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Showing posts with label school board takeovers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label school board takeovers. Show all posts

Saturday, January 06, 2024

The ‘Southlake’ Podcast Is a Troubling Look at the Race Debate Tearing Apart a North Texas Suburb by Ian Dille

Friends:

Here is an honest reflection by author, Ian Dille, in the Texas Monthly on both his experiences as a white person growing up in Southlake public schools and the award-winning podcast, "Southlake." The series is centered on the virulent racism in this affluent, north Texas Carroll Independent School District that is undergoing demographic change. This is the same district that got national headlines for exposing a public school leader to balance the book on the Holocaust with opposing views. 

I concur with Dille's assessment of the podcast as "riveting and disturbing," taking the listener into the inner world of the district's school board politics that are in turn, about unabashed, unapologetic racism that has gotten so normalized that use of the "n-word" is simply how these wealthy kids talk. I don't know about you, but I grew up in conservative West Texas and I don't even think this way.

Did I hear it growing up? Yes, I did. And it was upsetting to me. Mexicans like myself grew up with racial slurs and we, too, were always made to think by white teachers and white people, generally, that we were inferior. It was baked into a school curriculum that excluded us—and largely excludes us today. 

In some reflections, I've referred to this as "the rejected self," born out of what I have termed, "subtractive cultural assimilation." My book, Subtractive Schooling, is fully about how these racial dynamics, albeit in a Houston high school, where I view these as features of everyday life for youth that work to disempower, as opposed to empower, them.

"Southlake" gives me that unsettling feeling that we're headed backwards as a society. I counterbalance that sentiment with the knowledge and awareness that we are nevertheless making positive strides and how this is good for Texas and the nation even if places like Southlake belie this. 

It would be incorrect to derive any conclusion that these racial dynamics are unique to Southlake, CISD. Rather the research suggests this to primarily be the case in middle-class, affluent districts undergoing rapid demographic change. 

I'll be focusing my own work this semester and in one class I'm teaching on school board and school district politics and policies and posting on the matter continuously. I'll have more to share. 

The podcast consists of 6 episodes that are between 30 and 42 minutes in length. It is well worth everybody's time. My husband and I listened to it in its entirety on a road trip we took a year ago. My students will listen to it, too. It's great for the college classroom.

A final comment is that it's hard for many white people to hear the truth of racism from Black and Brown people. They think we exaggerate or have a chip on our shoulder. It really does matter for writers like Ian Dille to put a face on white privilege and unaware racism.

We need more Ian Dilles in the world. Many more.

-Angela Valenzuela


The ‘Southlake’ Podcast Is a Troubling Look at the Race Debate Tearing Apart a North Texas Suburb

I grew up in Southlake and was mostly blind to the racism all around me. The NBC series changed my perspective.

By Ian Dille, Oct. 20, 2021 Texas Monthly

Host and NBC News correspondent Antonia Hylton reporting for the Southlake podcast.


In the fall of 1996, when I was a junior at Carroll High School in the North Texas suburb of Southlake, our football team faced off against Grapevine, the cross-town rival. Our team was all white; the Grapevine team was led by a Black wide receiver who would go on to play in the NFL. At the game, a group of Carroll students did something terrible: they began chanting the letters T-A-N-H-O, and one of them held up a sign bearing the same message. The acronym stood for “Tear a n—–’s head off.”  Only the student who held the sign was disciplined, and the punishment was mild: a two-week suspension from after-school activities and three days’ detention, according to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.

NBC News reporters Mike Hixenbaugh (a former investigative reporter at the Houston Chronicle) and Antonia Hylton uncovered this incident during their research for the riveting, disturbing new NBC News podcast, Southlake. The six-part show documents a bitter conflict, dating back to 2018, over efforts to implement diversity education in the Carroll Independent School District. Last week, Southlake was in the news for its latest scandal: as Hixenbaugh and Hylton reported, a high-ranking district administrator suggested during a training session that teachers include “other perspectives” on the Holocaust. Similar debates over how (or even if) to teach about race and religion are raging across the state and the country; in the podcast, Southlake comes across not so much as an extreme outlier, but as Anytown, USA. Listening to the series was an uncomfortable experience that forced me to reconsider my own privileged upbringing in Southlake and the racism around me that I’d been blind to as a white kid. The podcast also helped start long-overdue conversations with my family and friends. As so many Texans grapple with these painful issues, Southlake is a must-listen.  

