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Showing posts with label #BlackBrownSolidarity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label #BlackBrownSolidarity. Show all posts

Monday, August 03, 2026

Black Male Lives Are Not Disposable: Confronting Gun Violence and Anti-Blackness, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

Black Male Lives Are Not Disposable: Confronting Gun Violence & Anti-Blackness

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

August 3, 2026

Gun violence is a national public health crisis, but its burden is not shared equally. Black communities—and Black boys and men, in particular—experience a profoundly disproportionate share of the deaths, injuries, trauma, and grief.

A recent report from the Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence
documents the scale of this emergency. In 2024, one in every 143 Black men ages 18 to 24 in Philadelphia was killed or injured in a gun homicide or shooting. In Rochester, New York, the figure was one in 85. In Cincinnati, it was one in 81. Although most shootings are committed by a relatively small number of people, the consequences reverberate across entire families, schools, neighborhoods, and generations.

Black Americans die from gun violence at 2.6 times the rate of white Americans. Nearly 13,600 Black people die from gun violence each year, on average. Most strikingly, although Black boys and men constitute only about 6 percent of the U.S. population, they account for more than half of all U.S. gun-homicide victims.

Among Black men ages 15 to 44, homicide has been the leading cause of death for more than half a century. In the nation’s 20 largest counties, Black males ages 15 to 24 die from gun homicide at nearly 23 times the rate of white males of the same age. In 2024, more Black men ages 15 to 24 died from gun homicides than from unintentional injuries, suicide, heart disease, cancer, diabetes, police shootings, HIV, and numerous other leading causes combined.

These statistics require us to say something plainly: Black male life continues to be treated as disposable.

Gun violence Is also structural violence.

We must reject explanations that portray gun violence as evidence of a defect within Black culture. Violence does not develop in a historical vacuum. It is closely connected to racial segregation, economic abandonment, underfunded schools, limited health care, housing instability, unemployment, and the withdrawal of public and private investment.

Shockingly, according to the Giffords Center report, "One study showed that Black Americans are just as likely to be shot and killed by law enforcement if they are unarmed as white Americans who are armed. 39

Disinvestment is itself a form of symbolic violence

Disinvestment helps produce violence, and violence is then used to justify further disinvestment, surveillance, policing, and incarceration. Communities are denied resources, blamed for the consequences, and punished rather than supported.

Anti-Blackness operates through these institutional choices. It shapes whose neighborhoods receive investment, whose trauma receives treatment, whose children are protected, and whose deaths generate sustained public urgency.

The trauma extends beyond those who are shot.

Black boys and men are not only the people most likely to be killed or injured; they are also among those most likely to witness gun violence or live near it. More than half of Black youth in one study lived within a mile of a gun homicide. Children living within several blocks of a shooting were nearly 50 percent more likely to seek emergency mental health care.

Every death affects parents, children, partners, siblings, classmates, and neighbors. Black women and girls frequently carry much of the caregiving and emotional labor that follows, holding families and communities together while managing their own grief.

The rising rate of firearm suicide among Black youth is also alarming. Between 2020 and 2024, firearm-suicide rates increased by 26 percent among Black Americans and by 22 percent among Black people ages 10 to 24.

These figures remind us that Black boys and men must be recognized not only as resilient, but also as vulnerable human beings deserving care, protection, tenderness, and mental health support.

Fighting anti-Blackness across aur communities.

This is not a crisis that Black communities should be expected to solve alone. Anti-Blackness exists across institutions and across racial and ethnic communities, including communities that have themselves experienced racism.

It appears when Black masculinity is equated with criminality, when Black neighborhoods are treated as dangerous and disposable, when racial slurs and stereotypes go unchallenged, and when communities pursue their own advancement by distancing themselves from Black people.

Meaningful Black-Brown and multiracial solidarity requires more than symbolic declarations. It requires confronting anti-Blackness in our homes, organizations, schools, universities, churches, movements, and public policies.

Black boys and men should not have to be perfect, respectable, middle class, academically successful, compliant, or unarmed for their lives to matter. Their humanity is not conditional.

From punishment to prevention and healing.

Evidence-based gun-safety laws—including firearm licensing, waiting periods, and strong public-carry laws—can reduce homicides. These policies must be combined with sustained investments in community-led violence-intervention programs, mental health care, youth employment, quality education, stable housing, mediation, mentorship, and trauma recovery.

We must choose prevention over abandonment, healing over punishment, investment over criminalization, and solidarity over racial division.

Black boys and men deserve to grow older. They deserve safety, opportunity, joy, dignity, and belonging.

Black male lives are not disposable. Our policies, institutions, communities, and collective actions must finally demonstrate that truth.

