This blog on Texas education contains posts on higher education, as well as preK-12 policy accountability, testing, bilingual education, immigration, school finance, race, class, and gender issues at both the state and national level. It also represents my digital footprint, of life and career, as a community-engaged scholar in Texas.
This analysis of the backlash against the Eanes Independent School District (EISD) Diversity and Inclusion initiative by Austin American-Statesman journalist Sarah Asch, exposes just how bothered many white folks are by others' experiences separate from their own, illustrating how white supremacy, as an implicit ideology, manifests as follows:
Others' [people of color] experiences are a false agenda because this is not at all their experience.
A curriculum about others' [people of color] experiences is unpatriotic designed to make America look bad.
Whatever happened to "allyship," together with the just and righteous goal of working in solidarity with the downtrodden? I haven't heard that word in awhile.
If certain white people are always centering their own experiences, they have trouble hearing anything else other than that this so-called "CRT agenda" is getting thrust upon them like a foreign invasion resulting in a reaction that is reminiscent of the Joseph McCarthy "Red Scare" of the 1950s. Even if it's brand new to most people, CRT itself is hardly new. Moreover, it is a legitimate framework and research approach.
That said, what a privilege not to have to think about race or racism at all, let alone the injustices that people of color face and protest on a regular basis—such that opposing a race-based initiative designed to remedy to such injustices is inescapably about maintaining that privilege. Yes, the privilege of not having to know....
Expressed differently, neither scholars of color like Dr. Mark Gooden—the EISD diversity and inclusion consultant referenced below—nor minoritized communities are accorded the right to occupy the conceptual center in the study and interpretation of U.S. social relations. Are you getting the picture?
If you want to learn more about this struggle in Eanes, consider reading these other pertinent pieces, authored primarily by Sarah Asch:
My point here is not to isolate the Eanes school district as exceptional in the current political context when it is not. Rather, I seek to offer it as an allegory that tells the story of how ways of knowing create structural racism and systemic oppression for black and brown children and families when their opinions, however defensive or ill-informed, get codified into policy and practice.
By Sarah Asch | Austin American-Statesman, Aug. 24, 2021
"Critical race theory" has become a catch-all term for anything related to race or equity over the past year, with nearly identical arguments about it playing out in state legislatures and school board meetings across the country.
This includes the Eanes school district, in a small, majority white, largely affluent community west of Austin, where parents have vocalized their fears about critical race theory. Many conflate the theory with the district’s diversity, equity and inclusion initiative and worry that white children will be taught to feel guilty and that an unwanted political agenda will be forced on kids in the classroom.
Eanes school board members and administrators have been quick to say this is not what critical race theory does and that the theory is not being used in their schools or as part of the DEI initiative, but many in the community do not believe them. Often lost in this back and forth is an understanding of what critical race theory is and how it came to be a buzzword in the pushback against equity efforts in education.
What is critical race theory? Experts explain
Jennifer Keys Adair, an associate professor of curriculum and instruction at the University of Texas, said that sometimes it is easier to start with what critical race theory is not.
“Critical race theory is not a curriculum. It's not even an idea. Critical race theory is like a pair of glasses that you put on to try to understand ongoing racial injustice. That's all,” she said. “It's a very high-level, sophisticated set of readings and lenses to look at the law and to look at the way that we set up systems.”
Critical race theory was developed in law schools more than 40 years ago as a way to understand how racism continues to exist even after legal racial segregation ended in the 1960s and 1970s, according to Keffrelyn Brown, who teaches cultural studies and education at UT.
Brown said critical race theory has spread from the legal academy to other fields, including the study of education. It is primarily used at the graduate school level and sometimes at the college level.
“Critical race theory is not a catch-all for all diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives or programs,” she said. “It is not a tool that is being used to make any particular person or group feel guilty, and it’s not something that historically is taught in K-12 schools.”
Rather than emphasizing individual actions, experts say critical race theory focuses on how systems and structures reproduce racist outcomes.
“When you talk about critical race theory, or any theory about structural racism, it’s really much less about people,” said Wendy Leo Moore, an associate professor of sociology at Texas A&M University. “It doesn’t have anything to do with people being bad. It has to do with structures that are in place. ... The words ‘critical race theory’ are being deployed to mean ‘whatever is going on that might be related to race that I don’t like.’ I think that most people don’t have any idea what critical race theory actually is.”