My family moved to Southlake in 1990, from Berkeley, California. During my eight years in Carroll public schools, I became a proud Dragon, the school district’s mascot. My experience at school was positive: I ran for the high school cross-country team (today a national powerhouse) and adored our coach. My journalism teacher inspired me to pursue the field professionally. 

As I grew up, I also watched Southlake transform from a relatively rural area with working-class roots into a gilded suburb. On the farmland that became Southlake Town Square—a throwback “Main Street” now lined with high-end restaurants and shops—my friends and I once drove four-wheelers and rode horses. The community is now wealthier—the median household income is more than $240,000—and less white than it was during my time there. Over the last ten years, Southlake Carroll schools have seen an increase in Asian and Hispanic students and a decline in white students, from 88 percent of the school population in 2008 to 67 percent in 2018. During that time, the population of Black students has remained between 2 and 3 percent. The average SAT score at Carroll High School in 2019 was 27 percent higher than the state average, and according to the school’s website, “approximately 98 percent of Carroll’s seniors go on to attend a college or university.” I still look back on my time there fondly—but listening to Southlake helped me see how the comfort of this privileged bubble shaped some elements of my own cultural ignorance. 

Case in point: I don’t recall hearing about the T-A-N-H-O incident during my time in Southlake, nor did I notice other racist jokes or slurs. However, in the podcast, Black students and parents attest that such experiences have been commonplace for decades. Carroll ISD’s efforts to implement a diversity education plan began in 2018, after a viral video showed white Southlake students chanting the N-word. In response, the school board hosted an open forum at which Black residents gave painful testimony, explaining how the video exemplified a pattern of racist abuse. In one clip from Southlake, a mother describes a sixth-grade boy joking to her child, “How do you get a Black out of a tree? You cut the rope.”

For decades, Black residents in Southlake (and in other towns across the state and nation) had endured such comments. But now it seemed that real change might occur. The district selected a 63-person committee and tasked it with drafting a Cultural Competence Action Plan. The plan aimed to better educate Carroll ISD’s students and staff on issues of race, culture, sexual identity, gender, and more. It also called for accountability, evaluating the district’s progress on cultural literacy. A newly hired head of diversity would help implement the plan. After more than a year of work, the district released a first draft of the plan in the summer of 2020—amid a global pandemic, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder, and at the height of the U.S. presidential campaign. 

The reception was rocky, to put it mildly. Some parents praised the plan, saying it prepared students to succeed in an increasingly diverse world. A much more vocal group accused the school district of attempting to implement critical race theory and indoctrinate students with liberal and Marxist ideologies. Two school board trustees were indicted for violating the Texas Open Meetings Act—because they discussed an upcoming vote via text message—and a judge placed a temporary restraining order on the plan (an appeals court lifted the order last week). The formation of a well-funded conservative PAC, Southlake Families, turned a local election in May 2021 into a referendum on the Cultural Competence Action Plan—and Southlake’s future. Every candidate backed by the PAC won.

Through in-the-moment reporting, heartfelt interviews, and secret recordings, Hylton and Hixenbaugh weave an engrossing, troubling saga. A variety of compelling characters, including Black Dallas Cowboys players, lend emotional depth to the series. The first episode focuses on the experience of Robin Cornish, the wife of former Cowboys center Frank Cornish. Following Frank’s unexpected death from a heart attack in 2008, the city of Southlake honored his legacy of community engagement by naming a park after him. But in 2017, a memorial plaque at the park was defaced with the message “KKK w[ill] get You Black People.” That incident, along with numerous other racist indignities, led Robin to become a champion of the school’s diversity plan.

