ech, rooted in empathy, reciprocity, and the recognition of our interdependence and the responsibilities we hold toward one another in a community and in society.

The parable of the Good Samaritan is fully about the Golden Rule and In Lak’Ech, speaking to a deeper principle of radical neighborliness. It teaches that compassion requires crossing boundaries of identity, tribe, and nation to see the humanity in the other—and to act on that recognition. These traditions remind us that true faith and true justice are not abstract ideals, but lived commitments to care for those around us, especially the vulnerable and marginalized.

Abundant thanks to Rep. Talarico for modeling a politics rooted in faith, imagination, and radical neighborliness—neighborliness that is not so radical after all, considering it echoes the Golden Rule, In Lak’Ech, and the shared moral teachings at the heart of nearly every faith tradition. His example reminds us that compassion and justice, far from being fringe ideals, are the foundations of the democratic society we aspire to build.

Austin InSight/PBS, July 1, 2025

Monday, September 08, 2025

Texas Professors Are Leaving—But the Crisis Is Bigger (and Deeper) Than Texas, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Texas Professors Are Leaving—But the Crisis Is Bigger (and Deeper) Than Texas

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.
September 8, 2025

A recent report in The Texas Tribune describes what many of us working in higher education in Texas already know in our hearts: faculty are demoralized and, increasingly, they are leaving. Based on survey data gathered by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), more than one-quarter of professors in Texas say they have applied for academic positions elsewhere in the past two years, while another segment plan to do so soon. Nearly two-thirds indicated they would not recommend Texas as a place to pursue an academic career (Melhado, 2023). These numbers tell a story of deep unease—of contracts not renewed, of faculty afraid to speak openly in classrooms, of colleagues censoring themselves out of fear of retaliation.

Source: Texas Tribune, Credit Tamir Kalifa 

At the heart of this attrition is a direct assault on academic freedom, a principle that undergirds the very possibility of democratic life. State laws now ban diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, and erode the stability of tenure, and faculty governance over such matters as curriculum and hiring. 

Legislation such as Senate Bill 37, which stripped power from faculty senates and centralized it in boards of regents appointed by political leaders, has undermined shared governance. This environment does more than stifle dissent; it recasts universities as instruments of control rather than spaces of inquiry.

Texas may be experiencing these dynamics most visibly, but the crisis is national—and increasingly global. Many U.S. scholars are not simply moving across state lines but are choosing to relocate abroad, seeking academic environments in Europe or Canada where intellectual freedom is more secure. Overlaying this migration is the threat of Project 2025, a sweeping policy blueprint crafted by conservative think tanks that aims to dismantle public institutions, including higher education, and remake them according to a narrow ideological vision. 

This project aligns with what has been called the Seven Mountains mandate, an agenda of religious nationalists who seek control over culture-shaping institutions—education foremost among them. Yes, read and understand this vitally important point.

This broader climate is fueled by the growth of Christian nationalism, a worldview that fuses political power with a narrow conception of religion. Surveys reveal its mainstream appeal: a majority of Republicans support declaring the U.S. a Christian nation, despite acknowledging its unconstitutionality; nearly half affirm the belief that God designated America as a promised land for European Christians. 

As McDaniel (2022) and others have noted, Christian nationalism is not merely a matter of private belief but a political project that seeks to restrict belonging to white, Christian, U.S.-born citizens, and to delegitimize pluralism. When viewed in this frame, Texas is not an outlier but part of a larger campaign to curtail higher education’s role as a site of critical thought and democratic practice.

I argue that these moves are part of what decolonial scholars call the colonial matrix of power—an effort to control knowledge, suppress difference, and reproduce racial and cultural hierarchies. Yet resistance is alive. Faculty who continue to mentor students of color, who teach histories others would erase, who publish research under difficult conditions, are engaging in what I and other scholars term "transformational resistance" (Valenzuela, Unda, & Bernal, 2025; also see Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).

