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Showing posts with label Gov. Greg Abbott. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gov. Greg Abbott. Show all posts

Friday, July 25, 2025

Our Line in the Sand: A Texas Rebellion Against Sin Vergüenza Politics by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Our Line in the Sand: A Texas Rebellion Against Sin Vergüenza Politics 

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Astonishingly, there was no proposed, new Congressional map to weigh in on, no way to officially register support or opposition—at yesterday's sham hearing on Congressional redistricting. But that didn’t stop community members from showing up in force—and on short notice. All of this was set in motion by a Trump administration letter from the Department of Justice, seeking to use our state to add new members to the U.S. Congress based on 2020 U.S. Census numbers that are wholly accounted for by the phenomenal growth of the Hispanic/Latino population in Texas—measured in terms of bodies and not citizenry. There is so much detail to this, but the overall impact of what Trump and Abbott are trying to do is to disenfranchise both Black and Brown communities. Again. 

Here is a helpful write-up by authored by Klibanoff (2025) in the Texas Tribune titled Texans, Democrats condemn GOP redistricting plans at first public hearing, which gives you more context.

Gabriel Rosales, Gary Bledsoe, Angela
Valenzuela & Alicia Perez-Hodge

I was deeply honored to be on a panel with NAACP President Gary Bledsoe, LULAC State Director Gabriel Rosales, and LULAC Education Committee co-chair, Alicia Perez-Hodge, and myself. 

We all did a great job, but President Bledsoe was an incredible resource witness. I'll be posting his testimony soon, as well. However, you can scroll to the bottom to view the entire hearing for yourselves. Texans, as a whole, were very well spoken and profoundly concerned, if not anguished.

It was great having three members from Congress with us, namely, Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia, Congressman Gregory Casar, and Congressman Joaquin Castro, who spoke on just how wrongheaded this is for Trump meddling in Texas politics so that he can tip the vote in his favor in what he rightly sees as a serious forthcoming midterm election.

Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia, Congressman Greg Casar, and Congressman Joaquin Castro - Redistricting hearing, July 24, 2025 

Without a doubt, yesterday was a powerful day for our community—a collective and resounding Texas-style rebuke of Governor Greg Abbott. Yet, whether the House Republican leadership is truly listening remains an open question—and frankly, not an encouraging one, given their track record.

As I’ve said before, cramming mid-decade redistricting, flood response, and a host of other contentious priorities into a 30-day special session is not just bad governance—it’s terrible optics (Abbott, 2025). Sin vergüenza, as we say in Spanish—a phrase far stronger than its English cognate, "shameless." And yes, we should all be that concerned.

This is a major story with deep national and international implications.

Greg Casar & me

 I’ll continue to post updates as this special session unfolds. To wit, this evening at 6:30 at the Delco Center, there is going to be a major rally this PM featuring Beto O'Rourke, Jasmine Crockett, Gina Hinojosa, James Talarico, Gene Wu, and others to rally against this agenda to disenfranchise even further our Black and Brown communities.

In my testimony, I urged legislators to reject the path of unos sin vergüenzas and to instead choose self-respect. I venture to say that some of the legislators even blushed. Many people offered similar testimony. The state needs to prioritize the public good over political gamesmanship, and to center the welfare of the people they were elected to serve.

Dr. Angela Valenzuela, Co-Chair,
LULAC Higher Ed Task Force testifies in opposition to redistricting

Gratitude to Texas Impact for posting my testimony. I post a link to the entire session hearing below, including a follow-up People's Hearing sponsored by House Democrats at the end of this post for those who unfortunately did not get a chance to voice their opinions. Altogether, this is a great record not just of how we in Texas, on very short notice, are protesting this further rigging of the process to consolidate Republican power at the expense of the U.S. Constitution, the Voting Rights Act, and democracy itself.

To our youth who may be feeling discouraged: Please stay involved. I know these are heavy times. We are standing at a crossroads—indeed, in a moment of deep crisis and collective sorrow in the wake of the devastating floods in Central Texas.

But I say this with love and clarity: democracy is not a finished product. It is always in motion, always under construction. And every generation must reimagine and work to strengthen it for themselves. That is where we are right now—with history pressing in, and the future asking something of us.

You matter. Your voice matters. And we need you more than ever.

References

Abbott, G. (2025, July 9). Governor Abbott announces special session agenda [Press release]. Office of the Governor of Texas. https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-announces-special-session-agenda-

Klibanoff, E. (2025, July 24). Texans, Democrats condemn GOP redistricting plans at first public hearing, Texas Tribune. https://www.texastribune.org/2025/07/24/texas-redistricting-hearing-house-legislature-congress/

Texas Impact (2025, July 14). Texas Impact [YouTube] https://www.youtube.com/@texasimpact


Congressman Joaquin Castro & me
Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia & me



Tuesday, June 10, 2025

In Texas, University Presidents May Soon Control Faculty Senates: University Faculty are not the problem. We are the conscience of the university.

Friends,

Please read the informative Inside Higher Education article authored by Ryan Quinn. It is about Senate Bill 37 that is now awaiting Governor Abbott’s signature. 

The bill represents a sweeping and deeply troubling assault on shared governance in Texas higher education. If signed into law, it will grant public university presidents, appointed by politically aligned boards of regents, unprecedented control over faculty senates and councils. This bill could very well be a template for legislation that could travel to other states.

SB 37 not only allows presidents to determine whether a faculty governance body exists at all, but also gives them authority over how meetings are run, who leads them, and who serves. However arbitrary, it imposes a rigid 60-member cap—unless a board grants an exemption—and enables a whopping half of those members to be presidential appointees.

This threatens to silence faculty representation, especially at large institutions like UT-Austin and Texas A&M, where thousands of faculty could be represented by just a handful of voices. 

Elected faculty would be limited to two-year terms, while presidential appointees could serve up to six. Faculty members could also be removed at the discretion of the administration, dismantling even the illusion of independence.

