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Thursday, May 29, 2025

Who Belongs? The Pushout of LGBTQIA+ Students in Texas Higher Education, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D. and Sherri Castillo, Ph.D.

Who Belongs? The Pushout of LGBTQIA+ Students in Texas Higher Education

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D. and Sherri Castillo, Ph.D.

Let’s be honest about what’s at stake. We are witnessing the systematic dismantling of resources, relationships, and rights that LGBTQIA+ students, faculty, and staff have long relied upon—not only to succeed in higher education but to survive. For many LGBTQIA+ students, higher education is the first place they begin to feel like themselves, but the passage and implementation of Senate Bill 17 in Texas has created a climate of fear, confusion, and deep harm. It is a policy born of cruelty, not concern.

The LGBTQIA+ Campus Climate Report (Equality Texas, 2024) documents what
 so many of us already know in our bones: This law is not about neutrality or fairness—it’s about erasure. It bans Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) offices, prohibits training and outreach, and punishes institutions that dare to affirm the dignity of marginalized students. The language of SB 17 is
Read report here.
 intentionally vague enough to prompt institutions towards preemptive compliance, closing multicultural centers and college-sponsored LGBTQIA+ events. It has led to layoffs, surveillance, and self-censorship, all while those in power pretend this is a matter of bureaucratic housekeeping. It is not.

According to the report, nearly 80 percent of LGBTQIA+ students interviewed said they’ve considered leaving Texas. Over half have considered leaving their university. Students have lost access to everything from gender-affirming clothing exchanges to mentorship programs, mental health support, safe campus spaces, and visible symbols of allyship. In their place, students have been forced to fill the void themselves—organizing events, building community, and advocating for their peers—all while navigating academic and social systems that tell them they do not belong.

LGBTQIA+ students and their families pay taxes like everyone else. Isn’t it reasonable to expect that public institutions, funded by those very dollars, provide support—not exclusion—for all students? What, then, do they have to show for their investment in a system that is actively pushing them out? 
This is not sustainable. It is not just. And it is not who we should be as a state or a society.

Faculty and staff are feeling the strain, too. Three-quarters of LGBTQIA+ educators and university workers report negative impacts from 
SB 17. Many no longer feel safe or supported. Some have already left; others are preparing to go. As tensions increase in Texas following debate over bills that limit academic freedom, research funding, and further alienate marginalized people, we must ask ourselves what kind of future are we building when those who serve and mentor our students are driven out by ideological intimidation?

Private universities, while not subject to the law, are hardly immune. The chilling effect of 
SB 17 has reached their campuses too—students there report rising hostility, minimal institutional support, and growing concern about whether their campuses will follow suit in censoring DEI work under pressure.

Let us not be fooled: this is part of a larger project to control education, rewrite history, and suppress the lives and knowledge of entire communities. When the state dictates which identities can be acknowledged, which truths can be told, and which students can feel safe—it is not neutrality. It is structural violence.

And let us not forget: LGBTQIA+ students—particularly transgender and nonbinary youth—are at heightened risk for mental health challenges. According to national data, nearly 40% of transgender and gender-expansive college students have seriously considered suicide. That number alone should give any policymaker pause. Instead, we see performative cruelty disguised as policy, and political theater masquerading as governance.

But we are not powerless. We must call this moment what it is—an attack on young people, on educational integrity, and on the very idea of a public university that serves all Texans. Generation Z and Generation Alpha are set to be the most racially, ethnically, and gender-diverse age-generation cohort in recorded American history (Castillo, Valenzuela, & Hinds, 2025; Twenge, 2023). We must affirm life, not erasure. It is our moral and civic responsibility to ensure that these students are not only protected, but fully supported, celebrated, and empowered to thrive in the institutions that claim to serve them.

We say this as educators, as individuals who have devoted our lives and careers to nurturing critical consciousness and inclusive learning spaces. I, Angela, say this as a mother, a grandmother, and someone who has marched, testified, and fought alongside students. 
The state of policy protections for transgender and non-binary people in Texas should alarm researchers and citizens alike. When states like Texas ban conversations about sexuality and gender identity, remove books from libraries, and restrict access to medical care, they attempt to erase the existence of trans people alongside other minoritized communities. And I say this as a Texan who believes we can and must do better.

We need to protect academic freedom. We need to invest in student support systems, not gut them. And we need to make clear that all students—regardless of gender, race, or identity—deserve to learn in an environment of dignity and respect.

If we lose this fight, we don’t just lose DEI offices. We lose lives. We lose potential. We lose a generation of thinkers, leaders, and changemakers. But if we stand together—if we organize, testify, vote, and refuse to be silent—we can still turn this tide. Let us honor our students not by explaining away injustice, but by challenging it. Let us make Texas a place where all students are free to become who they are.