The Cowboys’ former defensive tackle and Super Bowl champion, Russell Maryland, also appears as a key member of the District Diversity Council, the group tasked with crafting the school district’s plan. Maryland is measured but passionate in discussing the cultural challenges facing Southlake. “The work is going to continue,” he says in episode five. “It has to, because our kids are reliant on us, and they’re the ones who are suffering. And if we don’t, they’ll continue to suffer.”

Listening to Maryland and Cornish speak up and describe their efforts to help Southlake do better, I felt inspired. It was also incredibly frustrating and heartbreaking to listen to them recount the vitriolic opposition to the diversity plan that they and others had worked so hard on. That same sense of heartbreak comes through in the voices of students who advocate for the plan. 

In episode two, we’re taken inside the Carroll High principal’s office. It’s 2019, and a seventeen-year-old student, Raven Rolle, who’s Black, has reported a white student for using the N-word. Fed up with the lack of support from school administrators, Rolle secretly records the meeting.  

The Texas drawl of principal Shawn Duhon gave me an odd sense of comfort, taking me back to my own—um, multiple—trips to the Carroll High principal’s office. Duhon attempts to provide a teachable moment, but clearly lacks the training, tools, and language to effectively address the conflict. In the principal’s office, the white student tells Rolle, “To me, it’s just a word.” Rolle is understandably upset, replying, “Because you’re white!” Instead of immediately correcting the offending student, Duhon tries to calm Rolle and advises her on navigating future racist incidents. “When you see ignorance like that, you can’t let them take your joy,” Duhon says.  

The notion that Black residents should assimilate to Southlake’s culture, and not the other way around, comes to the fore in episode three, when impassioned parents speak out against the district’s proposed diversity plan at a school board meeting. They echo points made by some Black scholars, such as linguist John McWhorter, who’s argued that singling out people of color as victims diminishes them and their ability to succeed. In the podcast, we hear from many well-meaning parents (from a range of ethnic backgrounds) who insist that race is not a barrier, to an extent that limits further conversations about race, diversity, and culture. One father tells the school board that his eight- and eleven-year-old-children “have never heard the N-word,” and expresses concern his kids will learn a bad word as part of Southlake Carroll’s diversity-education efforts. “You know where they’re going to hear the N-word from? You. You guys. You guys are going to teach my kids what the N-word is,” the father says. He doesn’t seem to have considered the possibility that he could use the debate as an opportunity to talk with his kids and teach them himself.

That’s what I tried to do, however imperfectly and awkwardly, with my own family after listening to the Southlake series. As I discussed the podcast with my mom while prepping for a Sunday dinner, my eight-year-old son lifted his head from his Legos and asked, “Dad, what’s the N-word?” Later that evening, my wife and I told him about the word, what it meant, and why he shouldn’t use it. Talking to my sister, who is Black, ten years older than me, and never lived in Southlake, I learned she “never felt comfortable” when she came to visit. She reminded me that when I was eleven, the owners of a Southlake horse-riding school gave me a Confederate flag to carry in a town parade. My parents politely requested a different flag.

Southlake effectively shows how the Texas Republican party helped sow divisions over the diversity plan. In a speech to Southlake residents, former Texas GOP chairman Allen West urged the audience to welcome new neighbors with a pecan pie, and then inquire about the newcomers’ political ideologies, asking, “Now, why are you here?” In another secret recording in episode five, the Southlake Families PAC vets school board candidates. The questions, including “Who did you vote for in the 2020 presidential election?” are unrelated to the nonpartisan duties of the school board. 

But it’s not just political parties that have something to gain from this divisive framing. The dramatic tone of NBC’s storytelling forced me to reflect on the role of the media in fanning the flames of so-called culture wars. The series frequently uses the language of war to characterize the conflict as a “fight” or “battle,” casting those for the diversity plan and those against it as “warring parties.” Winners are pitted against losers, with little discussion of how to find common ground. This problem is bigger than any one podcast or news report.