Brown said the distinction between critical race theory and unrelated equity work, such as the Eanes DEI initiative, is important because when the two become conflated it distracts from the underlying goal of making schools better places for students of color to learn.
“The clumping together of all DEI concerns and initiatives into critical race theory is dangerous and problematic,” she said. “When we demonize CRT, we don’t put anything in its place to understand racism or account for racism. ... We have to continue to do this work; we cannot allow these conversations to derail.”
Critical race theory on a national scale
The use of the phrase "critical race theory" as a catch-all term in recent months is often traced back to an executive order signed in September by then-President Donald Trump that directed all federal agencies to stop anti-bias training that relied on critical race theory or discussed white privilege. The memo called such training sessions “anti-American propaganda.”
Since then, some conservative parents and media figures have lodged increasing protests against diversity initiatives that they say represent critical race theory encroaching on public education.
Governors in six Republican-led states signed legislation this year to limit how issues of race can be taught in the classroom. Gov. Greg Abbott signed such a bill into law in June — it is often referred to as the “critical race theory bill,” although it does not mention the theory by name. The bill bars Texas public grade-school teachers from awarding students course credit for social or political advocacy work and prevents schools from requiring teachers to discuss particular current events.
Debate about critical race theory is so widespread that the Texas Association of School Boards published a flyer on June 25 to help school board members explain the difference between new or ongoing district initiatives and critical race theory. The flyer states that critical race theory is not part of the social studies curriculum in Texas, but that working toward equitable outcomes for all students has long been part of state and national education policy.
Concerns beyond critical race theory
Parents in Eanes who draw the connection between the and their understanding of critical race theory point to the district’s consultant, Mark Gooden, and his use of the theory in his academic work as evidence that it is influencing Eanes. Gooden’s use of the theory in his writings taints the initiative for a lot of people, many of whom do not trust that district leaders are telling the truth when they say critical race theory is not being used.
“If DEI is teaching the Golden Rule, that’s great. The problem is that our consultant is a critical race theory expert,” parent Jennifer Stevens wrote in an email to the Statesman. “His own book and presentations are based in CRT. ... CRT is racist. It teaches our children to judge others based on the color of their skin. That is wrong.”
Christie Oates, another parent in the district, said she does not trust the district’s intentions when it comes to Gooden. She said Gooden’s expertise speaks for itself.
The DEI initiative "is a political agenda, and it’s nothing more than a solution to a problem that doesn’t exist, and has done nothing but create problems and create tension and create a divide and waste the community’s money. ... It’s an excuse to bring in CRT, or CRT components,” she said. “If it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck, then that’s what we’re doing.”
Whether parents in Eanes call the initiative critical race theory or not, many have worries about it that go beyond how an academic theory is defined. In conversations about the initiative, parents have voiced their fear that talking about race through the lens of historical racism is akin to indoctrination and that it unnecessarily highlights racial differences.
“What we are doing now is indoctrinating children into a mindset that is a belief and not a fact,” parent Marc Pearl said. “My political beliefs should be taught to my child in my household.”
Pearl said he would like to see the school address individual instances of racism, but he does not want systemic racism to be taught as a fact but rather as one belief among many. He worries that the initiative will lead to the district teaching children that white people are oppressors and that people of color are oppressed. Pearl pulled his son out of the district during the pandemic and sent him to a private school, and he said he does not plan to return unless his issues with the initiative are addressed.
“We were raised in a colorblind society, and now we’re flipping that on its head, and we have to be absolutely aware of all races,” he said. “We are well past the 1960s civil rights movement. We have achieved greatness from the horrible sins in the past. There is no need for this. This is just division.”
Gooden said he does not think the definition of critical race theory is the root of the discord in Eanes, although he said his work with the district cannot be described as critical race theory.
“What we are doing, and I think this is what people are feeling the most anxious about, is we're having conversations about race and racism. We're talking about how those two concepts have been really intertwined in the development of America and how they are currently with us today and still have an impact,” he said. “For a lot of people, this pushes against what they understand to be an American ideal that everybody has an equal chance.”