                                                      References

Castillo, S., Valenzuela, A., & Hinds, C. (2025). Organizing and youth resistance: The fight for trans rights in Texas. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2025.2502060

Equality Texas. (2024). LGBTQIA+ campus climate report: Perspectives on campus climate and the effects of SB 17’s DEI ban from LGBTQIA+ students, staff, and faculty at Texas colleges and universities. https://www.equalitytexas.org

Twenge, J. M. (2023). Generations: The real differences between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—and what they mean for America’s future. Atria Books.


Dr. Angela Valenzuela is a professor in the College of Education at the University of Texas-Austin.
Dr. Sherri Castillo is an education policy scholar and former public school teacher dedicated to advancing equity and inclusion for LGBTQIA+ people in K-12 and higher education. 



Affirm Life, Not Erasure: Punishing Education Policy and the Dehumanization of Trans Youth in Texas by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Affirm Life, Not Erasure: Punishing Education Policy and the Dehumanization of Trans Youth in Texas

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Under the cover of darkness, in the early hours of Wednesday morning, the Texas Legislature pushed through House Bill 229—a bill that erases complexity, ignores science, and imposes a rigid, biologically reductionist definition of sex based solely on reproductive capacity. This isn’t about governance—it’s about control. HB 229 mandates that every state agency flatten Texans’ identities into one of two state-sanctioned boxes: “male” or “female,” no nuance, no exception, no humanity. Let us be clear: this is state-enforced erasure masquerading as policy.

It explicitly denies the existence of transgender and intersex people, treating them as legal fictions rather than as human beings worthy of dignity and protection. This is not a neutral administrative decision—it’s state-sanctioned erasure. And it has devastating consequences.

Source: Tx Tribune https://tinyurl.com/5h7sxczu

Let’s be honest about what’s at stake. We are talking about young people—transgender and nonbinary youth—whose very lives hang in the balance when their identities are denied or erased. According to The Trevor Project’s 2022 National Survey, nearly 1 in 5 transgender and nonbinary youth attempted suicide in the past year alone. 

That number should stop us in our tracks. And the data is even more harrowing when we look at the role of affirmation: youth whose pronouns were not respected by those around them attempted suicide at more than twice the rate of those whose identities were affirmed (The Trevor Project, 2022; Borge, 2020; Christensen, 2023). This isn’t theoretical. It’s not about political posturing. It’s about creating the conditions for young people to live, to thrive, and to know they belong. Denial is not neutral. It’s deadly.

And yet, this bill dares to claim that “separate is not inherently unequal,” invoking the very language that upheld racial segregation in the Jim Crow era. It claims to protect women and girls by reducing them to biology, as if equality requires exclusion, and as if safety comes from stigmatizing others rather than addressing the root causes of violence. This is not about safeguarding anyone—it’s about tightening the grip of ideological conformity and silencing difference.

Let us not pretend this is benign. It is a policy of fear, not care. It is an assault on public integrity, not an act of protection. And it will cost lives—not metaphorically, but literally—by reinforcing a culture that tells LGBTQ youth that they do not belong.

We have a duty to speak up, not only because we are educators and advocates, but because we are human beings. H.B. 229 is not just bad policy. It is a moral failure.

—Angela Valenzuela

References

Borge, J. (2020, July 31). 2 in 5 LGBTQ youth have ‘seriously considered’ suicide in the past year—Here’s how to help. Well+Good. https://www.wellandgood.com/lgbtq-youth-suicide-mental-health/

Christensen, J. (2023, June 28). Transgender people face significantly higher suicide risk, Danish study finds. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2023/06/28/health/transgender-suicide-risk-danish-study/index.html

Czopek, M. (2022, May 11). Why it’s not ‘grooming’: What research says about gender and sexuality in schools, PolitiFact. https://www.politifact.com/article/2022/may/11/why-its-not-grooming-what-research-says-about-gend/

The Trevor Project. (2022). 2022 national survey on LGBTQ youth mental health. https://www.thetrevorproject.org/survey-2022/



Corporate Logic, Political Control: The Assault on Public Universities in Texas

Friends:

Texas Republicans are moving aggressively to consolidate political control over the state’s public universities through Senate Bill 37—a sweeping and dangerous piece of legislation that would hand over key academic decisions to Governor Abbott’s appointees. 

Passed out of the House Higher Education Committee on a party-line vote, the bill would let politically appointed regents dictate core curricula, approve or reject key university hires, and even override administrative decisions. 

SB 37 opens the door to state-sanctioned censorship, with vague mandates about course content and a new ombudsman office empowered to investigate faculty based on student or staff complaints. As UT professor Karma Chávez puts it plainly. It will "'enshrine intellectual discrimination' at UT."