There are signs of progress, however. Sources ranging from Harvard professors to PBS Kids are offering guidance on educating children about race. In the spring of 2020, the Texas State Board of Education unanimously approved African American Studies as a high school elective, exposing thousands of students to a more complete view of Black history.  

Whether progress is happening in Southlake is less clear. If anything, the district may be continuing to veer toward the far right. In the podcast’s bonus episode, a school board member who recently stepped down reveals that a revision of the diversity plan removed much of the language around “microaggressions,” a term many Southlake residents opposed. A judge lifted the temporary restraining order on the Cultural Competence Action Plan last Thursday, and sent the lawsuit alleging that school board members violated the Open Meetings Act back to trial court for further review. The current Carroll ISD school board can now move forward with revisions, approval, and implementation of the diversity plan. However, such movement appears unlikely.

In the May election, candidates endorsed by the Southlake Families PAC won school board seats by a seventy-to-thirty margin. Rather than working to increase students’ cultural literacy, the school district has begun restricting educational materials available to students.

A parent holds a sign during a meeting of the Carroll ISD school board on May 3, 2021. Some attendees protested the district’s diversity plan.Courtesy of NBC News


At the start of the 2021 school year, the newly installed school board members formally reprimanded a fourth-grade teacher after a student checked out This Book Is Anti-Racist by author Tiffany Jewell from the classroom library. The incident created confusion and concern among Southlake teachers, who were told to close their classroom libraries until their books could be vetted. In protest, some teachers strung caution tape and black paper across their bookshelves. 

Resistance to conversations about race is nothing new to Southlake. Back in 1996, following the T-A-N-H-O incident, one of my few Black classmates and his family members called out the school district in an article that appeared in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. The family banded together with 26 other Black families in Southlake, and the group requested a meeting with the superintendent. But the superintendent refused to meet with them collectively, saying, as summarized by the Star-Telegram, that “the incidents were isolated and do not reflect the attitudes of all Carroll High School students.”

During my time at Carroll, teachers rarely discussed race and privilege in class. Lessons about Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil rights movement were presented in historical context, divorced from our current reality—for example, the 1991 beating of Rodney King. Representation in the form of Black educators and administrators was minimal to nonexistent. And after graduating, I entered the world lacking empathy. When I initially failed to get into the University of Texas at Austin, I felt wronged by the state’s newly enacted “top 10 percent” rule (a replacement for affirmative action), and complained that kids from poorer, less-competitive school districts got an advantage. 

There’s a telling moment in the final episode of Southlake, when Hylton interviews newly installed superintendent Lane Ledbetter, the son of legendary Southlake football coach and athletic director Bob Ledbetter. Hylton asks him, “Is there racism in Southlake, and in Carroll ISD?” 

Ledbetter is caught off guard, momentarily speechless. “I didn’t know that was going to be asked,” he says, and then pivots to an unrelated talking point. It’s clear that he, as well as Southlake more broadly, still isn’t quite ready to answer that simple query.

Saturday, August 27, 2022

NBC NEWS: HOW A FAR-RIGHT, CHRISTIAN CELLPHONE COMPANY ‘TOOK OVER’ FOUR TEXAS SCHOOL BOARDS

Check out this news story about how Steve Bannon is behind the taking over of four school boards in search of theocracy where Christian values get explicitly taught in public schools. They're pushing back on "critical race theory and other “woke” ideologies" as if these have ever actually been taught in K-12 public schools, especially CRT which is barely and only somewhat taught in higher education. 

This extremist movement that promotes defensive teaching and ultimately, ignorance, is indifferent to actual racism and is thusly a retrenchment of white supremacist politics of whiteness and white people not wanting to be accountable to racial or other forms of systemic inequality in the U.S. Despite this ideological overlay, these are not at all Christian values. 

Jesus himself wan't a white man. Nor was he a monolingual English speaker. And no one can prove that God is white or male.

The ironies...