Many scholars in history and education think that incorporating conversations about racism into public schools will help students better understand the world around them.
Monica Martinez, a history professor at UT, said she sees recent efforts to include conversations about race and racism as part of a long push by communities of color for curricula and campus cultures that take their experiences into account.
“We have to have truthful conversations about the history of slavery, and the history of colonization and conquest, that intersect in Texas in really important ways,” she said. “You have to teach about race; you have to talk about gender; you have to talk about religion; you have to talk about issues like immigration. ... These topics shouldn't be seen as controversial; it's just teaching the truth.”
Martinez worries that disinformation is taking over the discussion about the role public schools have in educating informed citizens.
“There is so much misinformation about things like critical race theory. So many of the sponsors of these bills are really raising fear,” she said. “It's unfortunate because I think, at its worst, it can dissolve public trust in public schools, which are such a vital and important public institution.”
At the local level in Eanes, Superintendent Tom Leonard said the debate about critical race theory is where he sees the conversation about diversity, equity and inclusion veer toward national politics and away from what is playing out on the ground.
Discussions about critical race theory tend to focus on what the district plans to teach in the classroom, but the DEI initiative has focused on training staff members to tackle the conversations and incidents that already are happening in schools, he said.
Leonard said he thinks misinformation about critical race theory is a big part of the trust issue the district has with the parents who are most worried about the initiative.
“Our version of what we wanted to do with DEI, which truly was to make everybody feel welcome and safe and respected and all that, I didn't see that as being something that people would have a problem with. ... Somewhere along the line, some people took a focus with CRT. ... And no matter what we have said, that group has not yet believed us," he said. “I believe we are telling the truth. And I think it's unfortunate that this has become a national political debate.”
Reality can be just as strange and corrupt as what appears in fiction, regrettably. Such matters are getting addressed right now in the Texas House Committee on Public Education if you'd like to listen on.
A student walks through the hallway to his classroom on the first day
of school at Pearce Elementary in Southside ISD.
Jessica Phelps /San Antonio Express-News
One of the screenwriters for "The Hunger Games" compared the face masks bans in Arizona, Florida and Texas public schools to the film's storyline.
The governor of each state signed executive orders prior to the start of the academic year prohibiting mask mandates, which Billy Ray, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter, says puts children at risk.
School districts in each state have defied the orders and some have taken the issue to the courts.
“It’s hard not to see a parallel between that and 'The Hunger Games,' where the kids are there for sacrificial lambs for a deeply corrupt State,” the 57-year-old told the Express-News.
Ray lives in Los Angeles and has written and directed several films like the Oscar-nominated “Captain Phillips” and “Richard Jewell.”
In a tweet last week, Ray said he wrote the "The Hunger Games" screenplay from a place of "utter rage." During the writing process, he would ask himself, "How could a government DO THAT to children?" He then listed the three states.The film is an adaptation of the first fictional novel in a series written by Suzanne Collins about a tyrannical government that forces children to fight to the death in a televised event for entertainment and political gain.
Ray said forcing children to attend school without face masks is similar. Children under the age of 12 have not been authorized to be vaccinated.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends several protections to be administered in schools, especially for those serving children under 12. The guidelines were updated on Aug. 5 and advises indoor masking, physical distancing of at least 3 feet, testing and more.
Ray said the debate over face masks are “distracting” and harmful to students.
In May, Gov. Greg Abbott issued an executive order banning mask mandates in public schools, cities and counties, and those who defy the order could face up to a $1,000 fine. In Arizona, Gov. Doug Ducey blocked funds from schools mandating masks, and was called out by an Arizona Democrat for “creating his own Hunger Games for Arizona public schools.”
Ray said both governors are similar to President Snow from the film in that they are allowing kids to be pawns in a political game.
“Greg Abbott knows that you’re better off vaccinated, than not vaccinated; and he knows that you’re better off wearing a mask, than not wearing a mask,” Ray said. “There’s no controversy to those two statements, but he’s going to tell you that those statements are not true because it’s politically advantageous to do so.”