This is not resistance for its own sake but resistance that builds alternatives grounded in care, justice, and community. Every classroom where students feel seen, every syllabus that centers marginalized voices, is part of this work.

Why I stay. I would be dishonest if I said the thought of leaving hasn’t crossed my mind. Colleagues often ask why I remain in Texas when the hostility toward higher education—and toward scholars of color in particular—runs so deeply. 

My answer is simple: I stay because my students and community root me here. Texas’ future is unfolding in our classrooms, in our neighborhoods, and in our community schools. Plus, we all pay taxes, don't we? To walk away would be easier, perhaps even safer, but staying allows me to live the very praxis I teach: to resist, to reimagine, and to plant seeds of justice where they are most endangered.

That does not mean we accept this reality as inevitable. It means we fight back. We refuse to concede our classrooms, our research, or our governance structures to political agendas. We form alliances with communities and insist that public universities exist to serve the people of Texas, not to advance the ambitions of politicians or religious ideologues. We keep teaching, writing, and testifying because silence would only deepen the culture of fear.

The AAUP survey offers a sobering warning, but it is also a call to action. Without resistance, fear becomes normalized. With resistance—embodied through solidarity, courage, and imagination—we preserve the possibility of universities that are truly democratic and inclusive.

Just last week, after class, a student told me, “Thank you for making space for voices like mine. I didn’t think college was for people like me until now.” In that moment, the rancor from the Capitol receded, and what remained was the truth of why I stay: because these students are Texas, because their futures are worth fighting for, and because each act of teaching becomes an act of resistance and hope.

References

Gutteridge, N. & Ford, A. (2025, Sept. 5). Professors want to leave Texas because of tense political climate, survey says, Texas Tribune. https://www.texastribune.org/2025/09/05/texas-faculty-university-political-climate-survey/

McDaniel, E. (2022, Nov. 6). Talk of 'Christian nationalism' is getting louder—but what does the term really mean? Chronicle of Higher Education. https://www.chron.com/politics/article/what-is-christian-nationalism-17563003.php

Melhado, W. (2023, September 7). Texas’ political environment driving faculty to leave, survey finds. Texas Tribunehttps://www.texastribune.org/2023/09/07/texas-higher-education-faculty-dei-tenure/

Solórzano, D. G., & Delgado Bernal, D. (2001). Examining transformational resistance through a critical race and LatCrit theory framework: Chicana and Chicano students in an urban context, Urban Education, 36(3), 308–342.


Valenzuela, A., Unda, M. D. C., & Bernal, J. M. Disrupting Colonial Logics: Transformational Resistance Against SB 17 and the Dismantling of DEI in Texas Higher Education. https://www.ethnicstudiespedagogies.org/gallery/Vol3-Issue1-03_DisruptingColonial.pdf

Wednesday, May 28, 2025

The Gospel According to Power: White Grievance Politics and Evangelicalism’s Break with Empathy

In their deeply illuminating article for Vox.com, Aja Romano offers a chilling account of how empathy—long a moral bedrock of democratic life and central to Christian teachings—has come under attack from the Christian right.

 Romano traces the phrase “empathy is a sin” from its origins in the theology of Joe Rigney to its broader diffusion across right-wing evangelicalism and into mainstream conservative discourse. What is particularly disturbing is how this narrative recasts compassion for the marginalized—immigrants, trans individuals, people of color—not as a virtue, but as a moral weakness or even a threat. 

Figures like Rigney and Doug Wilson, with long histories of misogyny and white supremacy, argue that empathy becomes sinful when it is “untethered” from so-called biblical truth—a truth they define in rigid, patriarchal, and

"If Empathy IS A Sin, Sin Boldly.” 
exclusionary terms. Through political figures like JD Vance and cultural influencers like Elon Musk, this framing has now entered the secular mainstream, transforming a faith-centered ethic of care into a defense of cruelty disguised as moral clarity.

