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Showing posts with label policy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label policy. Show all posts

Sunday, September 18, 2022

League of United Latin American Citizens announces Stop-the-Buses Task Force, Sept. 15, 2022 [YouTube video]

Friends:


It was such an honor and privilege being with LULAC  President Domingo Garcia and his entourage these past few days. We were attending the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute when we learned that Venezuelans were getting taken by bus to Vice President Kamala Harris' home.


I share below the video of his interview taken at this location on Thursday, Sept. 15th when a few hours earlier, at 6AM, 101 people from Venezuela were dumped in front of her home. We should all be so indignant—and righteously so. What these governors are doing in playing with people's lives is clearly over the top.


This whole story is truly terrifying. I pray to God no one dies from these governors' un-Christian, sadistic antics. What is to stop them in the future from using their tried-and-tested “method” as a “solution” to resolve qualms with the plight of “other aggregations of human beings” that they similarly find to be objectionable? We must not ever allow this to become the slippery slope on which it is already poised to become if we do not forcefully oppose this reckless level of governmental misconduct. All you have to do is read the repulsive comments beneath the posted YouTube video to get a tangible sense of this. 


What are we to do? García answers this by saying that we should 


"treat this as a humanitarian issue, not a law enforcement, security issue. We do need to go after the gangs, and the drug dealers and the cartels, but we also need to treat real legitimate refugees—specifically, families and children—with human compassion.”


I couldn't agree more. How hard is it to actually be caring and compassionate toward our fellow human beings’ plight in their hour of desperation? I grew up learning that this is what Jesus would want from us. 


What a thought, “Christian love and compassion" toward others who that risked everything to try and make a life for themselves and their families, the majority of whom they have left behind.


Finding it shouldn’t be the trouble that it is—including, if not especially, in the world of policy and policy making.


Today, President Garcia and the crew are in Eagle Pass on the U.S.-Mexico border, to engage in civil disobedience to stop the buses there from taking off to other places with their fragile and vulnerable human cargo in the interest of ultraconservative forces that simply do not want to acknowledge that these asylum seekers are legally here and should get treated with dignity and respect.


-Angela Valenzuela








Wednesday, October 08, 2014

This Is What Happens When Republicans Try to Destroy Public Education






  Interesting to consider that the pendulum may finally be    
  swinging   against those that want to gut public                           education.           
  
Revealing statement:  "many predicted [Senate races] would be referenda on Barack Obama, not on conservative governance at the state level."

-Angela
 

This Is What Happens When Republicans Try to Destroy Public Education

School Buses
A fleet of school buses awaiting children. (Creative Commons)
A month out from the midterm elections, Republican candidates around the country are confronting a shared, and significant, vulnerability: education.
The conservative wave of 2010 allowed Republicans to implement slash-and-burn governance in several states—what Kansas Governor Sam Brownback called a “real live experiment” in tax cuts for corporate interests and cuts to services for everyone else. One of the most devastating casualties was public schools and universities.
Now, several Republicans could fall victim to their own experiment. Conservatives are on the defensive in Kansas, North Carolina, Michigan, Colorado, Pennsylvania, Florida and Wisconsin over their records on education. The issue features prominently not only in local and gubernatorial campaigns but also in Senate races that many predicted would be referenda on Barack Obama, not on conservative governance at the state level.
Sweeping budget cuts have created “a perfect storm that’s put education at front and center at every level of every office,” said Karen White, political director for the National Education Association, the country’s largest teachers union. “It’s really taken a couple of years for these cuts to reach down to the individual level, but that’s now happened.”

Continue reading here.

Saturday, December 10, 2011

U.S. Senate Hearing on Teacher Quality

http://sanders.senate.gov/newsroom/news/?id=d85d2f37-33ed-4796-800b-46ccd6161cea

Two proposed acts that are germane to this discussion: The first is by Congresswoman Judy Chu and is called the Equal Access to Quality Education Act http://www.opencongress.org/bill/112-h2902/show

and in the Senate, the Assuring Student Success through Effective Teaching Act http://www.govtrack.us/congress/bill.xpd?bill=s112-1716

Sunday, November 22, 2009

The Research/Policy Divide

Inside Higher Ed
November 5, 2009

VANCOUVER, B.C. -- It's not usually a good strategy for moderators at conference sessions to make it clear at the start that the topic to be discussed is anything but new; doing so could have a tendency to suppress audience interest. But in introducing a session here Wednesday at the annual meeting of the Association for the Study in Higher Education, Joni Finney had a method to her madness in acknowledging that the question at its core -- why don't public policy makers use scholarly research more? -- has a long history.

She recalled a similar event "many, many years ago," early in the group's history, "in which fingers were pointing each way," with researchers saying they were doing good work only to find it ignored by politicians who might actually do something with it, and policy makers accusing "academics of just talking to themselves, in a world all unto their own."