Reference

https://www.ddtonline.com/communities-crime-local-content/one-year-later-seeking-justice-james



REPORT

Gun Violence in Black Communities
by ALEX NGUYEN & KELLY DRANE 

Giffords Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence | APRIL 14, 2026
Introduction
For decades, gun violence has taken a disproportionate and grueling toll on Black communities—leading to tens of thousands of gun deaths and hundreds of thousands of gun injuries. The impact of gun violence on this community is particularly devastating for young Black men. In 2024, one in every 143 Black men ages 18 to 24 in Philadelphia were killed or injured in gun homicides or shootings.1 In Rochester, New York, it was one in 85 young Black men.2 In Cincinnati, it was one in 81 young Black men.3

The vast majority of shootings in these cities—and in similar communities across the country—are perpetrated by a very small number of people.4 But the impacts of this violence are felt across entire communities, contributing to generations of trauma and collective grief that have disproportionately affected Black people.

Importantly, gun violence in Black communities is a direct cause and consequence of systematic, structural disadvantages. Research shows that high rates of gun violence seen today have been forged by past and present racial discrimination, including historic racial segregation and disinvestment.5 As gun violence plagues these communities, it leads to diminished economic opportunities and a lack of investment, creating a vicious cycle.6 This reality provides not only a strong impetus for action, but also a reminder that solutions to this problem must address the underlying inequalities driving gun violence in Black communities.

Trends in Gun Violence

Gun violence touches every community and every racial group in the United States, but none more so than Black communities. In fact, Black Americans die from gun violence at 2.6 times the rate of white Americans.7 On average, nearly 13,600 Black people die from gun violence each year.8

The total gun death rate among Black Americans declined 20% from 2020 to 2024.9 Yet, in recent years, different types of gun deaths among Black Americans have seen different dynamics. For example, the firearm suicide rate for Black people rose 26% between 2020 and 2024.10 However, both the Black firearm homicide rate and the Black unintentional firearm death rate fell over the same time period (28% and 12%, respectively).11 Additionally, police shooting deaths among Black Americans have remained at high levels over the time period.12

Firearm Homicide

The vast majority of gun deaths among Black Americans are gun homicides, and Black Americans make up the majority of gun homicide victims in the US. In fact, 81% of all Black Americans who die from gun violence die by gun homicide.13 Despite the fact that Black boys and men account for just 6% of the total population, they comprise more than half of all gun homicide victims.14

Recently, gun homicide rates across the country have fallen. Between 2020 and 2024, the gun homicide rate among Black people decreased nearly 28%—the second fastest decline among racial and ethnic groups.15 However, gun homicide rates for this population remain higher than rates seen in 2019, before the pandemic, and Black Americans still die from gun homicide at higher rates than any other group.16 Black women also experience higher rates of gun violence than any other group of women. In 2024 alone, the gun homicide rate among Black women was 5.3 times higher than the gun homicide rate among white women.17

The disparities in Black and white homicide rates are particularly stark in large cities and counties. Research suggests that roughly half of all gun homicides take place in just 127 cities,18 driving the elevated rates of homicides in these geographies. In the nation’s 20 largest counties, Black men ages 15 to 24 die from gun homicides at a rate nearly 23 times that of white residents of the same age.19 This disparity means that while roughly five out of every 100,000 young white men in these counties die from gun homicides, nearly eleven in every 10,000 young Black men are killed in such incidents.16

Homicide has been the leading cause of death for Black men ages 15 to 44 for more than half a century.20 More than 87% of homicides in Black communities involve firearms.21 These disparities are even more striking for young Black men: gun homicides are the leading cause of death and more than outstrip deaths from other leading causes of death combined.16 In other words, in 2024, more Black men ages 15 to 24 died in gun homicides than from unintentional injuries, suicide, heart disease, cancer, nonfirearm homicides, diabetes, congenital abnormalities, chronic respiratory diseases, police shootings, cerebrovascular diseases, anemias, sepsis, influenza and pneumonia, and HIV combined.16

Gun violence is also the leading cause of death for Black children, in large part because of the severe burden of gun homicides on this population. In fact, while gun violence only recently became the leading cause of death for all children in 2020, gun violence has been the leading cause of death for Black children since 2006.22 Eighty-four percent of gun deaths among Black children are gun homicides, and, in 2024, Black children were 16 times more likely to be killed in a gun homicide than white children.23

The toll of our nation’s gun violence epidemic, however, extends beyond gun deaths and injuries. The high rates of gun violence in Black communities lead to more exposure to gun violence. In fact, Black boys and men not only are the most likely victims of gun violence but also are exposed to gun violence most often.24 For example, more than half of all Black youth in one study lived less than a mile away from a gun homicide.25 These exposures traumatize communities, leading to and exacerbating mental health problems like elevated levels of psychological distress, depression, and suicidal ideation.26 In one study, researchers found that children who lived within a few blocks of a shooting were nearly 50% more likely to seek mental health care at an emergency department.27

While Black male youth are the most likely to experience gun violence and particularly gun homicides, entire communities grieve and mourn losses inflicted by firearm homicide. Black girls and women are often tasked with providing care in the aftermath of loss.28 One scholar describes this as a “living death” or a “…‘second killing’ of Black women and girls who are forced to relive the trauma of vicarious, violent loss at the hands of others.”16

