Who Belongs? The Pushout of LGBTQIA+ Students in Texas Higher Education, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D. and Sherri Castillo, Ph.D.

Who Belongs? The Pushout of LGBTQIA+ Students in Texas Higher Education

by 

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D. and Sherri Castillo, Ph.D.

Let’s be honest about what’s at stake. We are witnessing the systematic dismantling of resources, relationships, and rights that LGBTQIA+ students, faculty, and staff have long relied upon—not only to succeed in higher education but to survive. For many LGBTQIA+ students, higher education is the first place they begin to feel like themselves, but the passage and implementation of Senate Bill 17 in Texas has created a climate of fear, confusion, and deep harm. It is a policy born of cruelty, not concern.

The LGBTQIA+ Campus Climate Report (Equality Texas, 2024) documents what so many of us already know in our bones: This law is not about neutrality or fairness—it’s about erasure. It bans Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) offices, prohibits training and outreach, and punishes institutions that dare to affirm the dignity of marginalized students. The language of SB 17 is

Read report here.

 intentionally vague enough to prompt institutions towards preemptive compliance, closing multicultural centers and college-sponsored LGBTQIA+ events. It has led to layoffs, surveillance, and self-censorship, all while those in power pretend this is a matter of bureaucratic housekeeping. It is not.

According to the report, nearly 80 percent of LGBTQIA+ students interviewed said they’ve considered leaving Texas. Over half have considered leaving their university. Students have lost access to everything from gender-affirming clothing exchanges to mentorship programs, mental health support, safe campus spaces, and visible symbols of allyship. In their place, students have been forced to fill the void themselves—organizing events, building community, and advocating for their peers—all while navigating academic and social systems that tell them they do not belong.

LGBTQIA+ students and their families pay taxes like everyone else. Isn’t it reasonable to expect that public institutions, funded by those very dollars, provide support—not exclusion—for all students? What, then, do they have to show for their investment in a system that is actively pushing them out? This is not sustainable. It is not just. And it is not who we should be as a state or a society.

Faculty and staff are feeling the strain, too. Three-quarters of LGBTQIA+ educators and university workers report negative impacts from SB 17. Many no longer feel safe or supported. Some have already left; others are preparing to go. As tensions increase in Texas following debate over bills that limit academic freedom, research funding, and further alienate marginalized people, we must ask ourselves what kind of future are we building when those who serve and mentor our students are driven out by ideological intimidation?

Private universities, while not subject to the law, are hardly immune. The chilling effect of SB 17 has reached their campuses too—students there report rising hostility, minimal institutional support, and growing concern about whether their campuses will follow suit in censoring DEI work under pressure.

Let us not be fooled: this is part of a larger project to control education, rewrite history, and suppress the lives and knowledge of entire communities. When the state dictates which identities can be acknowledged, which truths can be told, and which students can feel safe—it is not neutrality. It is structural violence.

And let us not forget: LGBTQIA+ students—particularly transgender and nonbinary youth—are at heightened risk for mental health challenges. According to national data, nearly 40% of transgender and gender-expansive college students have seriously considered suicide. That number alone should give any policymaker pause. Instead, we see performative cruelty disguised as policy, and political theater masquerading as governance.

But we are not powerless. We must call this moment what it is—an attack on young people, on educational integrity, and on the very idea of a public university that serves all Texans. Generation Z and Generation Alpha are set to be the most racially, ethnically, and gender-diverse age-generation cohort in recorded American history (Castillo, Valenzuela, & Hinds, 2025; Twenge, 2023). We must affirm life, not erasure. It is our moral and civic responsibility to ensure that these students are not only protected, but fully supported, celebrated, and empowered to thrive in the institutions that claim to serve them.

We say this as educators, as individuals who have devoted our lives and careers to nurturing critical consciousness and inclusive learning spaces. I, Angela, say this as a mother, a grandmother, and someone who has marched, testified, and fought alongside students. The state of policy protections for transgender and non-binary people in Texas should alarm researchers and citizens alike. When states like Texas ban conversations about sexuality and gender identity, remove books from libraries, and restrict access to medical care, they attempt to erase the existence of trans people alongside other minoritized communities. And I say this as a Texan who believes we can and must do better.