-Angela Valenzuela


 

NBC NEWS: HOW A FAR-RIGHT, CHRISTIAN CELLPHONE COMPANY ‘TOOK OVER’ FOUR TEXAS SCHOOL BOARDS

 

Patriot Mobile markets itself as “America’s only Christian conservative wireless provider.” Now the Trump-aligned company is on a mission to win control of Texas school boards.

 

By Mike Hixenbaugh

 

Please Credit: NBC News – For Story Link, Click Here

Karl Meek went to a Grapevine-Colleyville Independent School District board of trustees meeting Monday wearing a T-shirt with the district’s name, GCISD, crossed out and replaced with the words “Patriot Mobile Action ISD” to protest the political action committee’s influence over the school system.Emil T. Lippe for NBC News

 

DALLAS — A little more than a year after former Trump adviser Steve Bannon declared that conservatives needed to win seats on local school boards to “save the nation,” he used his conspiracy theory-fueled TV program to spotlight Patriot Mobile, a Texas-based cellphone company that had answered his call to action.

 

“The school boards are the key that picks the lock,” Bannon said during an interview with Patriot Mobile’s president, Glenn Story, from the floor of the Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, in Dallas on Aug. 6. “Tell us about what you did.”

 

Story turned to the camera and said, “We went out and found 11 candidates last cycle and we supported them, and we won every seat. We took over four school boards.”

 

“Eleven seats on school boards, took over four!” Bannon shouted as a crowd of CPAC attendees erupted in applause.

 

It was a moment of celebration for an upstart company whose leaders say they are on a mission from God to restore conservative Christian values at all levels of government — especially in public schools. To carry out that calling, the Grapevine-based company this year created a political action committee, Patriot Mobile Action, and gave it more than $600,000 to spend on nonpartisan school board races in the Fort Worth suburbs.

 

This spring, the PAC blanketed the communities of Southlake, Keller, Grapevine and Mansfield with thousands of political mailers warning that sitting school board members were endangering students with critical race theory and other “woke” ideologies. Patriot Mobile presented its candidates as patriots who would “keep political agendas out of the classroom.”

 

Their candidates won every race, and nearly four months later, those Patriot Mobile-backed school boards have begun to deliver results.

 

The Keller Independent School District made national headlines this month after the school board passed a new policy that led the district to abruptly pull more than 40 previously challenged library books off shelves for further review, including a graphic adaptation of Anne Frank’s “The Diary of a Young Girl,” as well as several LGBTQ-themed novels. 

 

In the neighboring city of Southlake, Patriot Mobile donated framed posters that read “In God We Trust” to the Carroll Independent School District during a special presentation before the school board. Under a new Texas law, the district is now required to display the posters prominently in each of its school buildings. Afterward, Patriot Mobile celebrated the donation in a blog post titled “Putting God Back Into Our Schools.”

 

And this week at a tense, eight-hour school board meeting, the Grapevine-Colleyville Independent School District’s board of trustees voted 4-3 to implement a far-reaching set of policies that restrict how teachers can discuss race and gender. The new policies also limit the rights of transgender and nonbinary students to use bathrooms and pronouns that correspond with their genders. And the board made it easier for parents to ban library books dealing with sexuality.

 

To protest the changes, some parents came to the meeting wearing T-shirts with the school district’s name, GCISD, crossed out and replaced with the words “Patriot Mobile Action ISD.”

 

“They bought four school boards, and now they’re pulling the strings,” said Rachel Wall, the mother of a Grapevine-Colleyville student and vice president of the Texas Bipartisan Alliance, a nonprofit dedicated to supporting school board candidates who do not have partisan agendas. “I’m a Christian by faith, but if I wanted my son to be in a religious school, I would pay for him to go to a private school.”

 

Patriot Mobile officials didn’t respond to messages requesting comment. Leigh Wambsganss, executive director of Patriot Mobile Action and vice president of government and media affairs at Patriot Mobile, declined to speak with a reporter at CPAC, saying she did not trust NBC News to accurately report on the company’s political activism. In a social media post days later, she called the journalist’s interview request harassment, adding, “I don’t interview with reporters I don’t trust.”

