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Showing posts with label woke ideology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label woke ideology. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 17, 2025

C. Wright Mills Warned Us: The 'End of Ideology' is a Trap, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

C. Wright Mills Warned Us: The 'End of Ideology' is a Trap

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.
December 17, 2025/Updated Dec. 20, 2025

You may view and listen to this blog on my Youtube Vlog here (also posted below).

In 1960, renowned, Waco, Texas-born, sociologist C. Wright Mills offered an incisive warning in his widely-read essay Letter to the New Left.”  When powerful actors declare that ideology has ended, Mills argued, they are not transcending politics but actively protecting existing power relations by reframing them as “civil,” “neutral,” and—today—these might be claimed as the remedy for “wokeness.”

In other words, claims of post-ideology enforce political conformity. The assertion that we have moved beyond ideology is itself ideological—one that disguises power as reasonableness and suppresses structural critique in the name of balance (Mills, 1960). 

A prolific and highly influential writer, Mills' classic texts that are still read in many college classrooms today are The Power Elite (1959) and The Sociological Imagination (1959/2000).

While Mills' letter was not to Americans, but rather to address authoritarianism in Eastern bloc countries like Hungary and Poland, as well as Latin America (Menand, 2021), his warning nevertheless speaks directly to our current moment in higher education, where accusations of “ideological tribalism” and “political indoctrination” are routinely invoked to justify state intervention.

Texas’s SB 17 and SB 37, along with a growing wave of anti-DEI legislation nationwide, are framed as responses to an alleged crisis in the academy. Mills asks us to beware of crisis rhetoric about the academy.

We are told universities have been overtaken by ideology, that classrooms have become politicized, and that the remedy lies in restoring objectivity, neutrality, and balance. But as Mills insisted, facts severed from structure are not neutral. They are fragments—even fragments of fact—that obscure power rather than illuminate it.

Hence, beyond the essential work of research, teaching, mentoring, and publishing, our responsibility as professors, scholars, researchers, and public intellectuals is to connect the dots—to expose patterns of inequality, name structures, and make power relations visible.

What he called the “end-of-ideology” posture was not the absence of politics but its concealment. It allowed criticism only in pieces, never in patterns; permitted facts but forbade their connection; tolerated dissent so long as it never rose to the level of structural analysis. 

Mills argued that all public thinking of consequence is ideological because it necessarily involves judgments about institutions, authority, and human values. 

This, Mills warned, is how democratic debate quietly dies. Throughout his writings, Mills was preoccupied not simply with economic inequality but with the concentration of power among elites and the strategies through which they sustain and reproduce the existing social structure.

In Mills’ terms, claims of crisis function as ideological instruments. 

They frame the university not as a site of inquiry and deliberation, but as a problem to be managed, disciplined, and re-aligned with state priorities. Under this logic, teaching about race, gender, colonialism, or power is recast as partisan excess, while laws that restrict such teaching are presented as neutral safeguards of objectivity. When those in power declare an “end of ideology,” Mills showed, what they are really demanding is compliance with their own.

This rhetoric of reasonableness—measured in tone, managerial in posture, and deeply political in effect—isolates facts from structures and treats conflict as aberration rather than evidence. It forecloses the very questions universities exist to ask. The supposed crisis thus becomes a justification for intervention: curriculum oversight, faculty discipline, and the dismantling of DEI infrastructures under the banner of restoring balance.

SB 17 does not ban speech outright; it bans connection. SB 37 does not eliminate academic freedom; it conditions it. Together, they regulate how knowledge may be assembled, which histories may be contextualized, and whether patterns of inequality may be named as systemic rather than incidental. This is precisely the condition Mills warned against: a public sphere in which ideology is disavowed even as it is rigorously enforced.

Mills was especially clear about what happens when traditional democratic channels grow brittle or complicit. In such moments, the responsibility to name public issues does not disappear—it shifts to students, educators, writers, and cultural workers. Their refusal of apathy is not extremism; it is the lifeblood of democratic life. Universities are not endangered by ideological conflict; they are endangered by enforced quietism.

If there is a crisis in higher education today, it is not one of excessive ideology. It is a crisis of suppressed imagination. Mills’ lesson remains urgent: when power demands neutrality, we must ask whose values are being protected—and whose truths are being rendered unspeakable.