We need to protect academic freedom. We need to invest in student support systems, not gut them. And we need to make clear that all students—regardless of gender, race, or identity—deserve to learn in an environment of dignity and respect.

If we lose this fight, we don’t just lose DEI offices. We lose lives. We lose potential. We lose a generation of thinkers, leaders, and changemakers. But if we stand together—if we organize, testify, vote, and refuse to be silent—we can still turn this tide. Let us honor our students not by explaining away injustice, but by challenging it. Let us make Texas a place where all students are free to become who they are.

                                                      References

Castillo, S., Valenzuela, A., & Hinds, C. (2025). Organizing and youth resistance: The fight for trans rights in Texas. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2025.2502060

Equality Texas. (2024). LGBTQIA+ campus climate report: Perspectives on campus climate and the effects of SB 17’s DEI ban from LGBTQIA+ students, staff, and faculty at Texas colleges and universities. https://www.equalitytexas.org

Twenge, J. M. (2023). Generations: The real differences between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—and what they mean for America’s future. Atria Books.

Dr. Angela Valenzuela is a professor in the College of Education at the University of Texas-Austin.

Dr. Sherri Castillo is an education policy scholar and former public school teacher dedicated to advancing equity and inclusion for LGBTQIA+ people in K-12 and higher education. 

This awful news came out this past week. Terrible optic. Terrible reality. Texas just always want to be Texas, including when it comes to providing for children and families in need.  This is so sad. Why not do everything possible to help Texas school children? There were earlier efforts to address this by the organization, Every Texan, as follows:

Every Texan petitioned alongside statewide and regional organizations for the program last November, signing a letter to Cecile Young, executive commissioner of HHSC.

“Summer EBT [Electronic Benefit Transfer] is something that we have been advocating for for years, because we know how hard it is in a state as spread out as Texas to access enough food, to be able to afford enough food for their kids when school is closed,” Rachel Cooper told The Texas Tribune.

Geez, there is so much food insecurity and 3.8 million kids are eligible for the program! Why this lack of will? We "throw money" at the border. Why not do so here? 

-Angela Valenzuela

Texas passes on $450 million summer lunch program for low-income families

The USDA estimates the families of 3.8 million children could have received $120 per child to cover summer lunches if the state participated in the new $2.5 billion program launching this summer. Texas is one of 15 states opting out.

BY NINA BANKS

FEB. 22, 202410 AM CENTRAL

Siblings Stacy Hurd, 11, Angelica Hurd, 5, and Sheniya Hurd, 8, eat a free meal together at Jarvis Christian College in Hawkins, one of more than 70 sites the East Texas Food Bank sponsors in the summer. Credit:
Laura Skelding, Texas Tribune

This year 35 states will participate in a $2.5 billion federal nutrition program that will help low-income parents buy groceries for their children when free school meals are unavailable during the summer months.

But Texas, which has 3.8 million children eligible for the program, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, has opted not to join this national effort. If it had, qualifying families would have received $120 per child through a pre-loaded card for the three summer months. The USDA calculated that Texas is passing on a total of $450 million in federal tax dollars that would have gone to eligible families here.

The reason for the pass is simple, according to the Texas Health and Human Services Commission. When the USDA notified HHSC officials of their new Summer Electronic Benefit Transfer, or EBT program on Dec. 29, that gave the nation’s second largest state only six months to get it up and running and that’s not enough time, said Tiffany Young, a spokesperson for the state agency.

Although the summer program would involve two other agencies as well – the Texas Education Agency and the Texas Department of Agriculture – HHSC would have to bear the brunt of the work because they would have to coordinate and direct the distribution of the preloaded cards to qualifying families.

Already on their plate is the cumbersome unwinding of Medicaid coverage. Since last April, the agency has removed more than 2 million Texans from the program since the federal government lifted continuous coverage rules during the pandemic, forcing those who still qualify for coverage to reapply. From HHSC’s perspective, launching an entirely new program wouldn’t be possible at this time.

Additionally, the USDA would only cover 50% of the administrative expenses for Summer EBT. It would be up to the state to cover the residual cost.