 

In recent interviews with conservative media outlets, Wambsganss has said that Patriot Mobile’s goal is to install school board members who will oppose the teaching of “LGBTQ ideologies,” fight to remove “pornographic books,” and stand against school anti-racism initiatives, which she and her supporters have argued indoctrinate children with anti-white and anti-American views.

 

“You know, the sad thing is there is real racism, and that is really a terrible thing,” Wambsganss said in a June appearance on the Mark Davis Show, a conservative talk radio program that broadcasts in the Dallas region. “But they’re watering down and devaluing that word so bad that it’s become meaningless.”

 

In that same interview, Wambsganss made clear that Patriot Mobile views its political activism as a religious calling — and that the group’s electoral success this spring was just the beginning.  

 

“We’re not here on this earth to please man — we’re here to please God,” Wambsganss said, adding later in the interview, “Ultimately we want to expand to other counties, other states and be in every state across the nation.”

 

‘Make America Christian Again’

Founded about a decade ago, Patriot Mobile markets itself as “America’s only Christian conservative wireless provider,” which includes a pledge to donate a portion of users’ monthly bills to conservative causes.

 

Initially, Patriot Mobile’s founders said their goal was to support groups and politicians who promised to oppose abortion, defend religious freedom, protect gun rights and support the military.

 

After the 2016 presidential election, the company’s branding shifted further to the right and embraced Trump’s style of politics. One of Patriot Mobile’s most famous advertisements includes the slogan “Making Wireless Great Again,” alongside an image of Trump’s face photoshopped onto a tanned, muscled body holding a machine gun.

 

That approach has drawn the support of some big names on the right.

 

“You can give your money to AT&T, the parent company of CNN, and you can pay the salary of Don Lemon, or you can support someone like a Patriot Mobile and give back to causes that they believe in,” Donald Trump Jr. said from the stage at a CPAC gathering in February. “That’s not cancel culture, folks. That’s using your damn brain.”

 

Patriot Mobile has also aligned itself in recent years with political and religious leaders who promote a once-fringe strand of Christian theology that experts say has grown more popular on the right in recent years. Dominionism, sometimes referred to as the Seven Mountains Mandate, is the belief that Christians are called on to dominate the seven key “mountains” of American life, including business, media, government and education.

 

John Fea, a professor of American history at the private, Christian Messiah University in Pennsylvania, has spent years studying Seven Mountains theology. Fea said the idea that Christians are called on to assert biblical values across all aspects of American society has been around for decades on the right, but “largely on the fringe.”

 

Trump’s election changed that.

 

“It fits very well with the ‘Make America Great Again’ mantra,” Fea said. “‘Make America Great Again’ to them means, ‘Make America Christian Again,’ restore America to its Christian roots.”

 

Patriot Mobile appears to have embraced that shift, Fea said.

 

Beginning a year ago, one of the leading proponents of the Seven Mountains worldview, Rafael Cruz, a pastor, began leading weekly Bible studies for employees at Patriot Mobile’s corporate office, which the company films and posts on YouTube.

 

In a recent Patriot Mobile sermon, Cruz — the father of U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas — dismissed the concept of separation of church and state as a myth, arguing that America’s founders meant that ideal as a “one-way wall” preventing the government from interfering with the church, not preventing the church from influencing the government.

 

He then called on people who “are rooted in the righteousness of the word of God” to run for public office.

 

“If those people are not running for office, if they are not even voting, then what’s left?” Cruz said. “The wicked electing the wicked.”

 

Cruz didn’t respond to a message requesting an interview.

 

Beginning last year, after opposition to “critical race theory” emerged as a political attack on the right, Fea said he began to observe another shift in the Christian Dominionism movement.

 

Rather than focusing primarily on winning federal elections, these groups started talking about the need to take control of public schools — “the ideal battleground,” Fea said, “if you’re looking to fight this battle.”

