This blog on Texas education contains posts on higher education, as well as preK-12 policy accountability, testing, bilingual education, immigration, school finance, race, class, and gender issues at both the state and national level. It also represents my digital footprint, of life and career, as a community-engaged scholar in Texas.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
UT's Powers: Change and innovation will sustain university's excellence amid budget crisis
By Ricardo Gándara | AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Monday, May 9, 2011
Change and innovation will propel the University of Texas in its mission to "solve global problems, expand knowledge and improve lives throughout society," UT President William Powers Jr., said Monday in describing a vision of continued excellence in research and teaching despite dwindling state appropriations.
Speaking in the Student Activity Center before an invitation-only, friendly crowd that delivered a dozen ovations during his 50-minute speech, Powers said UT needs to reinvent the way it conducts business, in part by raising graduation rates and cutting costs.
"Our current approach simply is not sustainable," he said.
Monday's speech included the UT president's most expansive comments on the importance of a broad range of research and teaching since statements and actions by the chairman of the school's governing board prompted an outcry from some lawmakers, alumni and donors.
Gene Powell, chairman of the UT System Board of Regents, has come under fire for hiring an adviser — since dismissed — who described much academic research as lacking in value. And Gov. Rick Perry has stirred concern as well with his calls to freeze tuition for four years and to offer a bachelor's degree program costing no more than $10,000, including books.
The crowd that nearly filled the 475-seat auditorium for Powers' speech included members of the Commission of 125, the Development Board, the Advisory Council, the Faculty Council, student leadership groups and the Staff Council Executive Committee.
A few hours later, UT's Faculty Council unanimously made a vote of "complete confidence" in Powers and his leadership team. Similar support has already come from the Ex-Students' Association and other groups.
"In the last four to five months, I think President Powers has put himself on the line," said Dean Neikirk , chairman of the Faculty Council and a professor of electrical and computer engineering.
In his speech, Powers did not mince words in outlining UT's immediate challenge of remaining a top research university. State appropriations to UT in the Texas House version of the two-year state budget calls for a 20.5 percent decrease, about $57.1 million. The Senate version reduces general revenue by 16 percent, $44.9 million.
If the Senate version is adopted, he said, UT's budget preparations are nearly on target. However, if the House version passes, UT will have to make up the difference with reserve balances, additional budget cuts and layoffs.
"There is no question that this would further harm our educational mission," he said. "UT is already lean," he said, noting that it has eliminated 250 positions since 2009.
UT cut 5 percent of its operating budget in the 2009-10 fiscal year. This year, Powers has asked all deans and vice presidents to plan for an additional 10 percent cut, about $29 million .
The Commission of 125, a blue-ribbon panel that spent two years studying the university, recommended in its report, among other things, that the size of the student body should be reduced to improve the educational experience. UT, however, has been unable to do so because of the budget implications of reducing enrollment. Revenue from tuition would also go down during a period of tight finances.
Not everything can be measured in dollars and cents, Powers said Monday, touting that the recent attack on Osama bin Laden's compound in Pakistan was planned and commanded by Vice Admiral William McRaven, a 1977 UT journalism graduate. He also introduced two UT professors and senior Katie Maass, a chemical engineering major, to drive his point home.
Maass' research on projects to improve drug effectiveness using nanoparticles earned her a five-year, $250,000 research grant from the Hertz Foundation.
"Exposing young people to that kind of world-class research is what Texas needs in order to lead," Powers said.
Hispanic lawmakers' suit challenges redistricting plans
Suit says Hispanics will be harmed in representation.
By John W. Gonzalez | My San Antonio
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
A federal lawsuit filed Monday by some Texas House members blasts the use of “inaccurate” 2010 Census data in the remapping of state political jurisdictions.
The lawsuit by the Mexican American Legislative Caucus against Gov. Rick Perry and top lawmakers alleges that the census vastly undercounted Hispanics, especially in the border region. As a result, Latinos will be shortchanged in their representation at the Legislature and the State Board of Education, the lawsuit claims.
Additionally, the lawsuit calls for an end to at-large statewide election of the three Texas Railroad Commission members, replacing that system with voting by single-member places. The lawsuit says that since 1891, only three Hispanics have served as railroad commissioners — none in the past 20 years — but that “a fairly drawn single-member district can result in one district with a majority Latino citizen voting-age population.”
Alleging violations of the federal Voting Rights Act, the lawsuit says census tallies from Cameron, Hidalgo, Starr, Webb, El Paso, Dallas and Harris counties severely underestimated the Hispanic populations there. Bexar County wasn't mentioned.
The pleadings say the Republican leadership was planning “to limit the number of Latino majority districts and to even eliminate an existing majority Latino district in Nueces County. Defendants also employ redistricting gerrymandering techniques such as packing and over-populating minority districts in order to minimize minority opportunity districts.”
The lawsuit comes less than two weeks after the GOP-dominated Texas House approved new configurations for its 150 districts. The House and Senate have approved new territories for the 15 State Board of Education districts. The 31-member Texas Senate has yet to approve new Senate district lines, and neither chamber has agreed to a congressional map. Texas, which has 32 seats in the U.S. House, is getting four more because of population growth.