Young wrote that the HHSC, TDA and TEA have been in “active discussions” about each agencies’ responsibilities in accordance with Summer EBT.

The U.S. Department of Agriculture first piloted the summer program with Pandemic EBT, or P-EBT, during the 2019-2020 school year in all 50 states. P-EBT was created in response to children from low-income families who qualified for free and reduced-price school meals during the COVID-19 pandemic. Federal officials estimate 21 million children in 35 states, five U.S. territories and four tribes participating in the program would receive the extra money during the summer months.

Texas is one of 15 states that will not participate. Among the 15 is Alabama — opting out with similar rationale to Texas — attributing their reasoning to an insufficient amount of time to appropriate the funds necessary for the program.

For more than 3 million Texas children, school lunch may be the only full meal they get each day. According to Feeding Texas, a nonprofit organization that supplies food banks across the state, one in five children are affected by food insecurity — defined as an insufficient amount or unreliable sources of food to sustain oneself.

The Texas Department of Agriculture administers the free and reduced meal program for students during the school year. Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller said he understands the disappointment some families have about Texas’ decision not to participate this year. . He said his agency would have assisted if the decision was made to participate.

“The problem we’re facing — and we face this at the TDA in our school meals program and our summer feeding programs — everything is so much more expensive,” Miller said. “An extra 40 dollars could have gone a long way to offset that.”

Every Texan petitioned alongside statewide and regional organizations for the program last November, signing a letter to Cecile Young, executive commissioner of HHSC.

“Summer EBT is something that we have been advocating for for years, because we know how hard it is in a state as spread out as Texas to access enough food, to be able to afford enough food for their kids when school is closed,” Rachel Cooper told The Texas Tribune.

Though not as comprehensive as Summer EBT, food insecure children still have options for food assistance during the summer. Miller told the Tribune that “kids aren’t going to get fed any less” on account of the TDA’s expansion of their Summer Meals Program. Children 18 and under are eligible to receive a free meal at their meal sites across the state.

Parents can also find out if their child’s school district is one of many that provide free meals during the summer. National organizations, such as the YMCA and Boys & Girls Club, provide summer meal assistance at select locations. Though it remains possible to secure a balanced meal without Summer EBT, Cooper believes it is still possible and necessary for Texas to join the program in 2025. “Our kids need it,” Cooper said. “They deserve it, and we just need to do our part.”

Disclosure: Every Texan and Feeding Texas have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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It is awesome to share these news that Gov. Abbott's cherished HB 1 voucher bill just failed in Texas' fourth special-called legislative session, demonstrating that this is less about party than it is about the quality of this policy for our state. In total, vouchers have been defeated in a total of 5 Texas legislative sessions this year—once, in the regular, and four times across four special legislative sessions.

Here is today's vote breakdown on the Rep. John Raney (R-College Station) amendment that killed vouchers:

Total Nays 63 = 42.2% of the House 

Total  Yeas 84 = 56.3% of the House

D’s - 63 of 64 = 98.4% (Munoz absent) 

R’s - 63 of 84 R’s = 75% (Phelan non-vote & Slaton vacant seat)

21 R’s + 63 D’s = 84 TOTAL votes defeats vouchers

Even now, Gov. Abbott is demonstrating no apparent limit. A Facebook colleague of mine, Carmen Guzman, reminded me recently of an important statement in a recent Texas Tribune piece titled, Texas' part-time Legislature has been at it all year. Now they're heading into a rare fourth special session as follows:

"Special sessions also are not without a cost to taxpayers. A full 30-day session amounts to about $1.2 million in per diem payments to lawmakers, which are meant to cover their expenses in Austin. Per diems are currently set at $221 a day — a payment that is in addition to their base salary of $7,200 a year." 

What a waste of tax payer dollars to meet one man's agenda. As our legislature meets biennially, meaning every other year, it also presents a hardship for poorly-paid legislators who need to support their families, run their businesses, attend weddings and baptisms and so on so that they can sacrifice their time and efforts for the regular legislative sessions held on odd-numbered years. That is, the 89th regular session of the Texas State Legislature kicks off in January, 2025. The interim period is also helpful in preparing for the regular session.