Firearm Suicide

In the US, the vast majority of gun suicide deaths have involved white people: over the last 20 years, in fact, white people have comprised 81% of all suicide deaths.29 However, more recent data suggests a worrying trend. Suicide and gun suicide rates have risen for every racial and ethnic group in recent years, with Black people seeing a more rapid increase in such rates compared to white people. From 2020 to 2024, gun suicide rates increased just 9% for white people, but 26% for Black people.30

Gun suicide increases—and the racial disparities in these increases—are particularly pronounced for Black youth. From 2020 to 2024, the firearm suicide rate for Black people ages 10 to 24 rose 22%.31 During the same period, the firearm suicide rate decreased 2% for 10-to-24-year-olds overall.32 For white youth in this age range during this time, the firearm suicide rate decreased 7%.33

From 2020 to 2024, gun suicide rates increased just nine percent for white people, but 26% for Black people.

On average, more than 3,700 Black Americans die by suicide each year.16 Nearly 3 in 5 (59%) involve firearms.16 However, scholarship suggests that these numbers likely undercount the burden of suicide in this community. Black Americans face numerous barriers to accessing mental health care,34 meaning that medical examiners are less likely to have sufficient data to accurately determine and classify deaths in these communities as suicides.35

Police Shootings

The sharp disparities in gun violence impacting Black Americans also extend to police shootings. One in four fatal police shootings involves a Black victim, though Black Americans make up just 14% of the US population.(In 2024, there were 49,207,745 Black Americans in the US and a total population of 340,110,990. From 2020 to 2024, there were 5,766 fatal police shootings. During that same time period, there were 1,437 Black victims. 36 When compared to all other racial and ethnic groups, Black Americans experience the highest rate of fatal police shootings.37 Police fatally shoot Black Americans at three times the rate they fatally shoot white Americans.38 One study showed that Black Americans are just as likely to be shot and killed by law enforcement if they are unarmed as white Americans who are armed.39

Recent research also suggests that Black–white disparities in police shootings were even more pronounced for nonfatal police shooting injuries.40 For example, researchers found that in Florida, Black people were approximately three times as likely as white people to be fatally shot by police, yet more than five times as likely as white people to be nonfatally shot by police.16

Risk of fatal police shooting if Black

Unarmed black civilians are three times more likely to be shot and killed by police than unarmed white civilians. Importantly, research is clear that these disparities in police shootings are not simply a product of more police contact between Black Americans and police or a product of increased crime in communities of color.41 Rather, police shooting disparities are amplified by residential segregation and the resulting racial biases.42

Police shootings have broad impacts on entire communities, leading to trauma and worsening mental health. One study, in fact, found that a police killing of an unarmed Black person led to a significant increase in the number of poor mental health days for Black people living in proximity to the shooting in the following three months.43 The mental health burden of police shootings in Black communities is estimated to be nearly as large as the mental health burden associated with diabetes in these communities.16

The consequences of police violence, however, extend beyond the shooting itself and its traumatic impact. Research is clear that shootings by police can erode community trust in law enforcement.44 Fractures in police-community trust, in turn, can fuel cycles of community gun homicides and shootings that disproportionately impact Black people.16

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Gun violence is a complex problem, and while there’s no one-size-fits-all solution, we must act. Our reports bring you the latest cutting-edge research and analysis about strategies to end our country’s gun violence crisis at every level. Learn More

Conclusion

The statistics on gun deaths among Black Americans paint a grim picture, but we should not be resigned that this toll and these disparities are inevitable.

Evidence-based gun safety laws can help address the epidemic of gun violence in Black communities. Recent research has found that specific policies, like waiting periods,45 firearm licensing laws,46 and strong public carry laws16 all reduce homicides in Black communities. Importantly, many of these policies enjoy strong support from Black Americans. A poll of Black Americans and Black gun owners found that these groups support a number of gun safety laws, in many cases at higher rates than white Americans and white gun owners.47

These policy reforms must also be coupled with direct investments in community-led violence intervention programs. Community violence intervention programs engage individuals at highest risk of being victims or perpetrators—or both—of violence through a variety of strategies including building relationships and providing supportive social services, addressing conflict through nonviolent means like de-escalation and mediation, and working to support community healing from violence. At their core, these programs ​​directly invest in communities and the people in them, with many programs helping to address systemic inequalities by meeting the economic, educational, health, and social needs of the participants and their families. Many communities have been employing these strategies for years, but dedicated, stable investments are needed to scale and sustain these programs.

Black communities have disproportionately shouldered our nation’s gun violence epidemic for decades, and will continue to do so unless we take concerted, community-driven steps to address this public health crisis. It is imperative—from an equity perspective, a moral perspective, and a human perspective—that we support these communities in reducing gun violence.

Tuesday, July 21, 2026

South to Freedom: Silvia Hector Webber, Mexican American Allies, and the Underground Railroad to Mexico, by Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D. July 21, 2026

South to Freedom: Silvia Hector Webber, Mexican American Allies, and the Underground Railroad to Mexico

by

Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.