To be sure, this bill is part of a broader agenda to centralize power, weaken academic freedom, and target faculty viewed as too progressive or too willing to speak out. 

Interesting. After all, this is the party that always complains about "viewpoint discrimination."

SB 37 reinforces the notion that faculty governance is merely “advisory,” stripping it of any meaningful influence over curriculum, policy, or institutional direction. It arrives alongside other legislative efforts to gut DEI, review general education requirements with an eye toward reducing them, and eliminate low-enrollment programs—moves that place the humanities, Ethnic Studies, and other critical fields in the cross hairs of public policy.

I've said this before. I'll say it again. This is not about reform. It’s about control. And it is no accident that this comes at a time when faculty across the state have stood in defense of marginalized students, inclusive pedagogy, and truth-telling in our classrooms. 

It is so deeply offensive to cast us as threats—vilified not for wrongdoing, but for caring, questioning, and teaching with integrity. We are not at all political adversaries. We are scholars, mentors, and public servants committed to the well-being of our students and the future of our institutions. And we're damned good ones.

This inversion is not accidental—it is strategic. By portraying us as dangerous, those in power deflect attention from the real threats to education: censorship, authoritarian overreach, underfunding, silencing protest, and the systematic dismantling of academic freedom. 

We are not the problem. We are the conscience of the university. And in the face of fearmongering and repression, we must stand even more firmly in our roles as educators, truth-tellers, and guardians of our fragile democracy.

We must continue to organize, educate, blog, and advocate—not merely to defend shared governance and academic freedom, but to protect the very soul of higher education in Texas. 

If we fail, our universities risk becoming little more than glorified high schools—stripped of critical thought, autonomy, and the transformative power that defines a true education.

-Angela Valenzuela


In Texas, University Presidents May Soon Control Faculty Senates


A bill awaiting Gov. Abbott’s signature would require college administrators to set procedures for faculty governing bodies and appoint their leaders, part of an effort to address “liberal faculty control over universities.”




The Texas State Legislature passed Senate Bill 37 on May 31. It awaits the governor’s signature.
Houston Chronicle/Hearst Newspapers/Contributor/Getty Images


by Ryan Quinn | Inside Higher Ed | June 9, 2025

Texas public college and university presidents will be able to take control of their faculty governing bodies if Gov. Greg Abbott signs a bill now before him.

“Shared governance structures may not be used to obstruct, delay, or undermine necessary institutional reforms or serve as a mechanism for advancing ideological or political agendas,” says Senate Bill 37, which the Republican-dominated State Legislature passed May 31. Multiple states have considered GOP bills targeting shared governance, but SB 37 is a sweeping example.

It says that “only the governing board of an institution of higher education may establish a faculty council or senate.”“The board of regents has to decide whether or not there will even be one, that’s problem No. 1,” said Brian Evans, president of the Texas American Association of University Professors–American Federation of Teachers Conference.

If a college or university board decides to keep a faculty governing body, the institution’s president gets to prescribe how it conducts meetings. The president also gets to pick the “presiding officer, associate presiding officer, and secretary.”

In addition, unless the college or university’s board decides otherwise, faculty senates and councils must shrink to no more than 60 members.

Those remaining 60 would have to include at least two representatives from each of the colleges and schools that comprise the institution—including what the bill describes vaguely as “one member appointed by the president or chief executive officer of the institution” and the rest elected by the faculty of the particular school or college. This could mean that half of a faculty senate or council would be chosen by the president if an institution’s board doesn’t grant exemptions from these requirements.

Andrew Klein, speaker of the Texas A&M University Faculty Senate, said the biggest concern among his 122 senators is the 60-senator limit, which will take effect unless the Texas A&M System Board of Regents grants an exemption. Klein questioned how a senate that small could represent 4,300 faculty across the university, and how a requirement for at least two representatives per college or school would provide fair representation when the College of Arts and Sciences has over 800 faculty, compared to a number in the low double-digits at the School of Engineering Medicine.

“With 60 people, that’s not enough different viewpoints that can be brought to bear on questions, given our complexity,” Klein said.

In another blow to faculty control of their own governance bodies, SB 37 establishes term limits for faculty senate and council members—and allows presidential appointees to serve longer than the elected members. The presidential appointees would get to serve six consecutive years before having to take two off, while the elected members could only serve two years before the mandatory two-year break.

A faculty senate or council member could also have their seat stripped at any time; the bill says the provost can recommend to the president that members be “immediately removed” for failing to attend meetings or conduct their “responsibilities within the council’s or senate’s parameters” or for “similar misconduct.”

“It’s no longer an elected faculty voice,” Evans said. “It’s controlled by the administration.”

The bill still says that faculty senates or councils can hold votes of no confidence in administrators. But its language elsewhere stresses that faculty governance has no final say over anything.

“A faculty council or senate is advisory only and may not be delegated the final decision-making authority on any matter,” the bill says. (The faculty senate leaders at Texas A&M University at College Station and the University of Houston said their bodies are already advisory.)

Ultimately, the bill defines shared governance in a way that stresses the supremacy of college and university boards, which are composed of gubernatorial appointees who are confirmed by the state Senate.

“The governing board of the institution exercises ultimate authority and responsibility for institutional oversight, financial stewardship, and policy implementation, while allowing for appropriate consultation with faculty, administrators, and other stakeholders on matters related to academic policy and institutional operations,” the bill says. “The principle of shared governance may not be construed to diminish the authority of the governing board to make final decisions in the best interest of the institution, students, and taxpayers.”

In addition to overhauling faculty senates, SB 37 would require the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board to establish an advisory committee that would review general education requirements statewide and be responsible for considering methods for “condensing the number of general education curriculum courses required.” Furthermore, colleges and universities would be required to review minors and certificate programs every five years “to identify programs with low enrollment that may require consolidation or elimination,” according to the bill.

Dan Price, president-elect of the University of Houston Faculty Senate, said this goes “hand in hand” with the Legislature’s efforts to diminish faculty senate power.