Reference

Menand, L. (2021, March 15). The making of the New Left: The movement inspired young people to believe that they could transform themselves—and America. The New Yorkerhttps://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/03/22/the-making-of-the-new-left

Mills, C. W. (1960). Letter to the New Left. In Power, politics and people: The collected essays of C. Wright Mills (pp. 227–246). Oxford University Press.

Mills, C. W. (1959/2000). The sociological imagination. Oxford University Press. [downloadable pdf]

Mills, C. W. (1959). The power elite. Oxford University Press. [downloadable pdf]


Visit my Youtube Vlog here.


Wednesday, May 21, 2025

Texas attorney general investigates Austin ISD for allegedly teaching ‘critical race theory’ By Becky Fogel, May 6, from KUT News

 Friends:

While Texas Atty. General Ken Paxton wages war against so-called “woke ideology,” Texas public schools are grappling with real and urgent crises—crippling teacher shortages, chronic underfunding, unmet special education needs, and per-student funding levels that haven’t budged since 2019. Rather than confronting these systemic failures, state leaders are squandering public resources chasing phantom violations and vilifying educators for doing the hard work of truth-telling.

This is not just legal overreach—it’s an ideological witch hunt similar to McCarthyism and Red Scare and a willful abandonment of the state’s constitutional obligation to ensure a quality public education for every child.

-Angela Valenzuela

Texas attorney general investigates Austin ISD for allegedly teaching ‘critical race theory’

His office plans to depose the superintendent and others as part of an investigation into whether the district is using teaching materials linked to the “1619 Project,” which was banned in Texas public schools 2021.


Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, seen here in 2018, is investigating whether Austin ISD is using teaching materials linked to the "1619 Project," which the state banned in 2021. Jorge Sanhueza Lyon / KUT News


By Becky Fogel, KUT NewsMay 6, 2025 3:34 pm

From KUT News:

This story has been updated.

Attorney General Ken Paxton is seeking to depose Austin ISD’s superintendent and school board members as part of an investigation into whether the district is teaching critical race theory.

The AG’s office alleges the district is using curricula related to the “The 1619 Project,” which recenters U.S. history around the impact of slavery and the contributions of Black Americans. It was created by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones.

Gov. Greg Abbott signed a bill in 2021 that banned the use of “The 1619 Project” in Texas public schools and sought to restrict how educators talk about race and racism in the classroom. Abbott and other Republicans said they wanted to prevent schools from teaching critical race theory, which was developed in the 1970s and 1980s to examine the ongoing effects of racism on U.S. institutions.

In a news release Monday, the AG’s office said it was “made aware of an Austin ISD official making statements implying that they were using curricula and teaching material linked to the 1619 Project.”

“My office has begun the legal process to depose Austin ISD leaders, and we will fully investigate the district’s policies involving the teaching of illegal CRT curriculum to make sure state law is enforced,” Paxton said in a statement. “I will continue to work tirelessly to ensure that Texas school officials are focused on helping students receive a world-class education, not subject them to liberal, anti-American ideology.”

The petition from the AG’s office pointed to two “undercover interviews” Accuracy in Media, a conservative group, conducted with two different Austin ISD employees in 2021 and 2022. The AG’s office claims both interviews indicate the district may have an “unwritten policy” to get around the state’s ban on teaching critical race theory.

One of the interviews was with Stephanie Hawley, the former chief officer of organizational transformation, who announced her retirement last month. The AG’s office alleges in the petition that Hawley, who was Austin ISD’s equity officer at the time, said the district used the instructional platform Newsela to “introduce different viewpoints into the classroom” and that it lets the district “stay out of trouble with the Legislature.”

Newsela gives teachers access to news-based articles and videos. The AG’s office said some of the content available through the platform is linked to “The 1619 Project.”

“Dr. Hawley’s subsequent promotion to the District’s Chief Officer for Organizational Transformation from November 2023 through March 2025, combined with her long history of promoting ‘equity’ in the District, raise an even greater concern that her influence in reshaping the district may have entrenched an attitude of promoting Critical Race Theory while ‘staying out of trouble with the Legislature’ throughout the District’s policies and culture,” the petition states.

A spokesperson for Austin ISD said the district does not comment on pending litigation.

Daphne Hoffacker, the advocacy chair for the Austin Council of PTAs, criticized the investigation. She said Paxton, who is running against incumbent John Cornyn in a Republican primary for the U.S. Senate, is going after the district to win political points.