July 21, 2026

Silvia Hector Webber’s life illuminates a little-known but essential chapter ofTexas history: the Underground Railroad did not lead only north. For many enslaved Black people in Texas and other parts of the Southwest, freedom lay south—across the Rio Grande and into Mexico. Their journeys depended first upon their own extraordinary courage, but they were also assisted by networks of Black, Mexican, Mexican American, and white residents who provided food, shelter, directions, transportation, and protection (Baumgartner, 2020; Hammack, 2024).

Born into slavery in 1807 in Spanish West Florida, in an area that later became part of eastern Louisiana, Silvia was sold at the age of 12 for $550, roughly equivalent  to $11,568 in U.S. dollars 2025 according to Wikipedia, 2025).

She later came to Mexican Texas as the enslaved property of John Cryer. Between 1826 and 1829, she met John Ferdinand Webber, a white settler and business associate of Cryer. By 1834, while Silvia remained enslaved, she had given birth to three children with Webber (Hammack, 2024).

Any account of their relationship must recognize the profoundly unequal and coercive conditions created by slavery. Silvia did not possess legal control over her own person, and under the doctrine governing slavery, her children could also be treated as property. Whatever bonds developed between Silvia and John existed within a system that denied her autonomy and placed her and her children in continual danger of sale, separation, and exploitation.

On June 11, 1834, Silvia and John negotiated with Cryer to secure freedom for Silvia and their three children. Cryer did not demand payment simply in money or land. He required that the Webbers provide him with a two-year-old enslaved boy and provide a three-year-old enslaved girl to one of his relatives (Hammack, 2024). Later records discussed in the Wikipedia account indicate that the Webbers did not deliver the children and ultimately forfeited a substantial portion of their Webberville property to settle the debt associated with Silvia’s and her children’s freedom (Wikipedia, 2025).

This episode exposes the moral horror at the center of slavery: freedom for one Black woman and her children was assigned a price to be paid through the enslavement of other children. Silvia’s story must therefore be remembered not only as one of perseverance and eventual liberation, but also as evidence of slavery’s immense suffering—the sale of children, the commodification of Black bodies, the vulnerability of families to separation, and the ability of enslavers to extract wealth from the human desire to keep one’s family together.

Even after Silvia and her children gained their legal freedom, they continued to experience severe anti-Black racism. The Webber children were prohibited from attending the local school with white children, requiring the family to hire a live-in tutor. Although some neighbors respected Silvia for her intelligence, kindness, and generosity, they did not treat her as a social equal (Hammack, 2024; Wikipedia, 2025).

Conditions deteriorated further after Texas separated from Mexico and established the Republic of Texas in 1836. The new republic expanded and protected slavery, outlawed interracial marriage, and severely restricted the rights that free Black people had possessed under Mexican law. As settlers from the slaveholding South moved into Central Texas, the Webbers faced growing hostility, discriminatory treatment, and threats of violence. They also feared that slave catchers or so-called "Blackbirders" might kidnap Silvia or the children and sell them into slavery (Wikipedia, 2025).

By the early 1850s, the danger had become so great that the family left Webberville and relocated to the Rio Grande Valley. They eventually settled near present-day Donna, Texas, across the river from Reynosa, Mexico. There, they established the Webber Ranch and operated a ferry across the Rio Grande (Hammack, 2024).

Family histories and regional accounts identify the Webber Ranch as a possible station on the southern Underground Railroad. Silvia was widely remembered for opening her home to people who were hungry, destitute, or seeking refuge. The Webbers reportedly fed and sheltered freedom seekers and used their ferry to help fugitives from slavery cross the Rio Grande into Mexico. Their neighbors, Matilda and Nathaniel Jackson, another interracial family, were also known to assist people escaping enslavement (Hammack, 2024; Wikipedia, 2025).

The Webbers were part of a much broader history of resistance. Research on the Underground Railroad to Mexico demonstrates that Mexican residents and Mexican Americans participated in these freedom networks. People of Mexican descent guided escapees, shared information about routes and conditions across the border, offered food and hiding places, and sometimes helped freedom seekers evade slave catchers. Some endured intimidation and violence from slaveholders precisely because they assisted enslaved Black people seeking freedom (Baumgartner, 2020).

This history is important because it challenges the familiar geography of the Underground Railroad, which is usually imagined as moving north toward free states and Canada. It reminds us that another vital path led south through Texas and into Mexico. It also complicates histories that portray slavery and abolition exclusively through a Black-white framework. Mexican and Mexican American communities were not merely observers of enslaved people’s flight to freedom; some were active participants in making that freedom possible.

The story of Silvia Hector Webber therefore reveals a profound history of Black resistance, Mexican and Mexican American assistance, interracial family struggle, and cross-border solidarity. At the same time, it exposes the long reach of slavery and anti-Black racism: the buying and selling of children, the denial of education, the threat of kidnapping and re-enslavement, the dispossession of property, the displacement of free Black families, and the persecution of those who opposed slavery and the Confederacy.