Romano’s piece resonates powerfully with Tim Alberta’s recent book, The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory: American Evangelicals in an Age of Extremism (2023), where he details how white evangelical churches have forsaken the Gospel’s call for humility, justice, and mercy in pursuit of political power. 

Alberta shows how this moral unraveling has led to a culture of grievance, racial resentment, and an abandonment of the least among us—precisely those for whom empathy is most needed. 

What Romano calls out as a “demonization of empathy,” Alberta frames as a theological and cultural betrayal, one that undermines the very foundation of democratic life and religious integrity. 

Both authors reveal a broader retreat from shared humanity—a dangerous shift that prioritizes control over compassion, and ideology over justice. This is not just a religious crisis; it is a civic one, with profound consequences for how we live, lead, and care for one another in an increasingly pluralistic society.

All of this is so shameful—and even surreal. I was raised in the Baptist church, and this rejection of empathy is wholly incompatible with the teachings that shaped my upbringing in West Texas. 

This is not sustainable as an ideology. The attack on empathy may serve short-term culture war gains, but it is ultimately counter-productive. Today’s younger generations—more diverse, emotionally aware, and grounded in justice—recognize empathy as essential, not as weakness. As Aja Romano and Tim Alberta both argue, this rejection of compassion reflects not strength, but fear: a desperate attempt to cling to outdated systems of control. 

In a society that is inescapably moving toward greater inclusion and interdependence, any ideology that vilifies empathy cannot build community, sustain institutions, or inspire a just and democratic future. Those clinging to such views may win short-term battles, but they are on the wrong side of history—and of humanity.

-Angela Valenzuela

Reference

Alberta, T. (2023). The kingdom, the power, and the glory: American evangelicals in an age of extremism. Harper.


Christian nationalists decided empathy is a sin. Now it’s gone mainstream. 

What wouldn’t Jesus do?

by Aja Romano

May 22, 2025, 7:00 AM CDT

















An older woman and a younger woman hugging one another while sitting in a church pew in a large church with stained glass windows. Getty Images


Aja Romano writes about pop culture, media, and ethics. Before joining Vox in 2016, they were a staff reporter at the Daily Dot. A 2019 fellow of the National Critics Institute, they’re considered an authority on fandom, the internet, and the culture wars.

It’s a provocative idea: that empathy — that is, putting yourself in another person’s proverbial shoes, and feeling what they feel — is a sin. 

The Bible contains repeated invocations from Jesus to show deep empathy and compassion for others, including complete strangers. He’s very clear on this point. Moreover, Christianity is built around a fundamental act of empathy so radical — Jesus dying for our sins — that it’s difficult to spin as harmful. 

Yet as stunning as it may sound, “empathy is a sin” is a claim that’s been growing in recent years across the Christian right. It was first articulated six years ago by controversial pastor and theologian Joe Rigney, now author of the recently published book, The Sin of Empathy, which has drawn plenty of debate among religious commentators. 

In this construction, empathy is a cudgel that progressives and liberals use to berate and/or guilt-trip Christians into showing empathy to the “wrong” people. 

Had it stayed within the realm of far-right evangelicals, we likely wouldn’t be discussing this strange view of empathy at all. Yet we are living in an age when the Christian right has gained unprecedented power, both sociocultural and political. The increasing overlap between conservative culture and right-leaning tech spaces means that many disparate public figures are all drinking from the same well of ideas — and so a broader, secular version of the belief that empathy is a tool of manipulation has bubbled into the mainstream through influential figures like Elon Musk.

What “empathy is a sin” actually means

The proposition that too much empathy is a bad thing is far from an idea that belongs to the right. On Reddit, which tends to be relatively left-wing, one popular mantra is that you can’t set yourself on fire to keep someone else warm. That is, too much empathy for someone else can erode your own sense of self, leaving you codependent or open to emotional abuse and manipulation. 

That’s a pretty standard part of most relationship and self-help advice — even from some Christian advice authors. But in recent months, the idea that empathy is inherently destructive has not only become a major source of debate among Christians, it’s escaped containment and barreled into the mainstream by way of major media outlets, political figures, and influencers.