“Ken Paxton is running for Senate and both CRT — this nebulous term he uses to describe any anti-bigotry efforts — and his attacks on public schools are red meat to his ever-dwindling base,” she said. “This is nothing but a distraction and a waste of public resources.”

Hoffacker added the district has complied with requirements from the state.

“His investigation will find Austin has some of the most dedicated educators in the country,” she said.

David DeMatthews, a professor in UT Austin’s College of Education, said critical race theory is not taught in K-12 schools, but rather at the graduate level. He added that Republican officials have not been able to clearly define what it is.

“There has been this attack on CRT in schools without really any evidence from any politicians that CRT is actually being taught,” he said. “This just looks like one more unwarranted attack, not based on any evidence, that’s just a public spectacle that will undermine public education even further.”

DeMatthews said Texas has more pressing problems to solve when it comes to education — from the teacher shortage to improving academic achievement and providing special education services.

“I think this is just one of a long line of embarrassing moves by the state of Texas to undermine its constitutional duty to provide a quality public education to every student,” he said. “It’s unimaginable that this is where we’re at.”

DeMatthews said elected officials should be focused on increasing state funding for public schools, which have not seen an increase in the base level of per-student funding since 2019.

Austin ISD is not the only district Paxton has accused of teaching critical race theory. In March, his office sued Coppell ISD, outside Dallas. A video cited in that lawsuit also came from Accuracy in Media.

The school district filed a counterclaim on April 1 seeking sanctions against the AG’s office. Lawyers for the district argued the suit was “frivolous, unreasonable, and without foundation.” They said the video was “heavily edited and manipulated” and took comments a Coppell ISD administrator made out of context, making them “grossly misleading.”

The district asserted Paxton’s lawsuit was meant to harass public school officials and was filed to coincide with the current legislative session, during which school funding is at stake.

The AG’s office and Coppell ISD jointly filed a request this month to dismiss the original lawsuit and counterclaim. A judge has yet to sign off on the proposed order.

Paxton, however, issued a statement Tuesday to announce that the case had been resolved.

“Every school district must follow the law, and Coppell ISD is no exception,” he said. “The District made the right decision by working with my office to ensure that anti-American critical race theory is not taught in classrooms. I call on all school districts to voluntarily act to stop woke ideology from being forced on Texas kids, and if they don’t then I’ll see them in court.”

KUT News reached out to the AG’s office for more details on the allegations against Austin ISD and when school officials could be deposed.

Correction: This story previously stated Paxton sued Coppell ISD last month, but the lawsuit was filed in March.


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Saturday, September 23, 2023

Federal grant pays $126K salary of Florida official who pushes DeSantis education agenda

The U.S. Department of Education should respond to requests for comment on how federal funds are being used in Florida. After all, the far-right seeks to abolish the department.

-Angela Valenzuela

Federal grant pays $126K salary of Florida official who pushes DeSantis education agenda

PUBLISHED:  | UPDATED: 

A new Florida Department of Education employee who’s reaching out to conservative school board members makes $126,000 a year, a salary funded by a federal grant designed to boost “well-rounded educational opportunities,” health and safety and effective use of technology.

Terry Stoops was tapped in April to head the department’s new office of Academically Successful and Resilient Districts. Most of his contacts during his first months on the job were to school board members who’d been endorsed by Gov. Ron DeSantis and representatives of conservative groups, his emails and calendar show.

In April, for example, he met several school board members at a “Learn Right” summit in Sarasota spearheaded by a founder of Moms for Liberty, the conservative group launched in Florida and focused on schools.

He emailed more than a dozen school board members endorsed by the governor in the 2022 election cycle and others who had the backing of Moms for Liberty, including Alicia Farrant, elected to the Orange County School Board in November.

And in May, Stoops met with the Herzog Foundation; its goal is “Advancing Christian Education.”

The education department did not respond to several requests for information about Stoops’ role or how his work meshed with the purpose of the federal grant. In an email, spokeswoman Cassie Palelis only said Stoops was a contract employee “offering day-to-day guidance and best practices” to school board members and superintendents.

After this story published online Friday, Education Commissioner Manny Diaz responded on X, formerly Twitter, with “Cry More!”