This important history will be addressed this coming Saturday, July 25, 2026, with Webber family members and descendants present at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center in Austin. The symposium, “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter, Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance & Black Freedom in North America,” will bring descendants, scholars, genealogists, and community historians together to honor Silvia’s legacy and deepen public understanding of Black freedom-seeking, Mexican American solidarity, and cross-border resistance.

The free symposium will take place from 10:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. at the ESB-MACC, 600 River Street, Austin, Texas. As I shared in an earlier blog post, the gathering is part of the Webber Family Preservation Project and will highlight both the Webber family’s history and the important work descendants are undertaking to recover and preserve their ancestral histories, cultures, and historic sites (Valenzuela, 2026).

Source note: This account draws principally on historian María Esther Hammack’s archival research on Silvia Hector Webber, including her discovery and transcription of the 1834 freedom papers that secured freedom for Silvia and her three young children. It also draws on Hammack’s authoritative biographical entry in the Handbook of Texas Online and the Wikipedia entry “Silvia and John Webber.” Broader historical context regarding the southbound Underground Railroad and Mexico’s importance as a destination for freedom seekers comes from Alice L. Baumgartner’s South to Freedom: Runaway Slaves to Mexico and the Road to the Civil War.

References

Baumgartner, A. L. (2020). South to freedom: Runaway slaves to Mexico and the road to the Civil War. Basic Books.

Hammack, M. E. (2024, March 20). The life and legacy of Silvia Webber: A pioneer of freedom in Texas (1807–1892). Handbook of Texas Online. Texas State Historical Association. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/webber-sylvia-hector

Wikipedia. (2025, May 28). Silvia and John Webber, Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Silvia_and_John_Webber&oldid=1292671328

Valenzuela, A. (2026, July 17). Invitation: “Visibilizing a freedom fighter, Silvia Hector Webber: A legacy of resistance & Black freedom in North America” at the ESB-MACC, Sat., July 25, 2026. Educational Equity, Politics & Policy in Texas. https://texasedequity.blogspot.com/2026/07/invitation-visibilizing-freedom-fighter.html

Friday, July 17, 2026

INVITATION: “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter, Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance & Black Freedom in North America” AT THE ESB-MACC, Sat., July 25, 2026

Friends:

I am honored to share this important community symposium, “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter—Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance,” taking place Saturday, July 25, at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center in Austin.

Bringing together descendants, scholars, genealogists, and community historians, the symposium will illuminate Silvia Hector Webber’s extraordinary legacy and the broader histories of Black resistance, freedom-seeking, and cross-border liberation in North America. It will also recognize the vital work descendants are leading to preserve their families’ histories, cultural traditions, and historic sites.

The symposium is part of the Webber Family Preservation Project, with funding from the Mellon Foundation. Sponsors and partners include the City of Austin, the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center, Academia Cuauhtli, the Tejano Genealogy Society of Austin, and the League of United Latin American Citizens.

The event is free and open to the public. Please join us for a powerful day of learning, remembrance, and community.

-Angela Valenzuela, Ph.D.







Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance. A Symposium For Descendant & Scholars.

Saturday, July 25
10:00 a.m. - 7:00 p.m.
Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center
600 River Street, Austin TX 78701
Free to Attend



RSVP on Eventbrite


Our symposium “Visibilizing a Freedom Fighter, Silvia Hector Webber: A Legacy of Resistance & Black Freedom in North America” will be held at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center in Austin Texas on Saturday July 25, 2026. This symposium will not only highlight the Webber Family history in Texas but other descendants who have taken the lead in the preservation and restoration of their history, culture, and sites. Join us for a day of learning, empowering, and sharing.

This symposium is part of the Webber Family Preservation Project’s ongoing work with funding provided by the Mellon Foundation. Our partners and sponsors in this symposium are the City Of Austin, The Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center, Academia Cuauhtli, Tejano Genealogy Society of Austin, and The League Of United Latin American Citizens.
EVENT SCHEDULE (subject to change)

10:00-10:15 am

Welcome & Introduction of Keynote Speaker Dr. María Esther Hammack


10:15-11:00

Inaugural Keynote by Dr. Cheryl LaRoche


11:00-11:10

Brief Break

11:10-12:00 noon

Panel 1: The Legacy of Silvia Hector Webber & the Role of Her Descendants in Reclaiming Her Story. Chair: Dr. Theresa Gatling. Speakers: OJ Treviño, Sofia Bravo, ZaDarius Webber, Victorianna Mejia.

12:00-1:00 pm

Panel 2: Beyond Harriet Tubman: Visibilizing Black Women’s Resistance in North America. Chair: Dr. Angela Valenzuela. Speakers: Dr. Jazma Sutton, Dr. Rolonda Teal.

1:00pm-1:55pm

Catered Lunch

2:00pm-3:15 pm

Panel 3: Bridging Underground Railroads: A Continental Overview of Freedom Pursuits. Chair: TBD. Speakers: Kimberly Simmons, Corina Torralba, Russell Contreras.


3:15pm-3:30pm

Break

3:30pm-4:30 pm

Panel 4: The Consequence of Reclaiming Your Ancestors’ Stories. Chair: Dr. DL Grant. Speakers: Tamara Lanier, Windy GoodLoe, Roger Sashington.