“The ways in which the humanities could be really transformed, I think that’s not well considered,” he said.


‘Woke College Professors’

Will Abbott, a Republican, sign this into law? His press secretary, Andrew Mahaleris, didn’t directly answer in an email to Inside Higher Ed.

Abbott has indicated he wants faculty power reduced.
Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images

“More than 1,000 pieces of legislation have been sent to Governor Abbott’s desk and he is closely reviewing them all,” he wrote.

But Mahaleris’s email indicated that the governor is strongly in favor of reducing faculty power.

“Governor Abbott was clear in his State of the State address: Woke college professors have too much influence over who is hired to educate our kids,” Mahaleris wrote. 

“Texas needs legislation that prohibits professors from having any say over employment decisions.”

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who leads the Texas Senate, also touted the bill. Upon the Legislature’s adjournment, he issued a statement calling it the “Senate’s most conservative and successful legislative session.” He attributed that in part to SB 37, which he said was about “reforming liberal faculty control over universities.”

The author of the introduced version of the bill, Republican senator Brandon Creighton, didn’t respond to Inside Higher Ed’s requests for an interview or to written questions last week.

For faculty, Abbott’s decision on the bill is merely the first step. If he signs it, they’ll still be looking to their institutions’ boards to decide whether, and how, their faculty senates and councils can continue to operate.

“I really don’t have a good idea of what we’re going to look like next year,” said Klein, the speaker of the Texas A&M University Faculty Senate.

Price, the University of Houston Faculty Senate president-elect, said he thinks the bill is partly “based on a misunderstanding of what faculty senates had been doing. It assumed that faculty senates were run much more like unions.” He said there was “a lot of animosity toward faculty senates.”

“We’ve got work to do to make sure that the public sees the value of faculty,” Price said, along with the values of open inquiry and “faculty having real and influential voices and choice of curriculum.”

Saturday, January 18, 2025

With DEI on Texas Legislature's agenda, here's what's proposed for higher education, by Lily Kepner, Jan. 13, 2025

Dear Fellow Texans,

I urge you to give Lily Kepner’s piece your close attention, as the attack on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts in the 89th Texas Legislative Session (2025) begins anew. Granting politicians greater control over university curricula poses a significant threat to the reputation and integrity of Texas universities. We must not let this happen.

Let’s stand together to oppose these bills at the state level while also keeping a vigilant eye on the federal “Dismantle DEI Act.” It is astonishing to witness U.S. Rep. Greg Murphy's proposed legislation, which seeks to eliminate the study of race-based disparities in health care. Such understanding is vital for addressing systemic health inequities and providing fair, unbiased treatment. Consider the disproportionate impact of diabetes on Mexicans and Mexican Americans, sickle cell disease on African Americans, and cardiovascular disease on both groups compared to white counterparts. These disparities are not fully reducible to social class alone, though poverty remains an undeniable contributing factor.

If politicians succeed in further eroding faculty governance and accreditation standards, our higher education institutions risk devolving into little more than glorified high schools, losing their status as centers of higher learning and critical inquiry. My colleague, Dr. Keffrelyn Brown, captures this concern succinctly:

“When the topics get politicized,” Brown said, “the expertise faculty members have in curriculum and in their fields can be lost, as well as the importance of ethnic studies in preparing students for a diverse workforce and world.
The most important thing to acknowledge is that these issues are not simply opinion-based ideas; these are real fields of study. If we don’t expose our young people to opportunities to interact with knowledge, as well as people across those communities, we risk creating an educated class unable to communicate and work across a variety of differences.”

Exactly. What we teach in the college classroom is not "opinion-based" and how offensive for anyone to think that in the first place. We are serious scholars who conduct serious, ethical research and who have dedicated our lives to this endeavor. Most of us aren't activists but you're turning us into them with every measure that extremist politicians propose. 

Please, let's stop this anti-DEI madness, my friends and fellow Texans.

What can you do in the meantime? Reach out to your representatives and support Texas State Representative Christina Morales’ Ethnic Studies Bill,  HB 178. If you’re unsure who represents you, visit https://wrm.capitol.texas.gov/home to find out.

Together, we can protect the integrity of our educational institutions and ensure our students are prepared to thrive in a diverse and interconnected world. And there ain't nothing wrong with that.

Yours truly,

Angela Valenzuela


With DEI on Texas Legislature's agenda, here's what's proposed for higher education

Lily Kepner
Austin American-Statesman | January 13, 2025





As diversity, equity and inclusion and university faculty topics come into focus for Texas' upcoming legislative session, experts say the continued onslaught against social issues in public universities could be bolder this year – and do more damage as trust in higher education plummets.

More than 200 higher education-related bills alone have been introduced during the pre-filing period ahead of the 89th legislative session's start Tuesday.

In addition to the legislative interim charges set by Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick – which include looking at DEI issues in curriculum and faculty senates – multiple bills are in line with President-elect Donald Trump's goals in higher education by also targeting accreditors and undocumented students, who could be threatened under the incoming administration's immigration proposals.

What higher education laws did Texas pass last session and what could be next?

One of the legislative wins for Texas conservatives last year was the passing of Senate Bill 17, the nation's second anti-DEI law that banned DEI programs, staff, offices and hiring at Texas public universities but had exceptions for academic courses, research and student groups.



In the two years since Texas' last session, 11 other states have passed legislation limiting DEI in higher education, and changes have been made in at least 215 colleges in 32 states, according to the Chronicle of Higher Education's DEI tracker.

Kim Conway, senior policy counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union, said DEI programs have been “under attack” nationally for the past two years.

“And we expect it to get worse,” Conway said.

Federally, Congress is weighing the “Dismantle DEI Act," by U.S. Rep. Michael Cloud, R-Victoria, and Republican Vice President-elect J.D. Vance, who until recently served as a senator from Ohio. Conway said this was the most drastic of all federally proposed DEI legislation and would prohibit any entity that takes federal grants from any DEI activities and prohibit accreditors from having diversity standards.