The U.S. Department of Education did not respond to a request for comment on Florida’s use of the federal funds.

DeSantis, who is running for president, told Fox News in June that if elected he would try to abolish the federal education department and other agencies. If Congress would not approve doing that, “I’m going to use those agencies to push back against woke ideology and against the leftism we see creeping into all institutions of American life,” he said in that interview on June 28.

Saturday, August 27, 2022

NBC NEWS: HOW A FAR-RIGHT, CHRISTIAN CELLPHONE COMPANY ‘TOOK OVER’ FOUR TEXAS SCHOOL BOARDS

Check out this news story about how Steve Bannon is behind the taking over of four school boards in search of theocracy where Christian values get explicitly taught in public schools. They're pushing back on "critical race theory and other “woke” ideologies" as if these have ever actually been taught in K-12 public schools, especially CRT which is barely and only somewhat taught in higher education. 

This extremist movement that promotes defensive teaching and ultimately, ignorance, is indifferent to actual racism and is thusly a retrenchment of white supremacist politics of whiteness and white people not wanting to be accountable to racial or other forms of systemic inequality in the U.S. Despite this ideological overlay, these are not at all Christian values. 

Jesus himself wan't a white man. Nor was he a monolingual English speaker. And no one can prove that God is white or male.

The ironies...

-Angela Valenzuela


 

NBC NEWS: HOW A FAR-RIGHT, CHRISTIAN CELLPHONE COMPANY ‘TOOK OVER’ FOUR TEXAS SCHOOL BOARDS

 

Patriot Mobile markets itself as “America’s only Christian conservative wireless provider.” Now the Trump-aligned company is on a mission to win control of Texas school boards.

 

By Mike Hixenbaugh

 

Please Credit: NBC News – For Story Link, Click Here

Karl Meek went to a Grapevine-Colleyville Independent School District board of trustees meeting Monday wearing a T-shirt with the district’s name, GCISD, crossed out and replaced with the words “Patriot Mobile Action ISD” to protest the political action committee’s influence over the school system.Emil T. Lippe for NBC News

 

DALLAS — A little more than a year after former Trump adviser Steve Bannon declared that conservatives needed to win seats on local school boards to “save the nation,” he used his conspiracy theory-fueled TV program to spotlight Patriot Mobile, a Texas-based cellphone company that had answered his call to action.

 

“The school boards are the key that picks the lock,” Bannon said during an interview with Patriot Mobile’s president, Glenn Story, from the floor of the Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, in Dallas on Aug. 6. “Tell us about what you did.”

 

Story turned to the camera and said, “We went out and found 11 candidates last cycle and we supported them, and we won every seat. We took over four school boards.”

 

“Eleven seats on school boards, took over four!” Bannon shouted as a crowd of CPAC attendees erupted in applause.

 

It was a moment of celebration for an upstart company whose leaders say they are on a mission from God to restore conservative Christian values at all levels of government — especially in public schools. To carry out that calling, the Grapevine-based company this year created a political action committee, Patriot Mobile Action, and gave it more than $600,000 to spend on nonpartisan school board races in the Fort Worth suburbs.

 

This spring, the PAC blanketed the communities of Southlake, Keller, Grapevine and Mansfield with thousands of political mailers warning that sitting school board members were endangering students with critical race theory and other “woke” ideologies. Patriot Mobile presented its candidates as patriots who would “keep political agendas out of the classroom.”

 

Their candidates won every race, and nearly four months later, those Patriot Mobile-backed school boards have begun to deliver results.

 

The Keller Independent School District made national headlines this month after the school board passed a new policy that led the district to abruptly pull more than 40 previously challenged library books off shelves for further review, including a graphic adaptation of Anne Frank’s “The Diary of a Young Girl,” as well as several LGBTQ-themed novels. 

 

In the neighboring city of Southlake, Patriot Mobile donated framed posters that read “In God We Trust” to the Carroll Independent School District during a special presentation before the school board. Under a new Texas law, the district is now required to display the posters prominently in each of its school buildings. Afterward, Patriot Mobile celebrated the donation in a blog post titled “Putting God Back Into Our Schools.”

 

And this week at a tense, eight-hour school board meeting, the Grapevine-Colleyville Independent School District’s board of trustees voted 4-3 to implement a far-reaching set of policies that restrict how teachers can discuss race and gender. The new policies also limit the rights of transgender and nonbinary students to use bathrooms and pronouns that correspond with their genders. And the board made it easier for parents to ban library books dealing with sexuality.