4:30pm-4:40pm

Brief Break

4:40pm-5:40pm

Panel 5: The Webber Geographies of Resistance: A Digital Mapping Project. Chair: Leslie Treviño. Speakers: Dr. Javier Wallace, Colby Coppinger.

5:40pm-6:40pm

Panel 6: Silvia’s Story in the Context of Mexican History & Black Liberation in North America. Chair: Victorianna Mejia. Speakers: Jumko Ogata Aguilar, Dr. María Esther Hammack.

6:45pm-7:00pm

Concluding Remarks, Dr. Angela Valenzuela

RSVP on Eventbrite.

Wednesday, June 19, 2024

Collateral Damage: Texas anti-diversity and Austin HOME laws both harm Blacks and Latinos by Alberta Phillips, Austin Free Press

Alberta Phillips, a member of the Austin Planning Commission, writes cogently on how politics often makes for strange bedfellows. Good ol' liberal Austin leaders are, in effect, converging with the anti-diversity agenda in the making of its Austin HOME law that serves the interests of gentrification and in so doing, harming Blacks and Latinos.

This is exactly what Black and Brown folks need to come together as collectively, we have more power, as well as because our communities are the very target of policy. We must also engage in continuous education and advocacy on the value and importance of a diverse Austin, considering that some Black and Brown leaders and organizations lent their support to this agenda.

-Angela Valenzuela

#BlackBrownSolidarity

Collateral Damage: Texas anti-diversity and Austin HOME laws both harm Blacks and Latinos


by Alberta Phillips, Austin Free Press | June 18, 2024

Protesting the HOME zoning ordinance at Austin City Hall on May 14, 2024. Image credit: Iliana Medrano.

A former editor of the Austin American-Statesman years ago schooled me up on progressive versus conservative politics by drawing a line across a page. He then marked the center of the line, noting that everything left of that center was “progressive,” and everything right of center was “conservative.” As each side moved farther from the center toward the extreme ends of the line, he showed me something bizarre. The opposite points can bend so sharply that they intersect.

We’ve witnessed that phenomena in vaccine warfare as the far right and far left embrace conspiracy theories over science. We’ve also seen those interests merge in the movement to legalize marijuana. Now, conservatives in our State Capitol and progressives in our City Hall have implemented laws that many African Americans and Latinos say treat them as collateral damage. They have a point.

The Republican-dominated state government is implementing its 2023 anti-Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) law with the stated goal of neutralizing DEI’s preferential treatment of certain groups (read that as Blacks and Hispanics).  

That is twisted logic, given Texas’ history of discrimination and racial violence against African Americans and Latinos. UT-Austin crafted DEI programs to help reverse that damage and create a more welcoming environment on a campus that legally barred African Americans until 1950. DEI programs aim to promote academic excellence and success by providing Black, Hispanic and other students and faculty of color the social and scholarly infrastructure that were missing previously.

Instead, university and state leaders have been nailing the DEI coffin shut, laying off at least 60 UT-Austin employees and eliminating the Division of Campus and Community Engagement. It’s had a chilling effect on Black and Latino faculty and students, some of whom are headed for the exits. It’s hard to see how UT-Austin continues to recruit and retain top minority faculty and students in this climate. 

Meanwhile, the Democratic-controlled Austin City Council passed a new land-use plan without ever studying its impact on the people most at-risk of being displaced. The Home Options for Mobility and Equity (HOME) ordinance permits housing to be built on smaller lots in single-family-zoned neighborhoods to generate more homes overall. But this market-based approach does not create the more affordable homes that are needed to address the displacement crisis facing Austin’s BIPOC communities. Given Austin’s racial and ethnic wealth gap, it’s not difficult to predict who HOME’s winners and losers will be.

During public hearings and in work sessions this spring, my colleagues and I on the city’s Planning Commission heard from dozens of potentially impacted Black and Latino teachers, homeowners, and renters. They told us that their students, families, and neighbors will be forced out of their neighborhoods and out of Austin by increased market pressures of HOME’s upzoning. The split screen at the city and state levels are similar: Members of the Planning Commission and City Council have been called racists, as have those implementing the state’s anti-DEI laws.

HOME establishes a so-called Equitable Transit-Oriented Development zone that governs landuse regulations for non-single-family zoned properties near Project Connect’s Phase 1 transit stations. If past transit-oriented developments are any indication, then Blacks and Latinos are in for a bumpy ride – out of town. 

A 2022 City of Austin report found that building transit-oriented development in historically Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) neighborhoods near the Plaza Saltillo and Martin Luther King transit stations resulted in “a significant increase in white, high-income populations and an active decrease in BIPOC presence over the last 10 years.” 

It goes on to say that most of the census tracts encompassed by those transit-oriented developments can be attributed to growth of the white population and “that demographic shift illustrates the displacement of BIPOC residents, an ultimate indicator of continued racial disparity.”

Given those facts and Austin’s history of using land-use policies to discriminate against Blacks and Latinos, it’s understandable that BIPOC communities feel threatened.