The conversation began with an incendiary 2019 essay by Rigney, then a longtime teacher and pastor at a Baptist seminary, in which he introduced “the enticing sin of empathy” and argued that Satan manipulates people through the intense cultural pressure to feel others’ pain and suffering. 

Rigney’s ideas were met with ideological pushback, with one Christian blogger saying it “may be the most unwise piece of pastoral theology I’ve seen in my lifetime.” As his essay incited national debate, Rigney himself grew more controversial, facing allegations of dismissing women and telling one now-former Black congregant at his Minneapolis church that “it wouldn’t be sinful for him to own me & my family today.” (In an email to Vox, Rigney denied the congregant’s version of events.) Rigney also has a longtime affiliation with Doug Wilson, the leader of the Reformed Christian Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho. 

IN PRACTICE, WHAT RIGNEY IS TYPICALLY DECRYING IS ANY EMPATHY FOR A LIBERAL PERSPECTIVE OR FOR SOMEONE WHO’S PART OF A MARGINALIZED COMMUNITY.

Now well-known for spreading Christian nationalism, and for allegedly fostering a culture of abuse (allegations he has denied), Wilson’s infamy also comes from his co-authored 1996 essay “Southern Slavery: As It Was,” in which he claimed that “Slavery produced in the South a genuine affection between the races that we believe we can say has never existed in any nation before the War or since.” (“My defense of the South does not make me a racist,” Wilson said in 2003.) Rigney appeared on Wilson’s 2019 podcast series Man Rampant to discuss empathy; their conversation quickly devolved into decrying fake rape allegations and musing that victims of police violence might have “deserved to be shot.” 

In an email, Rigney told me that both he and Wilson developed their similar views on empathy from the therapist and Rabbi Edwin Friedman, whose posthumously published 1999 book, A Failure of Nerve: Leadership in the Age of the Quick Fix, has influenced not only family therapy but conservative church leadership and thought. In the book, Friedman argues that American society has devalued the self, leading to an emotional regression and a “low pain threshold.” Alongside this he compares “political correctness” to the Inquisition, and frames a “chronically anxious America” as one that is “organize[d] around its most dysfunctional elements,” in which leaders have difficulty making tough decisions. This correlation of emotional weakness with societal excess paved the way for Rigney to frame empathy itself as a dangerous weapon. 

Despite using the incendiary generalization, “empathy is sin,” Rigney told me that it is not all empathy that is sinful, but specifically “untethered empathy.” He describes this as “empathy that is detached or unmoored from reality, from what is good and right.” (An explanation that begs definitions for “reality,” “good,” and “right.”)

“Just as ‘the sin of anger’ refers to unrighteous or ungoverned anger, so the sin of empathy refers to ungoverned, excessive, and untethered empathy,” Rigney told me. This kind of unrestrained empathy, he writes, is a recipe for cultural mayhem. 

In theory, Rigney argues that one should be “tethered” to God’s will and not to Satan. In practice, what Rigney is typically decrying is any empathy for a liberal perspective or for someone who’s part of a marginalized community. When I asked him for a general reconciliation of his views with the Golden Rule, he sent me a response in which he brought up trans identity in order to label it a “fantasy” that contradicts “God-given biological reality,” while misgendering a hypothetical trans person.

The demonization of empathy moves into the mainstream

Despite receiving firm pushback from most religious leaders (and indeed most people) who hear about it, Rigney’s argument has been spreading through the Christian right at large. Last year, conservative personality and author Allie Stuckey published Toxic Empathy: How Progressives Exploit Christian Compassion, in which she argues that “toxic empathy is a dangerous guide for our decisions, behavior, and public policy” while condemning queer people and feminists. “Empathy almost needs to be struck from the Christian vocabulary,” Josh McPherson, host of the Christian-centered Stronger Man Nation podcast and an adherent of Wilson and Rigney’s ideas, said in January, in a clip that garnered an outsize amount of attention relative to the podcast episode itself. 