As someone who needed urgent care over the Christmas holidays in the middle of the pandemic, this was the most bone-chilling paragraph in this story to read:
“When you’re told by the powers that be that you have 12 ICU beds in Dallas County, that means you have 12 ICU beds for the traffic on I-35, 12 ICU beds for the stroke [victim], 12 ICU beds for the five borderline COVID patients we have in the hospital right now,” Casanova said. “When we say that we may come to be in a situation where we are looking at some impossible decisions about focusing our care and our efforts on those that have the highest likelihood of survival so that we can save as many lives as possible, that equation is not just for COVID patients. That occurs for all patients.”
None of us wants to be in a desperate situation where we need urgent care and we get triaged out of getting it. God forbid that this should happen to anyone—and how traumatic for hospital officials to be the arbiters of such matters.
Do get vaccinated, everybody. Wear a mask in public places and do abide by all the safety protocols. None of this is fun for any of us. It's simply what we have to do to protect each other, especially our children, grandchildren, and school children, generally, who have not been vaccinated.
Remember, that neither COVID-19 nor the Delta variant are bacteria that can be killed with antibiotics. The only thing we can do is eliminate ourselves as hosts so that these viruses have nowhere to go.
If you're in Texas, do read this deeply-concerning post that warns us of a foreboding crisis that is still within our power to stem. We must all do our part.
“It’s going to be close,” one health official said as a record number of Texas hospitals run out of intensive care beds and warn that they may soon have more COVID-19 patients than they can handle.
More Texas hospitals are reporting a shortage of ICU beds than at any other time since the COVID-19 pandemic hit the state 18 months ago — just one sign among many that the health crisis is on track to reach its most dangerous phase yet, health officials say.
The latest surge of the virus has also caused new cases and COVID-19 hospitalizations to rise with record speed to just below their January peaks, as the highly contagious delta variant rips through the unvaccinated community at a rate up to eight times faster than earlier strains, officials said.
“We are entering the worst surge in sheer numbers,” said Dr. Mark Casanova, a palliative care specialist in Dallas and a member of the Texas Medical Association’s COVID-19 Task Force. “This is the fourth round of what should have been a three-round fight. We do have very sincere concerns that the numbers game is going to overwhelm us.”
Between 93% and 98% of hospitalized COVID patients, depending on the area, are unvaccinated, officials said. With just under half of Texans fully vaccinated, the state still has some 16 million people who have yet to be protected from the virus.
And they are filling the state’s intensive care units rapidly.
“This is the fourth round of what should have been a three-round fight.”
— Dr. Mark Casanova, a member of the Texas Medical Association’s COVID-19 Task Force
In Dallas County on Monday, only 16 intensive care beds were available to serve the county of 2.6 million and its surrounding areas. The day before that, it was 12, Casanova said.
The state has asked the federal government for five mortuary trailers in anticipation of a potential spike in deaths, which are climbing again after a low in July — although the daily deaths are still much lower than they were during previous surges.
The strain is showing across the state.
Last week in San Antonio, 26 minutes went by with no ambulances available to respond to 911 calls from the city’s 1.5 million residents. In Austin, paramedics are so understaffed and overworked that some ambulances have to sit unused because there is no one to run them, said Capt. Selena Xie, an Austin paramedic and head of the Austin EMS Association.
“We’re seeing call volumes that are breaking our records, outside of the [February] snowstorm,” Xie said.
In rural West Texas, a school district announced Monday it would be closed for the next two weeks in an attempt to slow the virus’ spread before it overwhelms the scant health care resources in the area.
And on Tuesday, overwhelmed Harris County officials offered $100 to anyone getting their first vaccine dose, a desperate attempt to stave off what one hospital CEO called “the worst surge that we have faced in the community.”
“The numbers at Harris Methodist and other hospital systems in this area have never gone up this far, this fast,” said Dr. Esmaeil Porsa, president and CEO of Harris Health System. “I’m begging you. Do the right thing. Get yourself vaccinated.”
Available ICU beds at pandemic low
Out of nearly 12,000 people hospitalized with COVID in Texas on Monday, more than a quarter of them are in the state’s ICU beds. At the end of last week, at least 75 Texas hospitals reported that they had no ICU beds available for patients — and more than 50 additional facilities said they had just one bed available at some point during the previous week.
Most of the shortages are occurring in major metro areas, near the Gulf Coast and in the eastern portions of the state, where vaccination rates are among the lowest in the state.