The bill also guts faculty governance by slashing elected representation on faculty councils and granting administrators—many of whom are deeply enmeshed in partisan politics—expanded authority over academic affairs. Courses in ethnic studies, gender studies, and the humanities are especially at risk, and faculty fear a climate of fear, self-censorship, and punitive budget cuts. 

Scholars like Adele Nelson and Andrea Gore describe widespread panic as the legislation threatens not only academic freedom but the very capacity to teach truthfully and critically. What’s unfolding in Texas is a systematic effort to dismantle higher education as a space for inquiry, dialogue, and democracy—and to replace it with a model of top-down political control.

I guess the first test of university takeovers was the New College in Florida. We're the next test case but in this case, a flagship university. My guess is that these designs will migrate to other states and their respective universities if they haven't already.

Becoming corporate means that we're in for a rough ride in Texas higher education. We need to vote these leaders who oppose democracy and actual freedom out of office and seek a SB 37 repeal bill next session lest they ruin higher education. The legislative session isn't over, so stay tuned for legislative updates.

-Angela Valenzuela

How Gov. Greg Abbott Appointees Could Take Over UT
Texas Republicans move forward with new bill attacking academic freedom By Brant Bingamon, Fri., May 23, 2025 | Austin Chronicle




Senate Bill 37 shifts power from university administrators and faculties to boards appointed by the governor (design by Zeke Barbaro / Getty Images)

Texas Republicans are working to tighten their grip on the state’s public universities. Monday night, the House’s Higher Education Committee voted along party lines, 6-5, to approve Senate Bill 37, a bill that would let Republicans selected by the governor influence the courses taught at Texas universities, choose the schools’ leaders, micromanage their lower-level hires, and open investigations into their professors.

SB 37 could be approved by the full House and Senate within the next week and sent to Gov. Greg Abbott for his signature. UT-Austin professor Karma Chávez told us she and her colleagues believe that if the bill is passed it will “enshrine intellectual discrimination” at UT. “It’s indoctrination,” Chavez said. “Our leaders always say they are worried about indoctrination, but they are the ones who want to insert politics into every corner of public university education in the state.”

SB 37 makes several big changes to higher education. It shifts power over the courses that students take from the universities’ administrators and gives it to their governing boards. These boards, like UT’s Board of Regents, are composed of political appointees chosen by Gov. Greg Abbott, with the approval of the Texas Senate. SB 37 requires the governing boards to examine each university’s core curriculum – the courses that students must pass in order to graduate. The bill states that the governing boards shall ensure that courses in the curriculum do not "advocate or promote the idea that any race, sex, or ethnicity or any religious belief is inherently superior to any other race, sex, or ethnicity or any religious belief." The bill further states that the universities have the final decision-making authority over which courses remain in the curriculum -- "under the direction of the institution's governing board.”
“It’ll be a death by a thousand cuts.”– UT Austin professor Karma Chávez

Chávez told us that UT’s core curriculum includes many courses in disciplines like history, humanities, and the arts. The courses are proposed by instructors from the different departments within the university and approved by administrators. She said the Republican claims that professors endorse particular ideologies is unfounded. She believes they don’t want students to learn about the civil rights victories that minority groups have won over the last several decades and said restricting education will help them achieve that goal.

“Those of us in the College of Liberal Arts – especially ethnic and gender studies, American Studies, those kinds of things – our classes are not going to be allowed in the core curriculum,” Chávez said. “They’re trying to make it so that no one takes our classes. And then what they’re going to do is say, 'Well, no one takes your classes, so now we’re going to slash your budget.’ It’ll be a death by a thousand cuts.”

SB 37 also changes the way universities choose their leaders, giving Abbott’s governing bodies the power to approve or deny the hiring of vice presidents, provosts, and deans. The governing boards could also approve or deny job postings for tenured faculty positions in fields other than science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. One jarringly expansive rule simply states, “The governing board of an institution of higher education may overturn any decision made by the administration of a campus under the board’s control and management.”

The bill also creates an avenue to investigate professors for violations of state law -- the Office of the Ombudsman. Under the proposal, Abbott, with the consent of the Senate, will appoint a ombudsman within the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board who will open investigations into professors after written complaints by any student, faculty member, or staff member of a university. The ombudsman will make yearly reports to Abbott, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, and other state officials.

UT professor Andrea Gore said her colleagues believe the creation of the Office of the Ombudsman will encourage an avalanche of baseless accusations. “They can report on professors and then there’s going to be an investigation by this politically appointed ombudsperson,” Gore said. “It is kind of scary.”