Finney's point, of course, was that the issues, while age-old, are still worth discussing because if anything, the stakes are even higher today than they were back then, elevated along with the growing recognition of the importance of postsecondary education as a driver both of individual economic and social mobility and of societal change.

And while the spirited discussion that followed generally avoided outright finger pointing, the scholars and policy wonks on the panel did not see entirely eye to eye on either the extent of the disconnect, the causes behind it, or potential fixes. But there was widespread agreement that it would be better for all involved if those who study higher education were regularly contributing analyses and even potential answers to those responsible for setting the policies and making the laws that govern it. (That's a theme that has been hit at other conferences of scholars this year, in various disciplines.)

That happens all too rarely now, both because of researchers' methods and their subject matter choices, argued Patrick M. Callan, founding president of the National Center for Public Policy and Higher Education. "There's a major mismatch between the way that problems are framed [by most academic researchers], and what is considered 'rigor' [from a theoretical standpoint] almost eliminates the likelihood that the research will be applicable to the kind of real world problems" policy makers deal with, he said.

And even more importantly, Callan said, "much of academic research isn't interested in the same things that policy makers are interested in." There is a "paucity of research," for instance, on what happens to students at "broad access" institutions (such as community colleges and urban public universities) that serve the largest number of students, even though that's where most of the public policy questions in recent years, and especially now, are focused. But most scholarly research examines practices at major research universities, Callan said, because "most researchers are in R1's -- or want to be."

Legislators and other policy makers are particularly interested right now in such issues as "how to change intractable institutions in ways that serve public purposes better," institutional and faculty productivity, and "whether we've learned anything from the last few recessions" about how to manage higher education -- but scholarly work from inside the academy on those topics is hard to find. (Think tanks, on the other hand, are often a fount of studies on topics of interest to lawmakers, Callan said.)

Paul Lingenfelter, president of the State Higher Education Executive Officers group, generally shared Callan's view that there is a disconnect between the desire of social scientists to craft the perfect "empirically justified," randomized experimental model and "by George, come up with real knowledge," and the more complex, messier world in which public policy is made.

Finney, who has joined the academy (as a "practice professor" at the University of Pennsylvania's Graduate School of Education) after many years as a state higher education analyst, said that it was no surprise that many researchers were focused on the theoretical over the practical and the scientifically pure over the publicly accessible, given the reward structure in higher education.

"There is great pressure on faculty to make theoretical contributions, no matter how important, or unimportant, they might be," she said. That may lead some young scholars to wait until they are tenured to do research that might end up spurring legislation or generating an op-ed rather than tucked quietly away in a refereed journal, said Laura Perna, another member of Penn's education faculty.

With dozens of graduate students in the audience, Pennsylvania State University's Donald E. Heller said he did not want to leave future scholars with the impression that the academy is inhospitable to professors interested in doing public policy work. (See Heller's Views piece today on one hot public policy topic.)

"There are institutions that are very well respected that strongly value research that can be used" by policy makers, he said. "And there are institutions that value that very little at all."

Tuesday, May 22, 2007

Education Researchers and Policy Makers Still Not in Sync, Scholars Say

This helps explain why policies are often at odds with what communities desire. -Angela
Tuesday, May 22, 2007

Education Researchers and Policy Makers Still Not in Sync, Scholars Say

By DAVID GLENN / Chronicle of Higher Education

Washington

Education researchers have begun to do more work that is relevant to
policy makers, and policy makers have begun to pay more intelligent
attention to education research -- but there is still a long way to go
on both fronts, scholars said on Monday during a conference at the
American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington.

The conference was held roughly five years after the signing of the No
Child Left Behind Act, whose authors hoped to coax education research
and policy into alignment. In dozens of different provisions, the law
requires federal education money to be spent only on programs that
conform to "scientifically based research."

During Monday's conference, several speakers expressed guarded optimism
that No Child Left Behind, along with the reorganization of the
Education Department's research wing, has improved the transmission belt
between education research and education policy. But most of the
speakers said that scholars still had too few incentives to produce
useful research, and policy makers still had too few incentives to pay
attention to such research.

*Politicians and school superintendents tend not to pay careful
attention to education research *because they are in office for only a
short time, because they are constrained by donors and activists, and
because the governance of the American education system is highly
fragmented, said Kenneth K. Wong, a professor of education and political
science at Brown University.

On the "supply side," education researchers in academe are too often
rewarded for sheer scholarly output, rather than for answering the
questions that are most urgent to policy makers and schoolteachers, said
Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, a professor of the history of American
education at Harvard University and a former dean of Harvard's Graduate
School of Education.

"Usable knowledge generated from research is not likely to be tenurable
research," said Ms. Lagemann. "So there are many disincentives to doing
such work. Overcoming those incentives will require fundamental reform
of the university."