That same month, Vice President JD Vance struck a nerve with a controversial appearance on Fox News in which he seemed to reference both the empathy conversation and the archaic Catholic concept of “ordo amoris,” meaning “the order of love.” As Vance put it, it’s the idea that one’s family should come before anyone else: “You love your family, and then you love your neighbor, and then you love your community, and then you love your fellow citizens in your own country,” he said. “And then after that, you can focus and prioritize the rest of the world.” In a follow-up on X, he posted, “the idea that there isn’t a hierarchy of obligations violates basic common sense.” 

Vance’s statements received backlash from many people, including both the late Pope Francis and then-future Pope Leo XIV — but the controversy just drove the idea further into the mainstream. As part of the odd crossover between far-right religion and online reactionaries, it picked up surprising alliances along the way, including evolutionary biologist turned far-right gadfly Gad Saad. In January, Saad, applying a survival-of-the-fittest approach to our emotions, argued against “suicidal empathy,” which he described as “the inability to implement optimal decisions when our emotional system is tricked into an orgiastic hyperactive form of empathy, deployed on the wrong targets.” (Who are the wrong targets according to Saad? Trans women and immigrants.)

In a February appearance on Joe Rogan’s podcast, Elon Musk explicitly referenced Saad but went even further, stating, “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy — the empathy exploit. They’re exploiting a bug in Western civilization” — the “they” here being the left wing. “I think empathy is good,” Musk added, “but you need to think it through, and not just be programmed like a robot.” 

By March, mainstream media had noticed the conversation. David French had observed the “strange spectacle” of the Christian turn against empathy in a column for the New York Times. In April, a deep-dive in the Guardian followed. That same month, a broad-ranging conversation in the New Yorker with Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, led to interviewer Isaac Chotiner pressing him about why empathy is bad. The discussion, of deported Venezuelan immigrants wrongfully suspected of having gang tattoos, led to Mohler saying that “there’s no reason anyone other than a gang member should have that tattoo.” (Among the tattoos wrongly flagged as gang symbols were the words “Mom” and “Dad” on the wrists of one detainee.)

The pro-empathy backlash is fierce 

The connective tissue across all these disparate anti-empathy voices is two-fold, according to Christian scholar Karen Swallow Prior. Prior, an anti-abortion ethicist and former longtime Liberty University professor, singled out the argument’s outsize emphasis on attacking very small, very vulnerable groups — as well as the moment in which it’s all happening.

“The entire discourse around empathy is backlash against those who are questioning the authority of those in power,” she told me, “not coincidentally emerging in a period where we have a rise in recognition of overly controlling and narcissistic leaders, both in and outside the church.” Those people “understand and appreciate empathy the least.”

“Trump made it okay to not be okay with culture,” Peter Bell, co-creator and producer of the Sons of Patriarchy podcast, which explores longstanding allegations of emotional and sexual abuse against Doug Wilson’s Christ Church, told me. (Wilson has denied that the church has a culture of abuse or coercion.) “He made it kind of cool for Christians to be jerks,” Bell said. “He made the unspoken things spoken, the whispered things shouted out loud.”

Prior believes that the argument won’t have a long shelf life because Rigney’s idea is so convoluted. Yet she added that it’s born out of toxic masculinity, in an age where stoicism, traditionally male-coded, is increasingly part of the regular cultural diet of men via figures like Jordan Peterson. That hypermasculinity goes hand in hand with evangelical culture, and with the ideas Rigney borrowed from Friedman about too many emotions being a weakness. In this framing, emotion becomes non-masculine by default — i.e., feminine.