 

To protest the changes, some parents came to the meeting wearing T-shirts with the school district’s name, GCISD, crossed out and replaced with the words “Patriot Mobile Action ISD.”

 

“They bought four school boards, and now they’re pulling the strings,” said Rachel Wall, the mother of a Grapevine-Colleyville student and vice president of the Texas Bipartisan Alliance, a nonprofit dedicated to supporting school board candidates who do not have partisan agendas. “I’m a Christian by faith, but if I wanted my son to be in a religious school, I would pay for him to go to a private school.”

 

Patriot Mobile officials didn’t respond to messages requesting comment. Leigh Wambsganss, executive director of Patriot Mobile Action and vice president of government and media affairs at Patriot Mobile, declined to speak with a reporter at CPAC, saying she did not trust NBC News to accurately report on the company’s political activism. In a social media post days later, she called the journalist’s interview request harassment, adding, “I don’t interview with reporters I don’t trust.”

 

In recent interviews with conservative media outlets, Wambsganss has said that Patriot Mobile’s goal is to install school board members who will oppose the teaching of “LGBTQ ideologies,” fight to remove “pornographic books,” and stand against school anti-racism initiatives, which she and her supporters have argued indoctrinate children with anti-white and anti-American views.

 

“You know, the sad thing is there is real racism, and that is really a terrible thing,” Wambsganss said in a June appearance on the Mark Davis Show, a conservative talk radio program that broadcasts in the Dallas region. “But they’re watering down and devaluing that word so bad that it’s become meaningless.”

 

In that same interview, Wambsganss made clear that Patriot Mobile views its political activism as a religious calling — and that the group’s electoral success this spring was just the beginning.  

 

“We’re not here on this earth to please man — we’re here to please God,” Wambsganss said, adding later in the interview, “Ultimately we want to expand to other counties, other states and be in every state across the nation.”

 

‘Make America Christian Again’

Founded about a decade ago, Patriot Mobile markets itself as “America’s only Christian conservative wireless provider,” which includes a pledge to donate a portion of users’ monthly bills to conservative causes.

 

Initially, Patriot Mobile’s founders said their goal was to support groups and politicians who promised to oppose abortion, defend religious freedom, protect gun rights and support the military.

 

After the 2016 presidential election, the company’s branding shifted further to the right and embraced Trump’s style of politics. One of Patriot Mobile’s most famous advertisements includes the slogan “Making Wireless Great Again,” alongside an image of Trump’s face photoshopped onto a tanned, muscled body holding a machine gun.

 

That approach has drawn the support of some big names on the right.

 

“You can give your money to AT&T, the parent company of CNN, and you can pay the salary of Don Lemon, or you can support someone like a Patriot Mobile and give back to causes that they believe in,” Donald Trump Jr. said from the stage at a CPAC gathering in February. “That’s not cancel culture, folks. That’s using your damn brain.”

 

Patriot Mobile has also aligned itself in recent years with political and religious leaders who promote a once-fringe strand of Christian theology that experts say has grown more popular on the right in recent years. Dominionism, sometimes referred to as the Seven Mountains Mandate, is the belief that Christians are called on to dominate the seven key “mountains” of American life, including business, media, government and education.

 

John Fea, a professor of American history at the private, Christian Messiah University in Pennsylvania, has spent years studying Seven Mountains theology. Fea said the idea that Christians are called on to assert biblical values across all aspects of American society has been around for decades on the right, but “largely on the fringe.”

 

Trump’s election changed that.

 

“It fits very well with the ‘Make America Great Again’ mantra,” Fea said. “‘Make America Great Again’ to them means, ‘Make America Christian Again,’ restore America to its Christian roots.”

 

Patriot Mobile appears to have embraced that shift, Fea said.

 

Beginning a year ago, one of the leading proponents of the Seven Mountains worldview, Rafael Cruz, a pastor, began leading weekly Bible studies for employees at Patriot Mobile’s corporate office, which the company films and posts on YouTube.

 

In a recent Patriot Mobile sermon, Cruz — the father of U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas — dismissed the concept of separation of church and state as a myth, arguing that America’s founders meant that ideal as a “one-way wall” preventing the government from interfering with the church, not preventing the church from influencing the government.