In sum, Gov. Abbott has been a terrible steward of our precious, hard-earned tax dollars especially considering our continuing need for increasing teachers' salaries and a need for more resources for Texas public schools. 

Hats off to Dr. Chloe Sikes and the impassioned members of the Texas Legislative Education Equity Coalition that consists of around 34 organizational members. Jaime Puente and Luis Figueroa with Every Texan also played decisive roles. With a coalition this large of which I am also a part, there are many individuals and organizations—too many to name—that merit mention.

For now a Thanksgiving holiday break. Fingers crossed that support for public education actually occurs in the not-so-distant future. 

We also have to re-focus our efforts on the Governor's anti-Constitutional SB 4 that racially profiles individuals and criminalizes immigrants.

Our local schools remain the bedrock of our fragile democracy. It's way past time to give them the funding they need and deserve. 

Note: The House and Senate stand in recess until next Tuesday, November 21 at 10am.

Happy holidays, everybody!

-Angela Valenzuela

Texas House votes to remove school vouchers from massive education bill

The outcome was an embarrassment to Gov. Greg Abbott, who spent seven months lobbying two dozen Republicans who signaled opposition to vouchers in April.

BY ZACH DESPART AND BRIAN LOPEZ

NOV. 16, 2023

Bonham Middle School students enter the school’s cafeteria for lunch on
Sept. 13 in Odessa. Credit:Eli Hartman/
The Texas Tribune

The Texas House on Friday voted to strip school vouchers from the chamber’s massive education funding bill, taking an ax to Gov. Greg Abbott’s top legislative priority of the year.

The House voted 84-63 in favor of an amendment offered by Rep. John Raney, R-College Station, which removed the provision of the bill allowing some parents to use tax dollars to send their children to private and religious schools. Twenty-one Republicans, most of whom represent rural districts, joined all Democrats in support.

They are: Raney, Steve Allison of San Antonio, Ernest Bailes of Shepherd, Keith Bell of Forney, DeWayne Burns of Cleburne, Travis Clardy of Nacogdoches, Drew Darby of San Angelo, Jay Dean of Longview, Charlie Geren of Fort Worth, Justin Holland of Rockwall, Kyle Kacal of College Station, Ken King of Canadian, John Kuempel of Seguin, Stan Lambert of Abilene, Andrew Murr of Junction, Four Price of Amarillo, Glenn Rogers of Graford, Hugh Shine of Temple, Reggie Smith of Sherman, Ed Thompson of Pearland and Gary VanDeaver of New Boston.

How the Texas House voted on school vouchers

On Friday, 84 Texas House members voted in favor of an amendment to remove

school vouchers from the education bill.

 

Voucher opponents said they feared the subsidy would divert money from their public school systems — either in the short term because students would leave for private schools, or in the long term because the state would have to commit more funding to the program that would otherwise fund public education. For many rural Republicans, they said they have few private schools in their districts where families could take advantage of vouchers.

The outcome was an embarrassment to Abbott, who spent seven months lobbying two dozen Republicans who signaled opposition to vouchers in a test vote during the regular legislative session in April. His various strategies included holding school choice rallies at private schools in rural areas, tying vouchers to increased public school funding, calling two special sessions dedicated to education, threatening to support primary challengers to Republicans who opposed vouchers and announcing a breakthrough deal with the holdouts that did not appear to exist.

None of it worked.

Just four of the Republican holdouts from the April test vote changed their position to vote against the anti-voucher amendment on Friday: Trent Ashby of Lufkin, Brooks Landgraf of Odessa, Angelia Orr of Itasca and David Spiller of Jacksboro. But Thompson was a new anti-voucher vote, bringing the governor’s net gain to three.

Even the barnstorming of rural districts failed to produce the desired effect. At a pro-voucher rally in Bryan last year, Abbott was joined by the local state representative — Raney, who led the push against vouchers Friday.

“I believe in my heart that using taxpayer dollars to fund an entitlement program is not conservative, and it’s bad public policy,” Raney, who is not seeking reelection, said on the House floor. “Expanding government-defined choice programs for a few without accountability… undermines our constitutional and moral duty to educate the children of Texas.”

Abbott, in a statement Friday evening, did not concede defeat.