Gore said SB 37 also undermines faculty governance, the principle that faculty members should help create and manage school policy with university leaders. The bill would greatly reduce the number of professors sitting on faculty senates at the state’s colleges and universities. It would give UT’s president – former Ken Paxton lieutenant Jim Davis – the power to appoint half of UT’s faculty council members, who are currently elected by their fellow academics. It would also allow Davis to pick which of those members sit on the faculty council’s executive board, with whom he meets weekly.

Taken as a whole, the professors we spoke with believe that SB 37 is another effort to silence voices and stifle research that Republicans take issue with. They think it will further damage the reputation of our colleges and universities.

“I’ve already lost key colleagues who have accepted positions at other institutions and will be gone this coming fall,” UT professor Adele Nelson said. “And frankly, I have no idea how I’m going to teach my classes. I can’t talk about Latin American art history without discussing race and ethnicity. And obviously, I don’t advocate for the superiority of one race or ethnicity over the other, but part of the humanities' critical thinking is understanding the perspective of other people. And I’m worried that a student will misunderstand that and I’ll be reported.

“So we’re panicked, both in how we’re going to manage our classrooms and the destruction that this will bring on UT’s departments.”

An earlier version of this story incorrectly stated that a university's governing board must create a review committee to evaluate school curricula. In fact, SB 37 states that a governing board may do so. It also misnamed the Office of the Ombudsman as the Office of Excellence in Higher Education. The Chronicle regrets the errors.

Wednesday, May 28, 2025

The Gospel According to Power: White Grievance Politics and Evangelicalism’s Break with Empathy

In their deeply illuminating article for Vox.com, Aja Romano offers a chilling account of how empathy—long a moral bedrock of democratic life and central to Christian teachings—has come under attack from the Christian right.

 Romano traces the phrase “empathy is a sin” from its origins in the theology of Joe Rigney to its broader diffusion across right-wing evangelicalism and into mainstream conservative discourse. What is particularly disturbing is how this narrative recasts compassion for the marginalized—immigrants, trans individuals, people of color—not as a virtue, but as a moral weakness or even a threat. 

Figures like Rigney and Doug Wilson, with long histories of misogyny and white supremacy, argue that empathy becomes sinful when it is “untethered” from so-called biblical truth—a truth they define in rigid, patriarchal, and

"If Empathy IS A Sin, Sin Boldly.” 
exclusionary terms. Through political figures like JD Vance and cultural influencers like Elon Musk, this framing has now entered the secular mainstream, transforming a faith-centered ethic of care into a defense of cruelty disguised as moral clarity.

Romano’s piece resonates powerfully with Tim Alberta’s recent book, The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory: American Evangelicals in an Age of Extremism (2023), where he details how white evangelical churches have forsaken the Gospel’s call for humility, justice, and mercy in pursuit of political power. 

Alberta shows how this moral unraveling has led to a culture of grievance, racial resentment, and an abandonment of the least among us—precisely those for whom empathy is most needed. 

What Romano calls out as a “demonization of empathy,” Alberta frames as a theological and cultural betrayal, one that undermines the very foundation of democratic life and religious integrity. 

Both authors reveal a broader retreat from shared humanity—a dangerous shift that prioritizes control over compassion, and ideology over justice. This is not just a religious crisis; it is a civic one, with profound consequences for how we live, lead, and care for one another in an increasingly pluralistic society.

All of this is so shameful—and even surreal. I was raised in the Baptist church, and this rejection of empathy is wholly incompatible with the teachings that shaped my upbringing in West Texas. 

This is not sustainable as an ideology. The attack on empathy may serve short-term culture war gains, but it is ultimately counter-productive. Today’s younger generations—more diverse, emotionally aware, and grounded in justice—recognize empathy as essential, not as weakness. As Aja Romano and Tim Alberta both argue, this rejection of compassion reflects not strength, but fear: a desperate attempt to cling to outdated systems of control. 

In a society that is inescapably moving toward greater inclusion and interdependence, any ideology that vilifies empathy cannot build community, sustain institutions, or inspire a just and democratic future. Those clinging to such views may win short-term battles, but they are on the wrong side of history—and of humanity.

-Angela Valenzuela

Reference

Alberta, T. (2023). The kingdom, the power, and the glory: American evangelicals in an age of extremism. Harper.


Christian nationalists decided empathy is a sin. Now it’s gone mainstream. 

What wouldn’t Jesus do?

by Aja Romano

May 22, 2025, 7:00 AM CDT

















An older woman and a younger woman hugging one another while sitting in a church pew in a large church with stained glass windows. Getty Images


Aja Romano writes about pop culture, media, and ethics. Before joining Vox in 2016, they were a staff reporter at the Daily Dot. A 2019 fellow of the National Critics Institute, they’re considered an authority on fandom, the internet, and the culture wars.