 

He then called on people who “are rooted in the righteousness of the word of God” to run for public office.

 

“If those people are not running for office, if they are not even voting, then what’s left?” Cruz said. “The wicked electing the wicked.”

 

Cruz didn’t respond to a message requesting an interview.

 

Beginning last year, after opposition to “critical race theory” emerged as a political attack on the right, Fea said he began to observe another shift in the Christian Dominionism movement.

 

Rather than focusing primarily on winning federal elections, these groups started talking about the need to take control of public schools — “the ideal battleground,” Fea said, “if you’re looking to fight this battle.”

 

“This is a spiritual war, they believe, against demonic forces that undermine a godly nation by teaching kids in school that America is not great, America is not a city on the hill or that America has flaws,” Fea said. “If you can get in and teach the right side of history, and social studies and civics lessons about what America is, you can win the next generation and save America for Christ.”

 

‘Saving our public schools’

 

Patriot Mobile’s unconventional business strategy appears to be paying off. 

 

Without providing specific numbers, the company said it doubled its subscriber base in 2021, and as a result, it planned to give more than $1.5 million to conservative causes in 2022, triple the amount from the year prior. 

 

In January, the company filed documents to establish Patriot Mobile Action and brought on Wambsganss to lead it — a strong signal that the company was planning to get involved in school board politics.

 

Wambsganss, a long-time political activist, had earned national acclaim among conservatives in 2021 for her work as one of the co-founders of Southlake Families PAC, another group that promotes itself as “unapologetically rooted in Judeo-Christian values.” When the Carroll school system in Southlake unveiled a diversity plan to crack down on racism and anti-LGBTQ bullying in the majority white school district, Southlake Families, under Wambsganss’ leadership, raised hundreds of thousands of dollars to support a slate of school board candidates who promised to kill the plan.

 

After winning every race by a landslide, the PAC’s success was celebrated on Fox News and in The Wall Street Journal, prompting former Texas GOP Chairman Allan West to urge Southlake Families leaders to “export this to every single major suburban area in the United States of America.”

 

At the helm of the newly established Patriot Mobile Action, Wambsganss got to work achieving that goal this spring, starting first with some suburban school systems close to home. 

 

In interviews with conservative outlets, Wambsganss has said she and her team zeroed in on four North Texas independent school districts — Keller, Grapevine-Colleyville, Mansfield and Carroll — that had implemented or considered policies dealing with race, sexuality and gender that she and other Christian conservatives found objectionable.

 

After interviewing candidates in each district, Patriot Mobile Action settled on a slate of 11 who pledged to support conservative causes. Following the playbook from Southlake, the PAC hired a pair of heavy-hitter GOP consulting firms that had worked on campaigns for Ted Cruz and Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin — bringing sophisticated national-level political strategies to local school board races.

 

Patriot Mobile paid Vanguard Field Strategies nearly $150,000 to run get-out-the-vote canvassing operations across the four school districts, according to financial disclosures. The PAC paid another $240,000 to Axiom Strategies to produce and send tens of thousands of political mailers to homes across North Texas.

 

One flyer sent to Mansfield residents baselessly blamed a recent classroom shooting at a local high school on critical race theory-inspired disciplinary policies and accused the district of putting “woke” politics ahead of the safety of children.

 

A Patriot Mobile mailer sent in Grapevine and Colleyville endorsed two board candidates who the PAC said would oppose critical race theory, an academic study of systemic racism that, according to the flyer, “violates everything patriots believe in.”

 

And Patriot Mobile sent flyers endorsing three candidates in Keller under the slogan, “Saving America starts with saving our public schools.”

 

After all of Patriot Mobile’s candidates won, the company celebrated the victories in a blog post that also included a justification for its decision to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars on nonpartisan local elections.

 

“While the media today wishes to demonize conservative activism in local races, the truth is that liberal activists have been pouring countless dollars into local politics for many years,” the post said, citing past school board candidate donations from a New York-based nonprofit that advocates for equity in education, as well as one $35,000 donation to a candidate in the Dallas suburbs from a Democratic political action committee in 2021. “Conservative activism at the local level is long overdue.”

 

At CPAC in August, Bannon asked Wambsganss and Story on his “War Room” TV show whether they had started to see changes in the four school districts.