“EVERYBODY’S SUPPOSED TO HAVE SYMPATHY FOR THE WHITE MALE, BUT WHEN YOU SHOW EMPATHY TO ANYONE ELSE, SUDDENLY EMPATHY IS A SIN.” -KAREN SWALLOW PRIOR, CHRISTIAN SCHOLAR

That leads us to the grimmest part of Rigney’s “untethered empathy” claims: the way he explicitly genders it — and demonizes it — as feminine. Throughout his book, he argues that women are more empathetic than men, and that as a result, they are more prone to giving into it as a sin. It’s an inherently misogynistic view that undermines women’s decision-making and leadership abilities. 

Though Rigney pushed back against this characterization in an email to me, arguing that critics have distorted what he views as merely “gendered tendencies and susceptibility to particular temptations,” he also couldn’t help reinforcing it. “[F]emale tendencies, like male tendencies, have particular dangers, temptations, and weaknesses,” he wrote. Women thus should recognize this and “take deliberate, Spirit-wrought action to resist the impulse to become a devouring HR department that wants to run the world.”

As Prior explains, though, Rigney’s just fine with a mythic national human resources department, as long as it supports the status quo. “Everybody’s supposed to have sympathy for the white male,” she said, “but when you show empathy to anyone else, suddenly empathy is a sin.”

What’s heartening is that, whether they realize what kind of dangerous extremism undergirds it, most people aren’t buying Rigney’s “empathy is sin” claim. Across the nation, in response to Rigney’s assertion, the catchphrase, “If empathy is a sin, then sin boldly” has arisen, as heard in pulpits, seen on church marquees, and worn on T-shirts — a reminder that it takes much more than the semantic whims of a few extremists to shake something most people hold in their hearts.

Wednesday, January 08, 2025

From the sidelines, some Christians in US strive to be peacemakers as Israel-Hamas war continues

Friends,

This hopeful piece authored by Marc Ramirez in USA Today on how some churches are addressing the war in Gaza and its impact on the relationship between Christians, with many feeling not fully informed but nevertheless "caught in the middle" between Jewish and Muslim communities is hopeful. It's easy to see how many within the church are left without a voice as "incidents of antisemitism and Islamophobia rise."

After all, we are not exposed in our public schools, and thusly, as a society, to books or curricula that teach us these things. Nor are we taught what "Christian nationalism" means such that these vital aspects of knowledge are the domain of some college classroom or academic discourse, leaving the broader public largely unaware of their significance and impact on society and politics. Relatedly, take a look at this insightful piece, rooted in history on political ideology that 
aligns white or EuroAmerican Christians with national identity (McDaniel, 2022).

An important takeaway from this 
USA Today piece is that Christian nationalist support for Israel means supporting the far right of Israel, as opposed to Israel itself. Therefore, Christian nationalists cannot claim to represent the full range of political ideologies held by Israelis. For further insight, I highly recommend Tim Alberta’s compelling book, The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory, which examines the fractures within the white evangelical church.

We absolutely all do have that "spark of divinity" that should make us all stop and reflect and, yes, see this as an opportunity to work for peace. Like the late President Jimmy Carter once said, "We will not learn to live together by killing each other's children."

Next on my reading list is Carter's book titled, Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid that I learned about this morning from this article authored by Mustafa Barghouti (2024), which highlights President Carter's evolution on this subject.

His book stirred American politics by asserting that peace requires Palestinian freedom and dignity. Despite being vilified and accused of anti-Semitism, Carter, a supporter of Israel's survival, persisted in advocating for justice in Palestine. It is clear that the church needs moral courage and clarity in policy efforts toward a more open and honest treatment of the savage war against Gaza's children and families, coupled with peace at home to stem racial, ethnic, and religiously motivated prejudice, discrimination, and violence.

– Angela Valenzuela


Barghouti, M. (2024, Oct. 8). To honour Jimmy Carter’s legacy, amplify his call for freedom in Palestine, Al Jazeera.com


Carter, J. (2007). Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Simon & Schuster.