Additionally, a bill by U.S. Rep. Greg Murphy, R-North Carolina, would rid medical schools who accept federal funding of DEI, including barring them from teaching about specific races or ethnicities, or race-based disparities, in health care.

Texas' SB 17 banned diversity statements in hiring and DEI-related training, but the law didn't restrict it in courses or for accreditors as the federal bills propose. But with a new session starting, state lawmakers could propose such legislation.

Sherry Sylvester, a senior fellow at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank in Austin that is on the advisory board for Project 2025, said DEI programs have not created the boost in diversity they promised and must be rooted out of Texas entirely.

“I don't think anybody ever believed that we would pass Senate Bill 17, and that would expunge DEI from our universities, that we would never hear about it again,” Sylvester said. “It is calcified in our universities, and we're remaking our universities so that everybody can go and thrive and prosper.”

Sylvester said she feels “really optimistic” about the upcoming state legislative session and efforts to further limit DEI in Texas, such as by examining the process by which academic courses and curriculum are made and approved.

Sen. Brandon Creighton, R-Conroe, who chairs the Texas Senate Subcommittee on Higher Education, previously told the American-Statesman that he wants to focus on leading students to a "degree of value" for in-demand work over courses tied to what he calls liberal ideology, but he had not filed any bills related to higher education courses as of Friday afternoon.

Multiple state senators have authored bills that would let Texas choose an accrediting agency other than the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges, which is currently the only accrediting agency for Texas universities. Sen. Mayes Middleton, R-Galveston, vice chair of the Senate Higher Education subcommittee, filed SB 452, which would require the board of higher education institutions to approve or disapprove the hiring of each department head, giving governor-appointed leaders more control over higher education leaders in the state.

Todd Wolfson, the current president of the American Association of University Professors and a professor at Rutgers University, said the political intrusion into higher education is happening in other Southern states as well. Former politicians in Nevada and Florida have been appointed to lead public universities instead of academics – in the Sunshine State, five of the seven public universities are led by former lawmakers, according to the Tampa Bay Times.

“There is an attempt in certain states to politicize higher ed and to take control of what faculty teach, what faculty research, what students learn and what students say,” Wolfson said. “It's not merely about a DEI initiative or a teaching of critical race theory or gender studies, though it is about those things, it's also about controlling this sector.”

On the curriculum front, an interim charge by Patrick, the state's lieutenant governor who presides over the Senate, seeks to “Stop DEI” in workforce education in Texas. Attempts by other states to do the same, such as Florida's 2022 “Stop Woke Act" to stop curriculum that teaches white privilege or about oppression, have been embroiled in legal battles over free-speech concerns.

Sylvester said anything should be allowed to be studied, but requirements or “indirect” pushes to take “DEI-infused” coursework shouldn’t be allowed. She said university regents – or the governor-appointed boards that rule the public university systems – should be empowered to exercise greater authority, particularly in the face of faculty dissent, and control over curriculum.

Keffrelyn Brown, a UT professor in the department of curriculum and instruction who also teaches in the Center for African American Studies and Women and Gender Studies Center, said that legislation attempting to control curriculum is not new, but it had predominantly targeted K-12 public schools.

When the topics get politicized, Brown said, the expertise faculty members have in curriculum and in their fields can be lost, as well as the importance of ethnic studies in preparing students for a diverse workforce and world.

“The most important thing to acknowledge is that these issues are not simply opinion-based ideas, that these are real fields of study,” Brown said. “If we don't expose our young people to opportunities to interact with knowledge, as well as people across those communities, we stand the chance of creating an educated class that is unable to communicate and work across a variety of different kinds of differences.”

What do these bills mean for Texas?

Even without a legal restriction, Conway, the ACLU policy counsel, said that bills and rhetoric around DEI can chill and censor classroom discussions or topics in the states where they're proposed due to the risk-adverse nature of universities. In Texas, top-down changes to ethnic and diverse studies curriculum at the University of North Texas over the fall were praised by conservative state lawmakers who say such changes are needed to comply with the “spirit” of SB 17 but faced huge opposition from faculty members and free speech advocates.

Similarly, when Texas A&M announced plans to eliminate its LGBTQ minor and 51 other low-producing minors and certificates, that school's Faculty Senate Executive Committee and program faculty members opposed it, but Texas A&M Regents approved the removals anyway.

“What (faculty senates) don't understand, and what I think we'll see reflected in legislation, is no, they are not the final say. The state of Texas empowers the boards of regents to run the universities, faculty is not in the (Texas Education) Code,” Sylvester said. “I think looking at empowering the regents to exercise their authority in every aspect of campus life is what we're going to see.”

Michael Harris, a Southern Methodist University professor who served as Faculty Senate president, said the functions of a faculty senate are largely bureaucratic and uneventful, such as approving the university calendar, and are not as political or defiant as they are painted to be.

The continued focus on DEI and faculty is a continuation of the ideological goals of the last legislative session and a "broader attack" on the industry, Harris said. What is different now, Harris said, is the public’s distrust of higher education, and it could give the political attacks more impact, though he doesn't think higher education itself has changed.

“At the end of the day, higher education used to be given a deference to do what it considered best,” Harris said. “They were institutions that were trusted, and that trust is gone now.”

And the loss of faculty governance would come at a cost, he said, because reducing it could allow partisan politicians to have greater control over topics like civic education, instead of allowing experts to craft curriculum based on "the best knowledge and the best research."

Politics can also create a climate where faculty members don't want to be. According to a 2024 Texas AAUP survey of 950 faculty members, more than half of those surveyed would not recommend working in Texas and more than a quarter plan to take or are actively looking for other jobs.

“In some states, that's the push: let’s stop the ideology attacks, we’ve done that, we’ve won our political points, now can we focus on building high-quality higher education, which we know the long-term economic success of the state is inextricably tied to,” Harris said. “I understand the short-term political benefits, and I don’t, sadly, think the rewards of the political system have changed from last session to this session" in Texas.