It’s a provocative idea: that empathy — that is, putting yourself in another person’s proverbial shoes, and feeling what they feel — is a sin. 

The Bible contains repeated invocations from Jesus to show deep empathy and compassion for others, including complete strangers. He’s very clear on this point. Moreover, Christianity is built around a fundamental act of empathy so radical — Jesus dying for our sins — that it’s difficult to spin as harmful. 

Yet as stunning as it may sound, “empathy is a sin” is a claim that’s been growing in recent years across the Christian right. It was first articulated six years ago by controversial pastor and theologian Joe Rigney, now author of the recently published book, The Sin of Empathy, which has drawn plenty of debate among religious commentators. 

In this construction, empathy is a cudgel that progressives and liberals use to berate and/or guilt-trip Christians into showing empathy to the “wrong” people. 

Had it stayed within the realm of far-right evangelicals, we likely wouldn’t be discussing this strange view of empathy at all. Yet we are living in an age when the Christian right has gained unprecedented power, both sociocultural and political. The increasing overlap between conservative culture and right-leaning tech spaces means that many disparate public figures are all drinking from the same well of ideas — and so a broader, secular version of the belief that empathy is a tool of manipulation has bubbled into the mainstream through influential figures like Elon Musk.

What “empathy is a sin” actually means

The proposition that too much empathy is a bad thing is far from an idea that belongs to the right. On Reddit, which tends to be relatively left-wing, one popular mantra is that you can’t set yourself on fire to keep someone else warm. That is, too much empathy for someone else can erode your own sense of self, leaving you codependent or open to emotional abuse and manipulation. 

That’s a pretty standard part of most relationship and self-help advice — even from some Christian advice authors. But in recent months, the idea that empathy is inherently destructive has not only become a major source of debate among Christians, it’s escaped containment and barreled into the mainstream by way of major media outlets, political figures, and influencers.

The conversation began with an incendiary 2019 essay by Rigney, then a longtime teacher and pastor at a Baptist seminary, in which he introduced “the enticing sin of empathy” and argued that Satan manipulates people through the intense cultural pressure to feel others’ pain and suffering. 

Rigney’s ideas were met with ideological pushback, with one Christian blogger saying it “may be the most unwise piece of pastoral theology I’ve seen in my lifetime.” As his essay incited national debate, Rigney himself grew more controversial, facing allegations of dismissing women and telling one now-former Black congregant at his Minneapolis church that “it wouldn’t be sinful for him to own me & my family today.” (In an email to Vox, Rigney denied the congregant’s version of events.) Rigney also has a longtime affiliation with Doug Wilson, the leader of the Reformed Christian Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho. 

IN PRACTICE, WHAT RIGNEY IS TYPICALLY DECRYING IS ANY EMPATHY FOR A LIBERAL PERSPECTIVE OR FOR SOMEONE WHO’S PART OF A MARGINALIZED COMMUNITY.

Now well-known for spreading Christian nationalism, and for allegedly fostering a culture of abuse (allegations he has denied), Wilson’s infamy also comes from his co-authored 1996 essay “Southern Slavery: As It Was,” in which he claimed that “Slavery produced in the South a genuine affection between the races that we believe we can say has never existed in any nation before the War or since.” (“My defense of the South does not make me a racist,” Wilson said in 2003.) Rigney appeared on Wilson’s 2019 podcast series Man Rampant to discuss empathy; their conversation quickly devolved into decrying fake rape allegations and musing that victims of police violence might have “deserved to be shot.” 

In an email, Rigney told me that both he and Wilson developed their similar views on empathy from the therapist and Rabbi Edwin Friedman, whose posthumously published 1999 book, A Failure of Nerve: Leadership in the Age of the Quick Fix, has influenced not only family therapy but conservative church leadership and thought. In the book, Friedman argues that American society has devalued the self, leading to an emotional regression and a “low pain threshold.” Alongside this he compares “political correctness” to the Inquisition, and frames a “chronically anxious America” as one that is “organize[d] around its most dysfunctional elements,” in which leaders have difficulty making tough decisions. This correlation of emotional weakness with societal excess paved the way for Rigney to frame empathy itself as a dangerous weapon. 

Despite using the incendiary generalization, “empathy is sin,” Rigney told me that it is not all empathy that is sinful, but specifically “untethered empathy.” He describes this as “empathy that is detached or unmoored from reality, from what is good and right.” (An explanation that begs definitions for “reality,” “good,” and “right.”)