McDaniel, E. (2022, Nov. 6) Talk of 'Christian nationalism' is getting louder—but what does the term really mean? Chronicle of Higher Education




From the sidelines, some Christians in US strive to be peacemakers as Israel-Hamas war continues


by Marc Ramirez | USA Today | April 3o, 2024




At Northwood Church in Keller, Texas, senior global pastor Bob Roberts has heard from congregants wrestling with the Israel-Hamas war and the heightened emotions it has unleashed across the United States. Some call for more support for Israel. Others want the same for Palestinians.

“Our response is that no war is good,” said Roberts, who founded the Dallas-area church in 1985. “Our goal is not to bring everybody to the same viewpoint; it’s to help them understand that God created every person in the image of God, that they all have that spark of divinity and should have the opportunity of life.”

As the latest Israel-Hamas war threatens to spawn wider global discord, frustrations over the toll of the conflict and growing numbers of Palestinian civilian casualties are leaving Israel increasingly isolated.

But while some among the nation’s approximately 210 million Christians strongly support one side or the other, many see themselves caught in the middle as the war strains interfaith relations, especially those between Jewish and Muslim communities, and incidents of antisemitism and Islamophobia rise.

“We’re kind of on the sidelines,” Chris Hall, minister of missions for Houston Northwest Church in Texas, said at a recent interfaith gathering. With tensions among groups increasingly fragile, Hall said, “how I respond to my neighbor now has more depth than it has in years past.”

Some Christian faith leaders say it’s more important than ever to shift from being bystanders into more active roles as arbiters.

“Christians ought to be right in the middle of it,” said Roberts, who is also co-founder of Texas-based interfaith organization Multi-Faith Neighbors Network. “It’s an opportunity for Christians to be peacemakers, to build bridges and keep the conversation going.”

Some of the most influential Christian voices amid the conflict, he noted, have belonged to evangelical Christians who strongly support Israel's war effort and U.S. Republican leadership. For instance, John Hagee, the San Antonio, Texas-based founder of the Christian Zionist organization Christians United for Israel, delivered the opening ceremony benediction when President Donald Trump relocated the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem in 2018; he also gave the invocation when former presidential hopeful Nikki Haley launched her campaign early last year.

Robert Jeffress, senior pastor of the 14,000-member megachurch First Baptist Dallas in Texas, was also among the speakers at the Jerusalem embassy ceremony, and House Speaker Mike Johnson is a Southern Baptist and a onetime denomination official.

Nonetheless, Roberts said, “a lot of Christians are working quietly behind the scenes, doing everything they can to work for peace.”


Todd Deatherage, a Christian who is executive director of the Telos Group, a peace organization based in Washington, D.C., said that while peacemaking is central to what it means to be Christian, “it’s probably the most neglected aspect of Christian discipleship. Christians have a central compelling theology of being peacemakers and agents of healing, but we are not known for that in the way we could and should be.”

Today's atmosphere, he said, offers not just an opportunity but an obligation to fulfill that calling. That the conflict is taking place in what’s known as the Holy Land, a region fraught with overlapping significance for multiple religions, complicates the situation.

“It really requires us to think outside the binary view that for one side to win the other has to lose,” Deatherage said. “That’s the activist frame that has existed for so long, and we’ve imported this conflict into our culture – and now, as we’ve seen, our college campuses. When you reduce it to that binary, you’re missing the fundamental truth that there’s not a good future for anyone there unless there’s a good future for everyone there.”

Christian views about the conflict differ

Conservative evangelical Christians have been among Israel's staunchest supporters.

“Christians who understand the Bible realize there are two sides to the war in Gaza,” said Jeffress, of First Baptist Church in Dallas. “To side with Israel as they defend themselves against those who would seek to destroy them is to be on the right side of history and, more importantly, the right side of God."

A survey conducted last month by researchers at Boston University and the University of North Carolina at Pembroke found nearly 1 in 5 (18%) evangelical Christians had heard their pastor discuss the war during services, compared with 13% of Catholics and 10% of mainline Christians.

Nearly 3 of 10 respondents – including 36% of evangelicals – said their church had prayed for Israel, and just 17% said their church had prayed for Palestinians.