The pressure on the intensive care units affects not just COVID patients, but also others who need treatment for ailments not related to COVID, Casanova said.
“When you’re told by the powers that be that you have 12 ICU beds in Dallas County, that means you have 12 ICU beds for the traffic on I-35, 12 ICU beds for the stroke [victim], 12 ICU beds for the five borderline COVID patients we have in the hospital right now,” Casanova said. “When we say that we may come to be in a situation where we are looking at some impossible decisions about focusing our care and our efforts on those that have the highest likelihood of survival so that we can save as many lives as possible, that equation is not just for COVID patients. That occurs for all patients.”
And while hospitals are not at that point yet, Casanova said, it remains a real threat.
During the last surge in January, he said, “we skirted that by about two weeks.”
Hospitalizations approach a pandemic high
New COVID-19 cases have reached a seven-day average of more than 14,000, still below the January peak of more than 19,000. Gov. Greg Abbott became one of the newest cases on Tuesday. But the number that worries health officials most is hospitalizations from COVID-19, which hit 12,227 on Monday — an increase of 2,186 since last week.
If the trend continues, the state could surpass the single-day record of 14,218, set on Jan. 11, before the end of the month.
Dr. David Lakey, former Texas state health commissioner, said Tuesday that he’s not convinced Texas will hit that number statewide because some areas, like Austin, are starting to see a slight slowdown in admissions.
But he also noted that hospitalizations are not spiking at the same rate throughout Texas and that some areas will continue to struggle even if the numbers start to slow down.
In El Paso, for example, one of the most heavily vaccinated areas of the state, the numbers are staying manageable, he said — but Dallas and Houston have already hit or surpassed their January hospitalizations.
Statewide, Lakey said, “it’s going to be close.”
So far, hospitals have been able to take actions to avoid the sort of life-or-death decisions that come when there are too many patients and not enough staffed beds. They’ve shuffled staff, converted unused spaces into COVID units and postponed non-emergency surgeries.
At LBJ Hospital in Houston, tents were erected to take care of the COVID patient overflow, according to media reports.
At Parkland Hospital in Dallas, officials sometimes hold patients in the emergency department waiting for ICU beds to open up, said Joseph Chang, chief medical officer at Parkland Health and Hospital System.
“That is becoming more and more common as COVID spreads like wildfire in the community,” Chang said in an emailed statement to the Tribune.
The hospital, which typically has a high patient count in the ICU even in non-COVID times, has been turning away ambulances for weeks, he said.
“We have enacted many protocols to make more staff and space available,” he said.
But with beds unavailable because they can’t be staffed and the numbers continuing to rise, Casanova said he worries about hospitals reaching their breaking point.
“We’ve surged what we can surge,” he said. “A power strip only has so much, and eventually you’re going to blow it. And I think we’re about to blow it — in a euphemistic way, and in a literal way.”
Disclosure: The Texas Medical Association and Parkland Health and Hospital System have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
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If you are a faculty member in an institution of higher education in Texas and are involved in the preparation of teachers or administrators and you do so from a CRT lens, please consider signing this declaration of which I and University of Texas Curriculum and Instruction professor Dr. Noah DeLissovoy have authored. Special thanks to Noah for taking the lead on this timely declaration.
A recent spate of bills across the country has targeted antiracist education and training for allegedly advancing the framework of “Critical Race Theory.” HB 3979 (https://capitol.texas.gov/BillLookup/History.aspx?LegSess=87R&Bill=HB3979), passed by the Texas Legislature and signed by Governor Greg Abbott, is one such bill. It prohibits K-12 social studies course content that critically analyzes the notion of the U.S. as a meritocratic society, as well as content focusing on the centrality of racism to U.S. institutions. The bill also restricts consideration of the ways that privileges and discrimination that different people experience in the present are connected to race and shaped by historic structures of white supremacy. This bill, and others like it, are a direct reaction to progress made by the current racial justice movement, as well as to critical approaches to teaching and curriculum like Ethnic Studies, that aim to investigate and challenge inequity and oppression, especially with regard to race.