Kathleen McCartney, Ms. Lagemann's successor as dean of Harvard's
education school, agreed. Colleges of education "need to reject the
arts-and-sciences model, where success equals research productivity,"
she said. "We need to accept our roles as professional schools, where
success should equal impact on policy and practice."

But Michael S. McPherson, president of the Spencer Foundation, a major
supporter of education research, said he was uncomfortable with such
formulations. "It makes me a little nervous to hear how skeptical we are
about tenure," he said, "and how important we think it is that people
should orient their research to the public-policy problems of the day,
as they are defined by major social institutions."

One important role for academe, Mr. McPherson said, is to raise
questions about the basic premises of those social institutions. "We
need to have people in the academy who can say, 'Well, who says that
higher test scores are really what we need? Why do we think that is the
fundamental mark of what makes a good education?' Now, that doesn't mean
that there isn't a lot of self-indulgent nonsense being done in the name
of those kinds of questions. But I don't want to casually stride away
from the independence of academic life."

Mr. McPherson added that he was proud that his foundation sometimes
finances research projects that have no obvious policy applications.

Several speakers suggested that federal agencies that support education
research should emulate the National Institutes of Health, which they
described as prestigious and well insulated from political pressures.
But here, too, Mr. McPherson offered a dissenting note. "We need to be
careful not to idealize what goes on in other domains, including
medicine," he said.

Grover J. (Russ) Whitehurst, director of the Institute of Education
Sciences, the research arm of the Education Department, also urged
people to be cautious about the NIH analogy. The Education Department's
research work was organized along NIH-style lines during the 1990s --
with small institutes dedicated to specific topics -- and "it did not
work," he said. The number of centers grew from 11 to 23, and the entire
apparatus lacked a sense of focus, he argued.

Mr. Whitehurst agreed with his fellow panelists, however, about another
proposition: There should be much more federal support for education
research.

"It's embarrassing," he said. "If you go to the Department of Health and
Human Services, 42 percent of its discretionary budget is invested in
the National Institutes of Health. And of course there are other
research institutes housed under HHS as well. Go to the U.S. Department
of Education, and less than 1 percent is invested in research."

The scholars made a variety of other concrete suggestions:

* Scholars on opposite sides of a dispute -- say, about the
educational effectiveness of charter schools -- should work together in
a process of "adversarial collaboration," said James S. Kim, an
assistant professor of education at Harvard. The scholars would agree in
advance on a methodology and on what sorts of evidence would confirm or
disprove their hypotheses. If done well, Mr. Kim argued, such
collaborations would reduce the public perception that education
research is financed and conducted by ideologues with predetermined
conclusions.

* Blue-ribbon committees on education topics should include a
roughly equal balance of classroom teachers and academic researchers,
said Mr. Kim. He contrasted the National Reading Panel, a federally
supported committee that released a controversial report in 2000, with a
similar high-profile committee in England in the late 1990s. The two
committees made similar recommendations, Mr. Kim said, but the English
report had a much easier time gaining acceptance by teachers. In the
United States, he said, "there is not much opportunity now for teachers
to work together to define excellence in their practice," as doctors did
when medicine became professionalized in the early 20th century.

* When No Child Left Behind is reauthorized, the law should tighten
its language related to scientifically based research, argued G. Reid
Lyon, executive vice president for research and evaluation at the
Whitney International University system, a for-profit institution
affiliated with Best Associates, a Texas merchant bank. Instead of
allowing money to be spent on programs "based on" scientific research,
Mr. Lyon said, the law should restrict spending to programs that have
actual "evidence of effectiveness," based on randomized trials or other
careful studies. Mr. Lyon, a former White House education adviser, tried
and failed to place that more-restrictive language in No Child Left
Behind in 2001. With the tighter standard, he said, the controversies
surrounding the federal Reading First program might have been avoided.

* The federal government should create national tests of student
academic achievement, argued Dan D. Goldhaber, an associate professor of
public affairs at the University of Washington. "This might seem far
afield" from the conference's topic, Mr. Goldhaber said. But he said
that such tests would create a uniform "outcome measure" for studies of
education reform. So a study by a local university of reforms in
Cincinnati, for example, could easily be compared with studies of
similar reforms in other cities.

* The field of education research should develop a prestigious,
high-quality flagship journal, argued several speakers. Mr. Goldhaber
said that a flagship journal would make it easier for policy makers and
the news media to quickly assess the quality of controversial education
studies. Jeffrey Henig, a professor of political science at Columbia
University and a professor of education at its Teachers College, agreed
that such a journal is needed, but worried that no association or
university was in a position to make it happen. "Who has the incentive
to create such a thing?" he asked.

The formal papers presented at the conference are available at the
institute's Web site.