“The most vocal organized Christian voice has been the one of the Christian Zionist movement, which sees this as a classic good and evil battle,” Deatherage said. “That’s the dominant voice, but there are dissident voices within mainstream evangelicalism that are asking questions and wrestling with the conflict that say the violence on both sides is wrong and leading us to ever darker places.”

Author and journalist Sarah Posner said the most prevalent version of Christian Zionism is promoted by groups like Christians United for Israel.

“It’s the notion that other countries, especially America, have a biblical duty to love Israel and support Israel and that God will bless those who bless Israel and curse those who curse Israel,” said Posner, author of “Unholy: How White Christian Nationalists Powered the Trump Presidency, and the Devastating Legacy They Left Behind.”

“They say they support Israel, but what it means is that support Israel’s far right, the Netanyahu government, the settlements and occupation. So they cannot claim to represent the wide spectrum of political ideology among Israelis.”




Driving that conservative evangelical position, she said, are beliefs that Israel is central to biblical prophecies about Jesus’ return to wage a final battle at Armageddon to vanquish the Antichrist. Hagee, founder and chairman of Christians United for Israel, has delivered sermons as recently as last month that tie today's conflict to such prophecies.

“The theological view is driving the political view,” Posner said. "They equate any view of Israel that doesn’t align with theirs with antisemitism.”That position is now being used to condemn the college campus demonstrations against Israel's handling of the war in Gaza, she said.

Conversely, more progressive Christian voices have denounced both Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack and Israel’s response, calling for a mutually agreed-upon solution to the conflict. Another important voice, Deatherage said, belongs to Black churches; in January, more than 1,000 Black pastors united to pressure President Joe Biden to call for a cease-fire in the war.

“They have their own experience with silence in the face of injustice, and they’re troubled by what’s happening,” he said.
Most Christians say peace requires mutual cooperation

A national survey of 1,252 U.S. Christians in November, nearly two months into the war, found most understood the complexity of the conflict, even if they didn’t necessarily agree.

“Christians are aware that there’s a lot of nuances here,” said Scott McConnell, executive director of Lifeway Research, which carried out the survey sponsored by The Philos Project, a coalition of Christian leaders advocating for pluralism in the Middle East.

While respondents acknowledged suffering and reason to act out on both sides, McConnell said, most agreed military action was not the way to achieve lasting peace. Nearly 9 in 10 said that depended on a mutually agreed-upon solution between Israel and Palestinians.

The Rev. Mae Elise Cannon, executive director of Churches for Middle East Peace in Washington, D.C., said many church leaders have been reluctant to talk about the war, dreading the divisions such discussion might sow among their congregations.

“They are immobilized by fear,” she said.

Deatherage agreed.

“This is a complex and divisive topic,” he said. “Talking about it is really hard, and so they’ve probably been more silent than vocal.”

At the same time, he said, others are leaning into the issue even if they don’t feel they have the necessary command of the issues and history behind a conflict that stretches back decades.

“It’s important as Christians to weep with those who weep and to recognize the humanity in all, Palestinians and Israelis,” Deatherage said. “A lot are taking seriously the gospel imperative to feed the hungry and are trying to find ways to get humanitarian aid to Gaza and lift the blockades. There’s a line some are connecting in those ways.”



Some say Christian intervention is necessary at home as well, given the deep polarization that has pushed many interfaith bonds to their breaking point.

Cannon said some church communities are shy about expressing concerns with Israel, fearful of severing ties with local synagogues and Jewish communities. One pastor, she said, recently told her that after decadeslong relationships, he felt Christian pastors had done their Jewish communities a great disservice.

"He said, ‘We’ve kept our mouths shut about Palestine and didn’t tell them what we really think, because we didn’t want to offend Jewish rabbis and friends,’” she said. The pastor, she said, continued: “‘Now,’” he said, “‘we’ve known each other for years and come to find out we really haven’t been honest with one another. What kind of friendship is that?’”