“Just as ‘the sin of anger’ refers to unrighteous or ungoverned anger, so the sin of empathy refers to ungoverned, excessive, and untethered empathy,” Rigney told me. This kind of unrestrained empathy, he writes, is a recipe for cultural mayhem. 

In theory, Rigney argues that one should be “tethered” to God’s will and not to Satan. In practice, what Rigney is typically decrying is any empathy for a liberal perspective or for someone who’s part of a marginalized community. When I asked him for a general reconciliation of his views with the Golden Rule, he sent me a response in which he brought up trans identity in order to label it a “fantasy” that contradicts “God-given biological reality,” while misgendering a hypothetical trans person.

The demonization of empathy moves into the mainstream

Despite receiving firm pushback from most religious leaders (and indeed most people) who hear about it, Rigney’s argument has been spreading through the Christian right at large. Last year, conservative personality and author Allie Stuckey published Toxic Empathy: How Progressives Exploit Christian Compassion, in which she argues that “toxic empathy is a dangerous guide for our decisions, behavior, and public policy” while condemning queer people and feminists. “Empathy almost needs to be struck from the Christian vocabulary,” Josh McPherson, host of the Christian-centered Stronger Man Nation podcast and an adherent of Wilson and Rigney’s ideas, said in January, in a clip that garnered an outsize amount of attention relative to the podcast episode itself. 

That same month, Vice President JD Vance struck a nerve with a controversial appearance on Fox News in which he seemed to reference both the empathy conversation and the archaic Catholic concept of “ordo amoris,” meaning “the order of love.” As Vance put it, it’s the idea that one’s family should come before anyone else: “You love your family, and then you love your neighbor, and then you love your community, and then you love your fellow citizens in your own country,” he said. “And then after that, you can focus and prioritize the rest of the world.” In a follow-up on X, he posted, “the idea that there isn’t a hierarchy of obligations violates basic common sense.” 

Vance’s statements received backlash from many people, including both the late Pope Francis and then-future Pope Leo XIV — but the controversy just drove the idea further into the mainstream. As part of the odd crossover between far-right religion and online reactionaries, it picked up surprising alliances along the way, including evolutionary biologist turned far-right gadfly Gad Saad. In January, Saad, applying a survival-of-the-fittest approach to our emotions, argued against “suicidal empathy,” which he described as “the inability to implement optimal decisions when our emotional system is tricked into an orgiastic hyperactive form of empathy, deployed on the wrong targets.” (Who are the wrong targets according to Saad? Trans women and immigrants.)

In a February appearance on Joe Rogan’s podcast, Elon Musk explicitly referenced Saad but went even further, stating, “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy — the empathy exploit. They’re exploiting a bug in Western civilization” — the “they” here being the left wing. “I think empathy is good,” Musk added, “but you need to think it through, and not just be programmed like a robot.” 

By March, mainstream media had noticed the conversation. David French had observed the “strange spectacle” of the Christian turn against empathy in a column for the New York Times. In April, a deep-dive in the Guardian followed. That same month, a broad-ranging conversation in the New Yorker with Albert Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, led to interviewer Isaac Chotiner pressing him about why empathy is bad. The discussion, of deported Venezuelan immigrants wrongfully suspected of having gang tattoos, led to Mohler saying that “there’s no reason anyone other than a gang member should have that tattoo.” (Among the tattoos wrongly flagged as gang symbols were the words “Mom” and “Dad” on the wrists of one detainee.)

The pro-empathy backlash is fierce 

The connective tissue across all these disparate anti-empathy voices is two-fold, according to Christian scholar Karen Swallow Prior. Prior, an anti-abortion ethicist and former longtime Liberty University professor, singled out the argument’s outsize emphasis on attacking very small, very vulnerable groups — as well as the moment in which it’s all happening.

“The entire discourse around empathy is backlash against those who are questioning the authority of those in power,” she told me, “not coincidentally emerging in a period where we have a rise in recognition of overly controlling and narcissistic leaders, both in and outside the church.” Those people “understand and appreciate empathy the least.”

“Trump made it okay to not be okay with culture,” Peter Bell, co-creator and producer of the Sons of Patriarchy podcast, which explores longstanding allegations of emotional and sexual abuse against Doug Wilson’s Christ Church, told me. (Wilson has denied that the church has a culture of abuse or coercion.) “He made it kind of cool for Christians to be jerks,” Bell said. “He made the unspoken things spoken, the whispered things shouted out loud.”

Prior believes that the argument won’t have a long shelf life because Rigney’s idea is so convoluted. Yet she added that it’s born out of toxic masculinity, in an age where stoicism, traditionally male-coded, is increasingly part of the regular cultural diet of men via figures like Jordan Peterson. That hypermasculinity goes hand in hand with evangelical culture, and with the ideas Rigney borrowed from Friedman about too many emotions being a weakness. In this framing, emotion becomes non-masculine by default — i.e., feminine.