The irony of this moment recalls the lesson that then-American-Statesman Managing Editor David Lowery illustrated by drawing that line on the paper.

At City Hall and the Texas Legislature, each side has bent to the point where conservatives and progressives – acting in their own interests – have staked positions in which African Americans and Latinos are collateral damage. 

Editor’s Note:

This is part of an occasional series on the land-use revisions that the Austin City Council passed on May 16, 2024. Alberta Phillips is a board member of the Austin Free Press and its associate content editor. She is a member of the Austin Planning Commission and a former Austin American-Statesman columnist and editorial writer.

Saturday, November 25, 2023

Black Brown Dialogues on Policy (BBDP)—Nov. 12th Inaugural Storytelling Event at the Texas State Capitol—in 2 Videos

Artist: Maribel Falcon @mariexmachina
Friends,

I am very proud of our work in Black Brown Dialogues on Policy in promoting awareness of the vitally important work of building interracial and interethnic coalitions of conscience. I encourage you to view our recorded Facebook live event on November 12, 2023 at the Texas State Capitol that I had also earlier announced on this blog.

Thanks for all that attended either in person or virtually. Thanks, as well to our co-sponsors as follows: the Mexican American Legislative Caucus, the Texas NAACP, National LULAC, the Texas Center for Education Policy, and the Texas Latino Policy Center.

You can view the entire event from our BBDP Facebook page across these two videos.


Do listen, as well to the student voices who reflected on their own experiences, as well as on what was shared throughout the day.


The testimonies were awe-inspiring. The students melt my heart. 

My friends, this is the precise political work motivates community solidarity across struggles. It is exactly this coalitional work—of the kind that defeated vouchers recently—that holds enormous promise for a brighter future in our state and nation. 

Sí se puede! Yes we can!

-Angela Valenzuela

#BlackBrownSolidarity

Twitter: @TeamBlackBrown
Instagram: @TeamBlackBrown

Wednesday, April 05, 2023

Senate Bills 17 & 2313 Represent an Attack on Diversity in Higher Education and They're Getting Heard Tomorrow on April 6, 2023

When we consider that diversity, equity and inclusion are part of the very fabric of our higher education institutions, how are Senate Bill 17 or Senate Bill 2313 anywhere close to being responsible policy? 

SB 17, in particular, is shocking and reads like legislation from an earlier, very dark period in our nation's history.

Red Scare, McCarthyism, and the House Un-American Activities Committee come immediately to mind.

Instructions on how to navigate the legislature tomorrow from Victoria Mendez of the Texas Black Legislative Caucus appear below.

Hope to see folks at 9AM tomorrow. We definitely need a show of force to help save academic freedom, Texas higher education, and democracy, as a whole.

-Angela Valenzuela 

Students rally at UT Arlington to protect DEI Policies


Dear friend,

I hope this message finds you well. I am reaching out to provide additional information regarding the upcoming 
Senate sub-committee on Higher Education hearing tomorrow Thursday, April 6th, which will address the anti-DEI bills (SB17 & SB2313).

Firstly, I would like to express my sincere appreciation for your organization's dedication and commitment to promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion in Texas.

We are doing all we can to support advocates in the fight against these bills and we want you to know that you and your members will be well-taken care of tomorrow!
If you haven't already, please take a moment to fill out our hearing confirmation form. Here is a shareable version of the URL for your membership: (
https://tinyurl.com/DEICONFIRMATION).

The committee is scheduled to convene at 9:00am in the Capitol Extension room E1.028. As it is difficult to predict exactly when the specific bills will be addressed, I kindly suggest that you arrive at the Capitol no later than 8:45am. The Capitol Visitor Parking Garage is located at 1201 San Jacinto Blvd, Austin, TX 78701.

I am pleased to inform you that TxLBC Chairman Rep. Reynolds has secured hearing room E2.024 as a waiting area for all testifiers.

While the waiting room provides a comfortable space for your members to relax, we will also review the necessary steps to testify, including registering at the electronic senate kiosks and utilizing scripts that are optimal for the two-minute time slot.

For your convenience, I have attached electronic copies of TxLBC's guidance for testifying, which include talking points on DEI and a sample script template. Printed copies of this guide will also be available in the waiting room. Please take a moment to review and share these materials, as they may assist your organization in feeling more prepared to testify.

I've cc'd my executive director Miriam Laeky. Please let us know if you have any further questions or concerns!

Thank you for using your voice to support all Texans. We are grateful for your participation, and we look forward to seeing you tomorrow.

Best regards,
-- 

Victoria Menendez (she/her)
Legislative Aide 
Texas Legislative Black Caucus 

Wednesday, February 15, 2023

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick Announces Top 30 Priorities for the 2023 Legislative Session

Ok, so here you have it. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick's Top 30 Priorities for the 88th (2023) Texas Legislative Session.  

Check out Senate Bill 16–Banning Critical Race Theory (CRT) in Higher Education; Senate Bill 17-Banning Discriminatory “Diversity, Equity and Inclusion” (DEI) Policies in Higher Education; and Senate Bill 18-Eliminating Tenure at General Academic Institutions.