Tuesday, December 24, 2024

Border drownings rose as migrants rushed to cross and Texas clamped down, Washington Post, Dec. 8, 2024

Earlier this year in February, I alerted blog readers to this bone-chilling NBCNews.com report from workers whose job it is to recover bodies out of the water in the Eagle Pass/Piedras Negras border. First responders in a Texas town are struggling to cope with the trauma of recovering bodies from the Rio Grande [trigger warning]. Such macabre jobs should not even exist to begin with!

Migrants often opt for Eagle Pass, a city of 28,000, as a crossing point due to its proximity to a relatively safer region of Mexico, and a modicum of distance from criminal elements, despite the Rio Grande's characteristic challenging conditions. This includes strong currents, variable water levels, extreme temperatures, and, of course, the presence of "la migra," or the border patrol, in an area that is more militarized than ever. 

There's a good reason why Mexicans give the Rio Grande River its name, "El Rio Bravo," meaning "wild river." El río es traicionero, meaning that the river is treacherous. To this, add Governor Abbott's cruel razor wire on the buoys (boyas) that make it a savage and inhumane border that has taken a shocking number of lives.

Between 2017 and 2023, at least 1,107 individuals drowned while attempting to cross the river, with the highest number of fatalities occurring in 2022, coinciding with a significant increase in attempts to enter the United States. Notably, there was a rise in the number of women among the deceased, and in 2023, over 10 percent of the drownings involved children. The story of 4-year old Angelica is gripping. It's so sad and tragic to learn—from this very well-researched Washington Post piece—that 75 children or more drowned in the river over this 7-year timeframe.

Texas Governor Greg Abbott and the Biden administration have disagreed on how to manage this influx, with the state implementing cruel and lethal measures such as buoys (boyas) with razor wire and shipping containers that serve as barriers to river crossing. Knowing that so many people are literally losing their lives should force policymakers—especially the governor—to pause and reflect on how at some point, the collateral effects of policy with people losing their lives become indistinguishable from deliberately engineering it.

My heart aches when I read of migrants preferring this risk over that of losing their lives figuratively and literally in their countries of origin. Longer term, our countries in our hemisphere need to embark on a new path forward, one that involves large-scale investment to stimulate economic development, involving massive infrastructure projects while addressing systemic challenges, encouraging the development of binational institutions, and various other measures like investments in education and a spirit of binationalism and multinationalism that would promote stability across the region.

Regrettably, our country has chosen to take an extremely hardline approach, turning away from opportunities that could benefit everyone and address the root causes of migration—ensuring people wouldn’t have to risk life and limb to seek a better future for themselves and their families. With Donald Trump coming into power, it's only going to get worse.

-Angela Valenzuela

Border drownings rose as migrants rushed to cross and Texas clamped down
An investigation by The Washington Post and other news organizations found more deaths than Mexico or the U.S. have reported. Many were in Eagle Pass, where the Texas governor’s border crackdown is concentrated.


Migrants wade into the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass, Texas, on Sept. 28. (Video: Jabin Botsford)

December 8, 2024

By Arelis R. Hernández, Melissa del Bosque, Charles Boutaud, Monica Camacho, Sarah Cahlan, Jack Sapoch and Miriam Ramirez


EAGLE PASS, Texas — Angelica had journeyed with her parents, older brother, aunt and uncle by foot from South America through a muddy jungle, ridden atop sooty train cars and slept in noisy city plazas hoping to reach the United States.

Now it was dawn and the 4-year-old girl’s family could see their destination from across the Rio Grande. The adults sent messages to relatives back in Venezuela before stepping into the river with the two children.

“Ya no aguantamos más,” wrote Robiet Farías, Angelica’s uncle, saying he could not bear waiting anymore to enter the United States.

Santiago, left, and his uncle, Robiet Farías, ride atop a Mexican train headed for the U.S. border in November 2023. (Family photo)

The family held one another’s hands and formed a chain with other migrants crossing the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass that November day in 2023. But as they got deeper into the river, something went wrong. Panic set in. The Farías family disappeared into the water.

This stretch of the Rio Grande has become a graveyard as the number of people dying while trying to cross rises. An investigation by The Washington Post; Lighthouse Reports, an investigative news organization, and the El Universal newspaper in Mexico found that hundreds more people have drowned than the U.S. and Mexican governments have reported.

And nowhere in Texas have more people died than in Eagle Pass, where Republican Gov. Greg Abbott’s $11 billion border security initiative, Operation Lone Star, is concentrated.



Wristbands scattered in the mud on the banks of the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass on Sept. 27. The bands are typically used by smugglers to verify that migrants have paid for their crossing. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)



Clothes belonging to migrants are tangled in concertina razor wire near the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass on Sept. 27. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

The news organizations collected death records from every Texas county and Mexican state that borders the Rio Grande since 2017, when President-elect Donald Trump first took office pledging to crack down on illegal migration, to examine the effects of enforcement and migration policies on asylum seekers, and whether these factors have increased drownings.

The data shows that at least 1,107 people drowned trying to cross the river in the seven years from 2017 to 2023. The deaths peaked in 2022 as the number of people trying to enter the United States soared. A rising number of women were among the dead. In 2023, more than 1 in 10 drownings involved a child.

The spike in deaths coincided with a record surge in people attempting to cross into the United States illegally. Many of those migrants chose to cross the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass, a city of 28,000 that has emerged as a flash point in the nation’s debate over migration. Abbott and the Biden administration have clashed over how to respond to the surge, with the Texas governor installing dozens of miles of razor wire, shipping containers and buoys, and the White House accusing the state of blocking its access to the river.

Migrants often choose Eagle Pass because it is across the river from a part of Mexico that is considered safer than other regions controlled by criminal gangs. But the river there has a significant current in certain areas, and gets deeper as people reach the midpoint. Weeds and rocks can make it difficult to get one’s footing.