“EVERYBODY’S SUPPOSED TO HAVE SYMPATHY FOR THE WHITE MALE, BUT WHEN YOU SHOW EMPATHY TO ANYONE ELSE, SUDDENLY EMPATHY IS A SIN.” -KAREN SWALLOW PRIOR, CHRISTIAN SCHOLAR

That leads us to the grimmest part of Rigney’s “untethered empathy” claims: the way he explicitly genders it — and demonizes it — as feminine. Throughout his book, he argues that women are more empathetic than men, and that as a result, they are more prone to giving into it as a sin. It’s an inherently misogynistic view that undermines women’s decision-making and leadership abilities. 

Though Rigney pushed back against this characterization in an email to me, arguing that critics have distorted what he views as merely “gendered tendencies and susceptibility to particular temptations,” he also couldn’t help reinforcing it. “[F]emale tendencies, like male tendencies, have particular dangers, temptations, and weaknesses,” he wrote. Women thus should recognize this and “take deliberate, Spirit-wrought action to resist the impulse to become a devouring HR department that wants to run the world.”

As Prior explains, though, Rigney’s just fine with a mythic national human resources department, as long as it supports the status quo. “Everybody’s supposed to have sympathy for the white male,” she said, “but when you show empathy to anyone else, suddenly empathy is a sin.”

What’s heartening is that, whether they realize what kind of dangerous extremism undergirds it, most people aren’t buying Rigney’s “empathy is sin” claim. Across the nation, in response to Rigney’s assertion, the catchphrase, “If empathy is a sin, then sin boldly” has arisen, as heard in pulpits, seen on church marquees, and worn on T-shirts — a reminder that it takes much more than the semantic whims of a few extremists to shake something most people hold in their hearts.

Exposing the Backlash in Forward Kentucky: Kimberly Kennedy on the White Supremacist Roots and Real Costs of Anti-DEI Legislation

Friends,

In her powerful two-part series for Forward Kentucky, former multicultural educator Kimberly Kennedy offers a searing and well-informed critique of the anti-DEI movement that has taken root in Kentucky and across the nation. She begins by methodically dismantling the false narratives being circulated by legislators—debunking myths about tuition hikes, so-called liberal indoctrination, and the alleged divisiveness of DEI efforts. 

Drawing from her own experiences, Kennedy defends DEI not as a partisan agenda, but as a basic commitment to equity, accurate historical education, and democratic learning spaces where all students belong. 

In the second installment also posted below, she courageously connects the dots between this wave of legislation and its origins in white nationalist ideology—naming institutions like the Claremont Institute that are engineering this backlash and feeding ready-made bills to lawmakers in conservative strongholds, including Kentucky and Texas.

Like what we’ve seen with Texas’ SB 17, Kennedy makes clear that these measures are not about cost-savings or academic integrity—they are about narrative control and cultural erasure. 

The ultimate harm isn’t just the silencing of marginalized communities or the gutting of student support systems; it’s the long-term degradation of our public universities and our democratic capacity as a society. Kennedy’s work is both a warning and a moral call to action: to defend truth-telling in education, to resist the rollback of civil rights gains, and to reject the normalization of white supremacist logic under the guise of “neutral” policy.

I wholeheartedly agree that the white supremacist vision for America is not only

dangerous but utterly obsolete—out of step with the multiracial, multiethnic, and gender-diverse pluralist democracy we are poised to become. I urge everyone to listen to this powerful conversation on Red, Wine, and Blue featuring Jasmine Crockett and Heather Cox Richardson. Among many important insights, they emphasize the urgency of civic engagement and call on everyday Americans to consider running for office, especially in this moment of constitutional crisis, as Representative Crockett compellingly argues.

Sí se puede! Yes we can!

-Angela Valenzuela


What anti-DEI politicos get wrong. Part 1 – the myths

The attacks on DEI programs come from a base of half-truths, mis-truths, and outright lies. In this two-part series, Kimberly Kennedy lays out what our politicians get wrong about DEI.


Kimberly Kennedy, February 22, 2024




As a former multicultural educator, my antenna went up when I heard about anti-DEI legislation proposed in Kentucky: SB 93 for K-12, plus SB 6 and HB 9 for higher education. In short, DEI refers to programs addressing Diversity (people from the rainbow of sub-cultures), Equity (fairness, equal opportunity, and justice), and Inclusion (belonging and feeling valued). As I look at each of these concepts, I can’t imagine having a problem with any of them. So I set out to investigate the objections, and here’s what I found. (Although I focus primarily upon higher education, many of the principles apply to K–12 as well.) Kentucky legislators were heard repeating the following myths:

Myth: DEI programs raise the cost of tuition.