 

“Oh, tremendous,” Wambsganss said. “Those 11 seats in four ISDs means that now North Texas has over 100,000 students who, before May, had leftist leadership. Now they have conservative leadership.”

 

Bannon replied, “Amen.”

 

‘This is not love’

 

On Monday night, North Texas residents got a front-row seat for what it looks like when Patriot Mobile takes over a school board. 

 

Just 72-hours before the meeting, the Grapevine-Colleyville school district had unveiled a sweeping 36-page policy touching on virtually every aspect of the culture wars over race, gender and sexuality that have dominated school politics since last year.

 

Under the policy, teachers are prohibited from discussing any concepts related to or inspired by critical race theory or what the policy refers to as “systemic discrimination ideologies.” The policy gives school employees the right to refer to trans and nonbinary students by pronouns and names matching the ones they were assigned at birth — a practice known as misgendering or deadnaming — even if the student’s parents support their child’s gender expression. And the policy prohibits any reading materials and classroom discussions dealing with “gender fluidity,” which the document defines as any belief that “espouses the view that biological sex is merely a social construct.”

 

Tammy Nakamura, one of the board members backed by Patriot Mobile, said the board’s 4-3 vote to adopt the policy fulfilled her campaign promise “to put an end to adults pushing their worldviews, whims and fantasies onto unsuspecting children.”

 

Although some members of the board majority and their supporters argued that the policy merely brought the district in line with state and federal laws, Kate Huddleston, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas, said the plan goes well beyond the state’s anti-CRT law and appears to be in violation of federal civil rights statutes that protect students from discrimination on the basis of their gender and sexuality.

 

“This is the most extreme board policy that we have seen related to classroom censorship,” Huddleston said.

 

Debate over the policy turned Monday’s school board meeting into a political circus.

 

The Patriot Mobile-aligned True Texas Project, which has been labeled as an anti-government extremist group by the Southern Poverty Law Center, called on its supporters to pack the meeting and turn it into a party celebrating the new policy. The group set up tents hours beforehand and tailgated in the parking lot, along with an anti-trans activist group whose leader was suspended from Twitter this year after she wrote, “Let’s start rounding up people who participate in pride events,” referring to LGBTQ rights celebrations.

 

Nearly 200 people signed up to speak during public comments prior to the board vote. 

 

One man who spoke in support of the new policy urged the board majority to “fight like hell” and “hold the ground against the LGBT mafia and their dang pedo fans” — echoing false claims by some Christian conservatives in recent months that queer educators have been trying to sexually groom children.

 

“And guess what,” the man shouted into the microphone, “teachers shouldn’t be forced to use your freakin’ made up fantasy pronouns!”

 

Another resident who spoke in support of the policy said one of the things that made America great was “schools that taught kids to read and know the Bible, and recite the Constitution.” She commended the school board for working to restore those ideals. 

 

“Our kids have to be taught our foundation,” she said. “Our foundation of God-given inalienable rights, religious freedoms, individualism, democracy and a free market.”

 

Later, a mom told the board she supported banning classroom discussions of “gender fluidity” because, she said, when her child started identifying as a girl, Grapevine-Colleyville teachers provided the student with information affirming that gender expression. As a result, the mother said, choking up as a beeper signaled that her time had expired, “I lost my son.”

 

Nobody from Patriot Mobile spoke at the meeting. In a recent talk radio interview, Wambsganss said she and her team were busy mapping out their plans for replicating what they achieved in districts like Grapevine-Colleyville in communities across Texas.

 

A majority of those who did comment during Monday’s meeting said they opposed the policy changes, including one father who accused Grapevine-Colleyville board members of being beholden to Patriot Mobile. “The result,” he said, “is our kids are being forced to act as pawns in their political game.”

 

A high school student who identified as LGBTQ told the board she feared that the new policy would make queer students — who are four times as likely to contemplate suicide — feel even more alienated. “Help my friends,” she said. “Don’t tell them that they should be erased.”

 

One mother, a former teacher, turned to scripture to explain her opposition to the school district’s new direction under Patriot Mobile’s influence. She said she was worried about LGBTQ students and children from other marginalized groups.

 

Paraphrasing Jesus, she said, “They will know us by our love.”

 

“When I read about the policies and I watch and attend school board meetings,” the woman said, “I keep thinking, ‘This is not love.’”