The records obtained by the news organizations show drownings in Eagle Pass have risen significantly in recent years. The Post and its partners mapped the fatalities there using location data provided on death records. The analysis shows that as the number of deaths rose, bodies increasingly began washing up in new locations

From 2017 to 2020, more than half the victims in Eagle Pass were found near the downtown area. After 2021, the year that Operation Lone Star began, drowning victims were largely discovered away from the city’s center.


While it is unclear whether Texas’s border security initiative caused that shift, interviews with dozens of asylum seekers, state and federal law enforcement officials, migration experts and elected officials indicate that the barriers pushed migrants to cross in new and, sometimes, more dangerous areas.

“The intention is to make it more difficult for people,” said Margarita Núñez Chaim, the coordinator for Iberoamericana University’s migration issues program in Mexico. “And that, as a result, makes it more deadly.”

Abbott’s office disputed the idea that Operation Lone Star might have contributed to any deaths, saying that the initiative is deterring migrants from crossing the Rio Grande. In a statement, officials said the Biden administration is to blame for increased drownings by encouraging people to “make the unsafe and illegal trek across the border, ultimately taking the lives of migrants.”

White House spokesman Angelo Fernández Hernández said the Biden administration has reduced border crossings by more than 55 percent since introducing new restrictions on applying for asylum in June. He called the president’s approach “effective and balanced,” and said that Republican officials are more interested in “dangerous and inhumane political stunts than securing our border.”

Deaths dipped by nearly 40 percent in the state in 2023, but data from Customs and Border Protection show they rose this year.

For the Farías family, crossing the Rio Grande felt like their best choice. They had fled Venezuela for Peru, but quickly realized there would be few opportunities to advance their lives there. Thousands of Venezuelans were wading across the river into Texas and claiming asylum. Angelica’s parents planned to do the same. The Post is identifying the girl by only her middle name because she is a child.

It wasn’t long after they entered the water that another migrant found Angelica clinging to her father’s back as his corpse floated near a pecan orchard called Heavenly Farms. She was alive.

Other people who had been traveling with the family took her to authorities. They told officers her first name. But they knew almost nothing else about her. Her entire family was dead.




For decades, it was mostly men — usually from Mexico or Central America — who braved the river to find work in the United States.

But as gang violence, chronic poverty and political instability grew, many more women and children began making the journey in the mid-2010s. Smugglers spread the word that minors were released quickly and allowed to stay in the United States. By 2014, so many children were crossing the border alone that President Barack Obama declared it an “urgent humanitarian situation.”

Then in 2020 came the pandemic. Migration to the United States plummeted, but a year later, people began making their way to the Rio Grande. Entire families from countries such as Venezuela were arriving. Unlike those who had crossed years earlier, they wanted to surrender to U.S. authorities in hopes of qualifying for asylum.



Migrants are detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents moments after crossing into Eagle Pass 
on Sept. 28. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)


Migrants wait to be processed by Border Patrol agents in Eagle Pass after crossing the Rio Grande on Sept. 28. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

Death records reviewed by The Post and its news partners reflect that changing dynamic. More and more people from South American countries began washing up dead in Texas and Mexico. 

In 2022, women made up nearly 22 percent of all deaths, higher than any of the other years examined. At least 75 children drowned in the river from 2017 to 2023.

The Rev. Paulo Alfonso Sánchez, who operates a shelter in Monclova, a city many migrants stop at on their way to Eagle Pass, said that in the fall of 2023 rumors began spreading about various dates by which an asylum-seeker had to reach the United States before Biden would bar them from entering. The information was false, and immigration advocates think it probably came from organized crime groups seeking to stoke urgency.

“It was a desperate situation,” Sánchez said. “Big groups tried to cross, stepping over each other at the riverbank and both sides, U.S. and Mexico, had to rescue people.”



Texas DPS pull migrants in distress from the Rio Grande. [Go to link to see the
harrowing video.]

The Post and its partners documented 858 migrant drownings in Texas from 2017 to 2023, while U.S. Customs and Border Protection recorded 587 along the entire southwest border during that time. The agency is required under federal law to record how many people die trying to enter the country each year, though federal investigators have acknowledged the data is incomplete.

Asked about the discrepancy, a CBP official noted the challenges in collecting data on migrant deaths, and said the unit tasked with tracking those fatalities has a limited budget, though Congress has offered more funds in recent years.

Sister Isabel Turcios runs Frontera Digna, a migrant shelter in Piedras Negras, and estimates that in 2023, about 4,000 showed up in the city each day. She said most people went straight to the river without resting. Many were afraid of being robbed, beaten or deported by Mexican officials and wanted to leave quickly.

Across the river, migrants now found towering shipping containers, giant buoys in the water and armed troops. They were all part of Abbott’s Operation Lone Star, which the Texas governor launched after accusing the Biden administration of not doing enough to curb illegal immigration.

"Texas supports legal immigration but will not be an accomplice to the open border policies that cause, rather than prevent, a humanitarian crisis in our state and endanger the lives of Texans,” Abbott said in announcing the initiative.

On the Mexican side of the border, migrants encountered more soldiers patrolling the border. Then-President Andrés Manuel López Obrador had deployed thousands of troops to crack down on illegal immigration in response to pressure from then-President Trump. By 2022, there were 11,500 troops stationed along Mexico’s northern border — nearly twice as many as there were three years before.



A spokesperson for Abbott’s office said the state has put up hundreds of miles of barriers such as fences and shipping containers, as well as more than 51 miles of border wall. Reporters from The Post and partner news organizations mapped approximately 250 miles of state and federal security infrastructure using available satellite imagery through 2023.

The mapping of the state’s barriers showed that at least 40 percent of the fences, buoys and other deterrence devices erected as part of Operation Lone Star were concentrated in and around Eagle Pass.

That included a fence near Heavenly Farms. The sprawling property where Angelica’s father was found is about four miles from downtown Eagle Pass and filled with rows of pecan trees. In 2023, more and more bodies were turning up there.