While the authors of HB 3979 misunderstand Critical Race Theory, an academic and scholarly tradition that is not taught in K-12 schools, it is clear that the aim of the legislation is to discourage important instruction on race, racism, and white supremacy. Above all, the bill discourages discussion of historic, systemic, and structural racism, including consideration of how it has shaped U.S. history from its beginnings. In addition to constituting a direct assault on academic freedom and First Amendment rights, HB 3979 is an attack on the purpose of education itself, which is to help students to understand the world and to participate in it in an informed and empowered manner.
Neither students of color nor white students are well served by a curriculum that would hide the truth—in this case, the truth that past and present white supremacist thought and action have fundamentally organized U.S. society and the freedoms and privileges that are—or are not—afforded to each of us according to race. Deep disparities in wealth, employment, and access to social services, as well as police harassment and violence directed disproportionately at people of color, not to mention daily incidents of racist discrimination and microaggressions, are clear evidence of the ongoing impact and pervasiveness of white supremacy. To investigate and teach about racism is not to seek to injure the sensibilities of white students or to promote “victimology” among students of color. Rather, it is to help all students understand and confront the challenges that we face as a society committed to freedom, peace, and justice for all.
As university-based educators of future teachers and school administrators, it is likewise our crucial responsibility to provide education professionals with the historical, political, and sociological literacy they need in order to understand the curriculum that they are charged to present, as well as the experiences of all of their students. This includes, indispensably, a thorough examination of systemic racism and white supremacy.
One important reason for this is that inequalities and oppression based on race have historically been enforced and reproduced through schooling itself, as students of color have frequently received curriculum, teaching, and facilities that have been inadequate, unequal, and even harmful to them and their communities. Therefore, a deep awareness of the ways in which racism is manifested, as well as the intellectual and pedagogical preparation to challenge it, is especially necessary for educators.
It is a basic responsibility of colleges of Education, throughout their programs and curricula, to equip future teachers and administrators with these understandings and pedagogical skills. This is also true for faculty and programs in other areas of the university involved in the training of educators. At the higher education level, we must unequivocally defend Critical Race Theory as a legitimate and useful framework that is crucial to our work since it offers key sociological principles, insights, empirical evidence, interdisciplinary perspectives, and ethical starting points for an informed consideration of race and racism, past and present.
This anti-racist work is neither political nor partisan. Nor is it supplementary to the main mission of teaching. Rather, it is central to our basic vocation as professionals committed to the growth and learning of our students, to dialogue and justice, and to the diverse children and youth of Texas.
For these reasons, WE THE UNDERSIGNED university-based educators of future teachers and administrators in Texas reaffirm the importance of teaching our students about systemic racism, as well as helping them to understand its fundamental role in shaping our past and present in the United States. FURTHERMORE, we will continue to prepare our students to recognize their responsibility to understand, confront, and challenge white supremacy as educators, as well as their responsibility to help their own students in schools to analyze structures and systems of racism, especially since these systems affect students’ own experiences and shape their identities.
Initial signatories:
--Noah De Lissovoy, Professor, Curriculum and Instruction, University of Texas at Austin --Angela Valenzuela, Professor, Educational Leadership and Policy, University of Texas at Austin --Emilio Zamora, Professor, History, University of Texas at Austin --Lilliana Saldaña, Associate Professor, Mexican American Studies, University of Texas at San Antonio --Louis Harrison, Professor Emeritus, Curriculum and Instruction, University of Texas at Austin --Melissa MartÃnez, Associate Professor, Educational & Community Leadership, Texas State University --Francyne Huckaby, Professor, Curriculum Studies, Texas Christian University --Terrance Green, Associate Professor, Educational Leadership and Policy, University of Texas at Austin --James Jupp, Professor, Teaching and Learning, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley --Kevin Foster, Associate Professor, African and African Diaspora Studies, University of Texas at Austin --Patricia Sánchez, Professor, Bicultural-Bilingual Studies, University of Texas at San Antonio --Maritza De La Trinidad, Associate Professor, Mexican American Studies, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley --Dan Heiman, Assistant Professor, Bilingual Education, University of North Texas --Monica Muñoz Martinez, Associate Professor, History, University of Texas at Austin --Christopher Carmona, Associate Professor, Mexican American Studies, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley --Jesse Gainer, Associate Professor, Curriculum and Instruction, Texas State University