“Today’s vote is just another step on the path to provide school choice for parents and students across Texas,” the governor said. “I will continue advancing school choice in the Texas Legislature and at the ballot box… until all parents can choose the best education path for their child. I am in it to win it.”

In his statement he took a dig at the “pro-union Republicans in the Texas House who voted with Democrats.”

For years, that coalition of Democrats and rural Republicans have joined together to block attempts to create a voucher system in Texas.

That alliance held Friday afternoon.

The bill, authored by Rep. Brad Buckley, R-Killeen, is a $7 billion omnibus bill that would also boost spending for public schools. It would increase the basic allotment — the base amount allocated to districts per student — from $6,160 to $6,700 and would be adjusted for inflation starting in the 2026-27 school year. It also includes a one-time $4,000 bonus for full-time teachers, counselors, nurses and librarians.

But its key provision was school vouchers. The provision which was stripped would have created education savings accounts, a voucher program that would allow about 40,000 students who exit the state’s public education system to either receive $10,500 annually for private school expenses or up to $1,000 for homeschooling. The program would have prioritized students from low-income families and those with disabilities, but with every child eligible for the money as funds allowed.

Friday’s floor action showcased the reversal of roles vouchers have produced. Democrats, who are in the minority, were united and for once confident of their victory. They mostly sat out the three-hour debate over the anti-voucher amendment, allowing Republicans to battle among themselves.

Several voucher supporters framed the issue as one of helping low-income parents.

“The rich in Texas have school choice; poor Texans do not,” said Rep. Brian Harrison of Midlothian. He added, “this amendment is a slap in the face to the voters who elected us.”

Reps. Jared Patterson of Frisco and Caroline Harris of Round Rock said rejecting vouchers could prevent parents from removing their children from public schools if they are sexually assaulted. Rep. Ellen Troxclair of Fredericksburg made a similar point about students who are bullied.

But the holdouts were unmoved.

“Overwhelmingly, my constituents do not stand for the [education savings accounts] proposal we debate here today,” Rogers said. “One of my constituents said we need to enhance our public schools, not divert their funds.”

Not only did the House pass the anti-voucher amendment, they voted by an identical margin to prevent that decision from being reconsidered.

The future of the bill is now in doubt; Abbott has said he will veto any education legislation that does not contain vouchers. Acknowledging this reality, the House abandoned its plan to consider other amendments to HB 1 after stripping vouchers from the bill.

Members referred HB 1 back to the education committee, which Buckley suggested was purely procedural.

“We had a bill that didn’t pass,” he said as he walked out of the Capitol. “Had to do something with it.”

Threats against the anti-voucher Republicans were swift.

The Family Empowerment Coalition Political Action Committee said in a statement that it would change its strategy to focus on mounting primary challenges to target the holdouts. Before the vote, its strategy was focused on defending its incumbents.

“We will do our part in having the voices of families, particularly low-income families, heard on this issue,” said Eddie Lucio, former Democratic state senator and PAC board member.

Democrats said they will now push to pass HB 1 with its remaining elements, forcing Abbott to oppose a bill that includes teacher pay raises and increased funding for public schools.

“That’s something I hope he thinks about over this Thanksgiving holiday,” said Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer of San Antonio, the caucus leader.

The governor has threatened to continue calling lawmakers back to Austin until they pass a bill. Friday marked the 227th day the Legislature has been in session in 2023, tying the single-year record in state history. There is little evidence to suggest a fifth special session would produce a different result on vouchers.

Monty Exter, director of governmental relations at the Association of Texas Professional Educators, said they’re grateful for the members that stood strong against school vouchers and are ready to continue standing against them, whether that be in another special session or the primary elections.

“We are hopeful the governor and voucher proponents recognize that the unity of the public education community on this issue cannot be broken,” Exter said.

School safety 

Lawmakers also passed two major pieces of school safety legislation that would give Texas public schools $1.3 billion more to fund new safety measures. Though the Legislature passed several sweeping school safety mandates earlier this year, school officials have complained that lawmakers did not allot enough funding for schools to actually implement the new requirements.