So I've heard that they'll clear out of the Senate where we expect this and then head over to the House where the battle will occur. I hope that our House Members will remain strong in valuing our diversity alongside equity and fairness in our state.

Contrary to Gov. Abbott's recent statement, DEI is NOT at all illegal as expressed by BBDP Board Member and former Austin American-Statesman editorial writer, Alberta Phillips, in the press release that BBDP sent out yesterday, 

“[W]e urge the media to be careful about how it covers DEI policies. It should not be taken as fact that DEI policies are illegal or unconstitutional.

If any government official says that this is the case, then the media should require that the statement be backed by evidence and facts, not just someone’s statement.

As a check on government, the media has an obligation to sort fact from fiction. The facts are that DEI policies are ways for People of color to apply for state jobs and admission to state universities. And on the part of state agencies and universities, DEI policies are simply goals—without the force of law or consequences—that aim to move the needle forward so that state agencies, public colleges, and universities reflect the people who pay the tabs to sustain them.”

Well said, Alberta.

I'm encouraged by the passion and commitment that was expressed at yesterday's press conference that you can view here

I very much encourage you to read Texas NAACP Chair Gary Bledsoe's statement in response. Watch out sports fans and business leaders. 

Anti-DEI is terrible for business, too. Nuff said.

-Angela Valenzuela

@TeamBlackBrown #TeamBlackBrown #BlackBrownUnity #DontLetDEIdie #GenZ #BlackBrownSolidarity





AUSTIN – Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick issued the following statement today:

“Each session, the 31 members of the Texas Senate file thousands of bills. Some are duplicates because members often have similar priorities voiced to them by their constituents. The tradition has been for bill numbers 1 through 20 to indicate the Lt. Governor’s and the Senate’s priorities. In 2017, I increased the low bill numbers to 30. Senators like to get a low bill number because it shows their bill is also a priority of the Lt. Governor and has a great chance of passing. I believe Texans support our priorities because they largely reflect the policies supported by the conservative majority of Texans. Most will pass with bipartisan support.

“This session I could have used 50 low bill numbers because there are so many issues that need to be addressed. Just because a bill does not make the priority list does not mean it is not a priority for me or the Senate. We will pass over 600 bills this session. As I like to say, every bill is a priority to someone, otherwise we would not pass it.

“This year, several of our policy initiatives are already addressed in the budget as opposed to specific bills. One example is Texas border security funding. Since President Biden took office and implemented his open border policies, Texas has stepped into the breach. Texas should not have to use our tax dollars to do the Federal Government’s job, but it is vitally important that we maintain our law enforcement and National Guard presence. If we do not, the border crisis will get much worse.”

Lt. Gov. Patrick’s Priority Bills:

Senate Bill 1 – State Budget

Senate Bill 2 – Restoring Voter Fraud to a Felony

Senate Bill 3 – Increasing the Homestead Exemption to $70,000

Senate Bill 4 – Adding Additional Property Tax Relief

Senate Bill 5 – Increasing the Business Personal Property Tax Exemption

Senate Bill 6 – Adding New Natural Gas Plants

Senate Bill 7 – Continuing to Improve the Texas Grid

Senate Bill 8 – Empowering Parental Rights – Including School Choice

Senate Bill 9 – Empowering Teacher Rights ­­– Teacher Pay Raise

Senate Bill 10 – Adding 13th Checks for Retired Teachers

Senate Bill 11 – Keeping Our Schools Safe and Secure

Senate Bill 12 – Banning Children’s Exposure to Drag Shows

Senate Bill 13 – Protecting Children from Obscene Books in Libraries

Senate Bill 14 – Ending Child Gender Modification

Senate Bill 15 – Protecting Women’s College Sports

Senate Bill 16 – Banning Critical Race Theory (CRT) in Higher Education

Senate Bill 17 – Banning Discriminatory “Diversity, Equity and Inclusion” (DEI) Policies in Higher Education

Senate Bill 18 – Eliminating Tenure at General Academic Institutions

Senate Bill 19 – Creating A New Higher Education Endowment Fund

Senate Bill 20 – Removing District Attorneys Who Refuse to Follow Texas Law

Senate Bill 21 – Removing Judges Who Refuse to Follow Texas Law

Senate Bill 22 – Assisting Rural Law Enforcement Funding – Increasing Pay and Needed Equipment

Senate Bill 23 – Creating A Mandatory 10-Year Prison Sentence for Criminals Committing Gun Crime

Senate Bill 24 – Expanding Alternatives to Abortion

Senate Bill 25 – Creating New Scholarships for Registered Nurses

Senate Bill 26 – Expanding Mental Health Care Beds Across Texas – Focus on Rural Counties

Senate Bill 27 – Creating A New Business Specialty Court

Senate Bill 28 – Addressing Texas’ Future Water Needs

Senate Bill 29 – Banning Local COVID-19 Mandates

Senate Bill 30 – Supplemental Budget