 

“This is a spiritual war, they believe, against demonic forces that undermine a godly nation by teaching kids in school that America is not great, America is not a city on the hill or that America has flaws,” Fea said. “If you can get in and teach the right side of history, and social studies and civics lessons about what America is, you can win the next generation and save America for Christ.”

 

‘Saving our public schools’

 

Patriot Mobile’s unconventional business strategy appears to be paying off. 

 

Without providing specific numbers, the company said it doubled its subscriber base in 2021, and as a result, it planned to give more than $1.5 million to conservative causes in 2022, triple the amount from the year prior. 

 

In January, the company filed documents to establish Patriot Mobile Action and brought on Wambsganss to lead it — a strong signal that the company was planning to get involved in school board politics.

 

Wambsganss, a long-time political activist, had earned national acclaim among conservatives in 2021 for her work as one of the co-founders of Southlake Families PAC, another group that promotes itself as “unapologetically rooted in Judeo-Christian values.” When the Carroll school system in Southlake unveiled a diversity plan to crack down on racism and anti-LGBTQ bullying in the majority white school district, Southlake Families, under Wambsganss’ leadership, raised hundreds of thousands of dollars to support a slate of school board candidates who promised to kill the plan.

 

After winning every race by a landslide, the PAC’s success was celebrated on Fox News and in The Wall Street Journal, prompting former Texas GOP Chairman Allan West to urge Southlake Families leaders to “export this to every single major suburban area in the United States of America.”

 

At the helm of the newly established Patriot Mobile Action, Wambsganss got to work achieving that goal this spring, starting first with some suburban school systems close to home. 

 

In interviews with conservative outlets, Wambsganss has said she and her team zeroed in on four North Texas independent school districts — Keller, Grapevine-Colleyville, Mansfield and Carroll — that had implemented or considered policies dealing with race, sexuality and gender that she and other Christian conservatives found objectionable.

 

After interviewing candidates in each district, Patriot Mobile Action settled on a slate of 11 who pledged to support conservative causes. Following the playbook from Southlake, the PAC hired a pair of heavy-hitter GOP consulting firms that had worked on campaigns for Ted Cruz and Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin — bringing sophisticated national-level political strategies to local school board races.

 

Patriot Mobile paid Vanguard Field Strategies nearly $150,000 to run get-out-the-vote canvassing operations across the four school districts, according to financial disclosures. The PAC paid another $240,000 to Axiom Strategies to produce and send tens of thousands of political mailers to homes across North Texas.

 

One flyer sent to Mansfield residents baselessly blamed a recent classroom shooting at a local high school on critical race theory-inspired disciplinary policies and accused the district of putting “woke” politics ahead of the safety of children.

 

A Patriot Mobile mailer sent in Grapevine and Colleyville endorsed two board candidates who the PAC said would oppose critical race theory, an academic study of systemic racism that, according to the flyer, “violates everything patriots believe in.”

 

And Patriot Mobile sent flyers endorsing three candidates in Keller under the slogan, “Saving America starts with saving our public schools.”

 

After all of Patriot Mobile’s candidates won, the company celebrated the victories in a blog post that also included a justification for its decision to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars on nonpartisan local elections.

 

“While the media today wishes to demonize conservative activism in local races, the truth is that liberal activists have been pouring countless dollars into local politics for many years,” the post said, citing past school board candidate donations from a New York-based nonprofit that advocates for equity in education, as well as one $35,000 donation to a candidate in the Dallas suburbs from a Democratic political action committee in 2021. “Conservative activism at the local level is long overdue.”

 

At CPAC in August, Bannon asked Wambsganss and Story on his “War Room” TV show whether they had started to see changes in the four school districts.

 

“Oh, tremendous,” Wambsganss said. “Those 11 seats in four ISDs means that now North Texas has over 100,000 students who, before May, had leftist leadership. Now they have conservative leadership.”

 

Bannon replied, “Amen.”

 

‘This is not love’

 

On Monday night, North Texas residents got a front-row seat for what it looks like when Patriot Mobile takes over a school board. 