The Texas National Guard patrols the Rio Grande on Sept. 26 near Eagle Pass. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)


Border agents had long patrolled the Rio Grande near the pecan orchard by boat. But migrants still frequently passed through Heavenly Farms after crossing into the United States.

In 2022, Operation Lone Star law officers built a fence along the river near the farm. Soon after, they deployed spools of sharp concertina wire by the banks. And in the summer of 2023, troops placed a thousand feet of large orange buoys on the water close to the property.

Border Patrol agents began cutting Abbott’s concertina wire to reach migrants. They claimed Texas state troopers had blocked their agents from a boat ramp at a municipal park. The standoff shifted from the border to the courts as Texas and the Biden administration took turns suing each other in legal disputes over buoys, wire and river access.

Meanwhile, the number of people found dead in the Rio Grande near Heavenly Farms was rising.






The deaths mapped by The Post and its partners and available satellite imagery show that two drowning victims were found near the farm in the five years before a fence was constructed along the property. Thirty-three victims were discovered in that same area in the two years after the fence was built.

There was the Venezuelan folk musician trying to join his niece in the United States. The man from the Ivory Coast whose family did not find out he was dead for two years. The 6-year-old boy from Colombia who’d lost his mother’s grip as they entered the water.





Large orange buoys float in the Rio Grande in Eagle Pass on Nov. 15, 2023. (Video: Justin Hamel for Lighthouse Reports)



Texas National Guard concertina razor wire, fencing and buoys are seen along the U.S.-Mexico border in Eagle Pass on Sept. 27. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

The data on drowning deaths alone is not sufficient to show whether any of the new barriers played a role in the deaths. Where people are found does not necessarily indicate where they crossed. But interviews with migrants and shelter operators indicate that more and more migrants were choosing to cross away from Shelby Park, a green space near the city’s downtown where troops were concentrated, to more isolated parts of the river.

Abbott and others admonished migrants for not choosing legal options, such as surrendering at a port of entry. In the fall of 2023, when Angelica’s family crossed, the Biden administration was asking migrants to request an appointment at an official U.S. port of entry through its CBP One app.

Angelica’s parents had registered through CBP One. But that was just the first step in the process. Getting an appointment could take months. And many migrants felt they could not wait. Some had run out of money. Others thought it was too dangerous to stay in Mexico.

Immigrant advocates in Mexico also said Mexican officials and organized crime groups were blocking migrants from accessing border bridges, unless they had an appointment.

For many people, the river felt like the best way to quickly get into the United States.



Migrants cross the Rio Grande at Eagle Pass on Sept. 28. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)

Angelica’s parents had met working at Venezuela’s Department of Health.

They were both analysts, and they dreamed of building a life together while advancing their careers in the medical field. Zelnays came from a family of three close-knit siblings who had lost their mother when they were all still teens. An aunt, Norkys Farías, had taken them in and continued to raise them as her own.

Miguel Perez Carles fit right into Zelnays’s family. He had a knack for making her laugh with jokes and funny stories. The two gathered frequently with her family in the coastal city of La Guaira to celebrate milestones.

Their daughter arrived in 2019. Zelnays had a son, Santiago, 11, from a previous relationship. Family members said he was a talented soccer player who wanted to attend a specialized academy for the sport.

But their life in Venezuela grew more difficult as hyperinflation skyrocketed and the nation’s economy tumbled. So when her sister left for Peru, they followed.

“They had a vision, as young people do, for the life they wanted to live,” said Lizmar Farías, Zelnays’s cousin. “They wanted to help the family and build a house.”

After some time in Peru, they decided as a group they would have better luck realizing their goals in the United States.

The journey from Lima to the U.S. border with Mexico was difficult. In a group chat with relatives back home, they recounted sleeping on streets as they moved from one country to the next. When they reached Panama, they crossed the perilous Darien Gap, a jungle that is home to jaguars, anacondas and venomous insects. They told their family members that they sat in their tents terrified at night listening to the sounds of animals lurking nearby.

They’d managed to endure all of it by staying united, relatives said.

“They were always together,” Lizmar said. “In photo after photo, at the beach, in the city, at birthdays, they were inseparable.”

They reached the Mexican border with Texas early on Nov. 18, according to interviews with relatives and information from other migrants.

Francisco Contreras, director of the state civil protection services in Piedras Negras, remembers the soaring number of people trying to cross around that time. He said there were groups of 400 or 500 people gathering at different points along the riverbank. The width of the river near Eagle Pass is between 250 and 300 feet.

His team and Mexico’s migrant rescue squad, Grupos Beta, were repeatedly called to help pull screaming children and splashing adults from the water. He said they performed CPR on too many people for him to count.

“You know we always ask them why — why risk their children?” Contreras said. “And they always tell us, they’d rather die here, in this river, than back in their countries.”

Texas Department of Public Safety agents patrolling the river the day Angelica’s family crossed told Maverick County Sheriff’s deputies that about 200 migrants were attempting to cross together from Mexico, according to incident reports.

A group of migrants struggle to cross the Rio Grande at Eagle Pass on Nov. 18, 2023. (Video: Justin Hamel for Lighthouse Reports) [Go to link to see video.]


The family linked arms as a human chain and waded into the Rio Grande with other migrants. As they got deeper into the water, chaos ensued. The relatives got separated.

A Maverick County Sheriff’s Office incident report of the Farías family drowning states that 14 to 16 people “were visualized to have been taken by the river’s strong current.”

A woman who was traveling with the family later told Angelica’s relatives in Venezuela that she saw a man she didn’t recognize holding the child’s hand and leading her to Border Patrol agents. The child had been rescued after someone noticed her clinging to her father’s back. He was dead, and his body floated down the river toward the pecan farm.

Border agents patrolling the river on boats recovered Zelnays’s body from the water. She had a printout of the family’s CBP One registration email in her pocket. The bodies of her siblings, Thailyz and Robiet Farías, were found together near a cement plant’s boat ramp. Angelica’s brother, Santiago, is thought to be in a morgue in neighboring Webb County, but officials are awaiting DNA confirmation.