First, tuition is set by the Kentucky Council on Postsecondary Education. Their web site illuminates the issue well: “[S]tate cuts to higher education over the last decade have shifted a larger portion of college costs to students and their families.”

Further, tuition cost is impacted by a multitude of factors, like increased operating costs and a shift in the burden of higher costs to families, who are encouraged to take on student-loan debt. There are also capital projects, including facilities to accommodate increased student population, as well as increased research and program offerings (including DEI), which respond to the needs of a changing society and technological advancements and make Kentucky’s universities competitive.

Naturally, there is an interest in faculty salaries. At the University of Kentucky, for example, top salaries are not for DEI employees, but for top administrators and athletic coaches, ranging from $400K to $1.7Mil. Salaries for DEI faculty range from $50–105K, with a few outliers being more — but still below $400K. Most importantly, all staff appear to wear multiple hats, with their DEI role being one. This suggests that cutting DEI programs may have little if any impact on faculty and salaries, thus little effect on tuition cost.

Myth: Public universities are bastions of liberal indoctrination.

Although this makes a great conservative rallying point, this assumption has been debunked by research. As conservative Matthew Woessner of Penn State observes, “[Our] results do not paint a picture of conservative students under siege.”

One explanation for this myth stems from the erroneous idea that the term “liberal” in Liberal Arts Education means the same as the word “liberal” which is opposite from a “conservative” political ideology, and thus should be attacked. But “liberal” in academia comes from the Latin “liberalis,” which means “relating to freedom,” as in thought.

This myth also assumes that 1) all professors are progressive, and 2) aren’t “professional[s] capable of divorcing their own political ideologies from their work,” says Dr. Kelly Wilz, University of Wisconsin professor.

Most important, it doesn’t accurately reflect what occurs in a classroom. (Perhaps some legislators should revisit one.) Educators present information and then, as Dr. Wilz explains, “get [students] to think critically ... not ... tell them what to think. My job is to teach them to question the validity of sources, to learn how to conduct research, and ... to question authority, even if that ‘authority’ is me.”

And what about the students? Dr. Wilz asserts, “[This] presumes that students are so gullible and incapable of free thought, professors can shape their minds.”


Myth: DEI stifles free speech.


Dr. Wilz articulates that, in a classroom, all voices are welcome – but not all ideas have merit. Students are expected to defend their positions with evidence; if they cannot, they may sense pushback from other students “because they have not survived the challenge of scrutiny. The resistance I see is from people who can’t take that scrutiny and who can’t defend their ideas,” she says.

That is Democracy with a capital “D” in action.

In contrast, anti-DEI legislation threatens to illegalize a wide swath of speech in favor of a conservative worldview – hardly democratic. Legislators can’t claim to support Free Speech while banning speech they disagree with.

“Legislators can’t claim to support Free Speech while banning speech they disagree with.”

– from the comments

Myth: DEI programs cause division.

The argument here is that diversity programs focus upon our differences and thus divide us, sometimes causing reverse discrimination of white heteronormatives. But there is not substantive evidence of this – just a boatload of conservative rhetoric plus an anecdote here and there.

In fact, a 2023 Pew research poll of employees in a traditional work environment found that 56% felt DEI initiatives were a good thing – not divisive.

My experience has also been completely opposite of the myth. People who learn about cultural differences experience empathy, which produces insights and better understanding of the sub-group, thus leading to respect and improved relationships. Think about how you respond differently to a person on the autism spectrum once you learn more about it.

The most basic form of Diversity Training (DT) is teaching an accurate, unvarnished history of American sub-cultures. Kathryn Wiley, a white professor from Howard University, eloquently explains her reaction to learning a more detailed African-American history: “[M]y entire understanding of this country changed. ... I gained significant respect and reverence for communities of color. ... It made me more committed to our democratic ideals and to building community. ... It made me feel a healthy sense of responsibility to those different from myself.” Wiley indicates that if others could have this experience, they would have a renewed sense of civic responsibility.

Which brings me to Rebekah Keith, the white UK student who gave testimony to the legislature about feeling discriminated against: Her testimony was remarkable evidence of the need for DT; for had she experienced it, she would likely be able to demonstrate the insights and understanding necessary for the job that requires “relatability to non-whites.”

In conclusion: Legislators, where is your evidence of harm caused by DEI? (A handful of anecdotes does not a pattern make.)
Looking ahead: the broader white supremacist conspiracy



Many conservatives have bought into the anti-DEI rhetoric popularized via conservative media outlets without realizing its origins in white supremacist ideology. I’ll examine that in the next installment.

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