 

Just 72-hours before the meeting, the Grapevine-Colleyville school district had unveiled a sweeping 36-page policy touching on virtually every aspect of the culture wars over race, gender and sexuality that have dominated school politics since last year.

 

Under the policy, teachers are prohibited from discussing any concepts related to or inspired by critical race theory or what the policy refers to as “systemic discrimination ideologies.” The policy gives school employees the right to refer to trans and nonbinary students by pronouns and names matching the ones they were assigned at birth — a practice known as misgendering or deadnaming — even if the student’s parents support their child’s gender expression. And the policy prohibits any reading materials and classroom discussions dealing with “gender fluidity,” which the document defines as any belief that “espouses the view that biological sex is merely a social construct.”

 

Tammy Nakamura, one of the board members backed by Patriot Mobile, said the board’s 4-3 vote to adopt the policy fulfilled her campaign promise “to put an end to adults pushing their worldviews, whims and fantasies onto unsuspecting children.”

 

Although some members of the board majority and their supporters argued that the policy merely brought the district in line with state and federal laws, Kate Huddleston, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas, said the plan goes well beyond the state’s anti-CRT law and appears to be in violation of federal civil rights statutes that protect students from discrimination on the basis of their gender and sexuality.

 

“This is the most extreme board policy that we have seen related to classroom censorship,” Huddleston said.

 

Debate over the policy turned Monday’s school board meeting into a political circus.

 

The Patriot Mobile-aligned True Texas Project, which has been labeled as an anti-government extremist group by the Southern Poverty Law Center, called on its supporters to pack the meeting and turn it into a party celebrating the new policy. The group set up tents hours beforehand and tailgated in the parking lot, along with an anti-trans activist group whose leader was suspended from Twitter this year after she wrote, “Let’s start rounding up people who participate in pride events,” referring to LGBTQ rights celebrations.

 

Nearly 200 people signed up to speak during public comments prior to the board vote. 

 

One man who spoke in support of the new policy urged the board majority to “fight like hell” and “hold the ground against the LGBT mafia and their dang pedo fans” — echoing false claims by some Christian conservatives in recent months that queer educators have been trying to sexually groom children.

 

“And guess what,” the man shouted into the microphone, “teachers shouldn’t be forced to use your freakin’ made up fantasy pronouns!”

 

Another resident who spoke in support of the policy said one of the things that made America great was “schools that taught kids to read and know the Bible, and recite the Constitution.” She commended the school board for working to restore those ideals. 

 

“Our kids have to be taught our foundation,” she said. “Our foundation of God-given inalienable rights, religious freedoms, individualism, democracy and a free market.”

 

Later, a mom told the board she supported banning classroom discussions of “gender fluidity” because, she said, when her child started identifying as a girl, Grapevine-Colleyville teachers provided the student with information affirming that gender expression. As a result, the mother said, choking up as a beeper signaled that her time had expired, “I lost my son.”

 

Nobody from Patriot Mobile spoke at the meeting. In a recent talk radio interview, Wambsganss said she and her team were busy mapping out their plans for replicating what they achieved in districts like Grapevine-Colleyville in communities across Texas.

 

A majority of those who did comment during Monday’s meeting said they opposed the policy changes, including one father who accused Grapevine-Colleyville board members of being beholden to Patriot Mobile. “The result,” he said, “is our kids are being forced to act as pawns in their political game.”

 

A high school student who identified as LGBTQ told the board she feared that the new policy would make queer students — who are four times as likely to contemplate suicide — feel even more alienated. “Help my friends,” she said. “Don’t tell them that they should be erased.”

 

One mother, a former teacher, turned to scripture to explain her opposition to the school district’s new direction under Patriot Mobile’s influence. She said she was worried about LGBTQ students and children from other marginalized groups.

 

Paraphrasing Jesus, she said, “They will know us by our love.”

 

“When I read about the policies and I watch and attend school board meetings,” the woman said, “I keep thinking, ‘This is not love.’”