Word did not reach their relatives in Venezuela for 10 days. A migrant who had been traveling with the family sent them a message on Facebook.

In an instant, Norkys had lost five family members. She had reason to believe Angelica was still alive. But she had no idea how to find her.




A makeshift memorial is set up at a park along the Rio Grande in Piedras Negras, Mexico, on Sept. 26. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)


Angelica’s family in Venezuela scoured the internet for any information about the girl with dark eyes that they knew as “Caraota,” or bean.

Diplomatic relations between the United States and Venezuela are strained, so Norkys and her relatives had to rely on the International Red Cross and consular officials in Mexico to make inquiries. They called every Texas and Mexico number that might have information. For weeks, they could not figure out where she was.

But a worker at a funeral home in Eagle Pass had given them reason to hope. He told them that Angelica’s relatives were dead, but that officials had confirmed to him that she had indeed survived.

A month after her family drowned, Angelica surfaced in the U.S. immigration system. U.S. officials had taken her to a shelter for young unaccompanied migrants. With no relatives in the United States, child welfare advocates began arranging her return to Venezuela. It would take an additional eight months to bring her home.

During that time, the number of people crossing the Rio Grande dropped. Mexican authorities continued to stop migrants from reaching the river, and the Biden administration imposed new restrictions on applying for asylum over the summer.

But many migrants are still wading into the Rio Grande. Migrants interviewed at shelters in the Mexican state of Coahuila, across from Eagle Pass, said Texas troops have begun using rubber bullets and pepper balls to deter them. One pregnant woman showed a Post reporter marks on her belly where she said she had been hit. A spokesperson for the Texas Military Department said Operation Lone Star troops do not use rubber bullets or tear gas.




Angelica reunites with her family at the airport in Venezuela. (Video: Lizmar Farías)

Angelica flew home to Venezuela in August dressed in a pink top and jeans. Her curly black hair was tied up with a matching bow. Norkys and her mother’s cousins waited for her at the airport in Caracas.

When they saw her tiny figure walking through the terminal, they called out: “Caraota!” She turned in their direction and giggled nervously. When she got close, Norkys bent down so that Angelica could see her face up close.

Angelica studied her gray hair and brown eyes. Then she opened her arms. She nestled her face in Norkys’s neck and didn’t let go.


***

Charlotte Alfred, Ariadne Papagapitos, Jason Buch, Michael Gonzalez, Geysha Espirella, Carola Briceño, Jorge Luis Sierra, Priscila Cardenas, Cecilia Diaz, Imogen Piper and Jordan Lindbeck contributed to this report.

The Washington Post, El Universal and Lighthouse Reports spent a year collecting drowning data from every Texas county and Mexican state that lines the Rio Grande for the years 2017 to 2023.
Based on the research of academics, experts and reporters, we identified all the local, state and federal authorities in Mexico and the United States that collect reports or data on Rio Grande drownings. Reporters submitted requests to 165 different authorities in the two countries, ultimately obtaining data from 52 sources. Although challenges were encountered in the United States, data availability and completeness were particularly problematic in Mexico, where neither the federal Mexican Secretariat of Foreign Affairs nor the National Institute of Migration could provide usable data. Additionally, the municipality of Juárez did not provide any data. Decedent age was included in only 16 percent of the cases from Mexican sources.
Data from the U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s Border Safety Initiative Tracking System, which was checked against annual CBP figures, was obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests from Bryce Peterson of the Arizona-based humanitarian organization No More Deaths, University of Texas researcher Stephanie Leutert and from a request by journalist Gabriela Villegas that was published on MuckRock.
Because data came in different formats and layouts, all information was manually entered into standardized spreadsheets and then spot-checked for accuracy. It was deduplicated to remove cases where multiple agencies had reported the same death. To avoid overcounting, drownings that were one day apart, within 1 mile of each other or had spelling variations of the same name were considered matches for duplicate values.
We counted all deaths that occurred directly as a result of an attempt to cross the Rio Grande. This included cases where drowning was a contributing cause of death or where death occurred elsewhere, such as cases where a cardiac arrest triggered by drowning led to death in the hospital. One case in 2016 involved a fetus of 30-31 weeks gestational age who died as a result of the mother’s drowning.
We excluded deaths of U.S. nationals, as well as cases where bodies were recovered with signs of potential criminal involvement, such as gunshot wounds or mutilation.
If geographic coordinates were missing from reports, we geocoded by hand locations wherever possible. Reporters who had travelled to the area reviewed incident reports that used local landmarks or ranch owners’ names to describe a location. If a location was too large (such as a ranch that spans 10 miles along the river), no coordinates were assigned. Ultimately, 551 drownings reported by U.S. agencies were geolocated.
We plotted nearly 250 miles of security infrastructure – including fences, federal border walls, containers, and a floating buoy barrier – along the Rio Grande using satellite imagery through 2023 from Planet Explorer, Google Earth Pro and Maxar Technologies. We distinguished between federal and state infrastructure projects by cross-referencing satellite images with official statements, news reports and witness accounts, and compared satellite imagery from various dates to determine when each barrier was completed. Read the full methodology here.
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By Arelis R. HernándezArelis Hernández is a Texas-based border correspondent on the national desk working with the immigration team and roving the U.S. southern border. Hernández joined the Post in 2014 to cover politics and government on the local desk after spending four years as a breaking news and crime reporter at the Orlando Sentinel. follow on X@arelisrhdz

By Sarah CahlanSarah Cahlan is a video reporter and one of the founding members of the Visual Forensics team. Her work combines open source and forensic technologies with traditional journalism and documentary filmmaking. She shared in a Pulitzer Prize for her reporting on the Jan. 6 insurrection and a Dupont for her coverage of the clearing of Lafayette Square.follow on X@SarahCahlan