House Bill 2, which establishes two school safety grant programs, passed with a vote of 145-2, with Democratic Reps. Nicole Collier from Fort Worth and Carl Sherman from DeSoto voting against. Lawmakers approved an amendment proposed by Rep. Erin Zwiener, D-Driftwood, that allows school safety funds to pay for schools to run a fentanyl awareness program.

They also approved an amendment by Rep. Valoree Swanson, R-Spring, that requires schools to obtain written consent from a child’s parents before conducting any psychological exam or treatment of a student using HB 2 funds.

House Joint Resolution 1, which proposes a constitutional amendment that will go before voters next May, creates a new school safety fund to support the grant programs in HB 2. HJR 1 passed with a vote of 144-3, with Republican Reps. Matt Schaefer from Tyler, Brian Harrison from Midlothian and Briscoe Cain from Deer Park voting no.

Renzo Downey and Maia Pandey contributed reporting.

Friends,

We know that there is a connection between demonizing public education, teachers, and school vouchers that involve taking our precious and hard-earned taxpayer dollars that go toward funding public schools and directing them to charter and private schools. 

Economic Opportunity Director Jaime Puente at Every Texan, points to a poll from the Charles Butt Foundation which shows that parents generally love their public schools. The pro-voucher campaign depends of defaming public education for their sway for vouchers to have a chance. Not that public schools are problem-free, but rather that their problems will multiply under a privatization model once robbed of already much-needed revenue.

Be sure to read Jaime Puente's excellent piece titled, "Vouchers: The 'Lost Cause' Fight of Our Generation."

Great interview, Jaime!

-Angela Valenzuela

School vouchers are getting a renewed push at upcoming Texas Legislature

Parents rights’ advocates are pushing for school vouchers in 2023 after two years of pushback at public school board meetings. Despite the controversies that have swirled around public schools since the pandemic, polls show support for public education in Texas remains strong.

By Sarah AschDecember 19, 2022 1:55 pm

                Patricia Lim/KUT

With the Texas legislative session just around the corner, groups that advocate for parents’ rights in education have started to push for school vouchers.

Vouchers, which allow students to attend private schools using taxpayer dollars, are popular with many Republican politicians who argue that vouchers protect parental choice in education.

However, many see vouchers as effectively taking money out of the public school system to send students to private or charter schools. Education advocates against vouchers say efforts over the last year at school districts across the state challenging library books or curriculum about racism may have served as a precursor for the push to expand vouchers in Texas in 2023.

Jaime Puente, the director of economic opportunity with progressive advocacy group Every Texan, said a poll from the Charles Butt Foundation shows that Texans love their public schools. According to the poll, the share of public school parents giving their local public schools an A or B grade is up 12 percentage points in two years — to 68%.

“Parents love the schools and love the teachers that are educating their kids. And the only way to get parents to give that up, or to maybe second-guess their love for their local neighborhood community schools, is to try to tear them down,” he said. “That’s what we’ve seen with attacks on our social studies curriculum, attacks on ethnic studies, attacks on our librarians and the books that they choose. And so really what we’re seeing and what we have seen in the last couple of years is the precursor to what we are expecting in the next legislative session, which is an-all out assault on public education, and an attempt to dismantle our public school finance system through vouchers.”

Vouchers have historically been popular among politicians including Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, and groups like the Texas Public Policy Foundation, Puente said, adding that not every parent raising curriculum concerns at school board meetings is doing so in the name of advancing vouchers. However, he said, in some cases private school parents — or those who haven’t had children in school for a long time — get involved in the debate with different goals in mind.

“The nature of this argument has been to create a seeming groundswell of support for vouchers, when we know through data courtesy of organizations like the Charles Butt Foundation, parents of public school students love their schools,” he said. “I know most Texans love the public education system. While it has problems, and they know it has problems, they believe in public schools and their ability to educate our students.”

Vouchers often come up during the Texas legislative session. Usually, a coalition of Democratic and Republican lawmakers representing rural districts prevent vouchers from passing into law. Puente said that despite the renewed push for vouchers, he does not expect them to pass given the strength of the opposition among key lawmakers.

“What I am looking forward to is a bipartisan, broad-based coalition of folks who know and love the public schools and are willing to fight for public education,” he said.

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