The caucus filed a similar lawsuit a month ago in Brownsville.
Perry's office deferred comment to the attorney general's office, which had no immediate reaction because it had not yet received the litigation.
Another lawsuit filed Monday challenges the way the census counted inmates around the state. That lawsuit, filed by state Rep. Harold Dutton, D-Houston, claims that inmates should be counted as residents of their home counties, not where they are incarcerated.
By John W. Gonzalez | My San Antonio
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
A federal lawsuit filed Monday by some Texas House members blasts the use of “inaccurate” 2010 Census data in the remapping of state political jurisdictions.
The lawsuit by the Mexican American Legislative Caucus against Gov. Rick Perry and top lawmakers alleges that the census vastly undercounted Hispanics, especially in the border region. As a result, Latinos will be shortchanged in their representation at the Legislature and the State Board of Education, the lawsuit claims.
Additionally, the lawsuit calls for an end to at-large statewide election of the three Texas Railroad Commission members, replacing that system with voting by single-member places. The lawsuit says that since 1891, only three Hispanics have served as railroad commissioners — none in the past 20 years — but that “a fairly drawn single-member district can result in one district with a majority Latino citizen voting-age population.”
Alleging violations of the federal Voting Rights Act, the lawsuit says census tallies from Cameron, Hidalgo, Starr, Webb, El Paso, Dallas and Harris counties severely underestimated the Hispanic populations there. Bexar County wasn't mentioned.
The pleadings say the Republican leadership was planning “to limit the number of Latino majority districts and to even eliminate an existing majority Latino district in Nueces County. Defendants also employ redistricting gerrymandering techniques such as packing and over-populating minority districts in order to minimize minority opportunity districts.”
The lawsuit comes less than two weeks after the GOP-dominated Texas House approved new configurations for its 150 districts. The House and Senate have approved new territories for the 15 State Board of Education districts. The 31-member Texas Senate has yet to approve new Senate district lines, and neither chamber has agreed to a congressional map. Texas, which has 32 seats in the U.S. House, is getting four more because of population growth.
The caucus filed a similar lawsuit a month ago in Brownsville.
Perry's office deferred comment to the attorney general's office, which had no immediate reaction because it had not yet received the litigation.
Another lawsuit filed Monday challenges the way the census counted inmates around the state. That lawsuit, filed by state Rep. Harold Dutton, D-Houston, claims that inmates should be counted as residents of their home counties, not where they are incarcerated.
Bill to Ease College Transfers Passes House
by Reeve Hamilton and Andrew Weber | Texas Tribune
May 10, 2011
A bill that streamlines the process for community college students seeking to transfer into a four-year universities was kicked out of the House and over to the Senate this afternoon.
House Bill 3025, by House Higher Education Chairman Dan Branch, R-Dallas, passed unanimously on third reading. “It’s easy to talk about making it easier for people to transfer,” Branch told the Tribune. “This bill actually does it.”
The bill would require the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board and universities to create transfer compacts that allow for common course designs that are easily transferred between institutions. By eliminating the need for students to retake some classes, the goal is to give them more bang for their buck in education costs and college credits.
“It’s about having some consistency across the board, as well as rigor and ease of transferability,” Branch said. “Therefore, you have efficiency within the system and we are being good stewards of taxpayer dollars.”
The bill also provides for a more hands-on approach for course planning by requiring every student to meet with a counselor to establish a degree plan after completing 45 hours of coursework. Each degree plan would be established on a statewide level through the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board and public universities. These plans would not be permitted to exceed the minimum number of hours for each major. However, students could take classes outside the degree plan if authorized by a counselor.
May 10, 2011
A bill that streamlines the process for community college students seeking to transfer into a four-year universities was kicked out of the House and over to the Senate this afternoon.
House Bill 3025, by House Higher Education Chairman Dan Branch, R-Dallas, passed unanimously on third reading. “It’s easy to talk about making it easier for people to transfer,” Branch told the Tribune. “This bill actually does it.”
The bill would require the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board and universities to create transfer compacts that allow for common course designs that are easily transferred between institutions. By eliminating the need for students to retake some classes, the goal is to give them more bang for their buck in education costs and college credits.
“It’s about having some consistency across the board, as well as rigor and ease of transferability,” Branch said. “Therefore, you have efficiency within the system and we are being good stewards of taxpayer dollars.”
The bill also provides for a more hands-on approach for course planning by requiring every student to meet with a counselor to establish a degree plan after completing 45 hours of coursework. Each degree plan would be established on a statewide level through the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board and public universities. These plans would not be permitted to exceed the minimum number of hours for each major. However, students could take classes outside the degree plan if authorized by a counselor.
More Debate, Same Result: House Passes Sanctuary Cities
by Julian Aguilar | Texas Tribune
May 10, 2011
In a last-ditch effort to tweak one of their most despised bills of the session, House Democrats tried — and failed — to adopt several amendments today to the “sanctuary cities” bill initially passed by the House late Monday.
During third and final reading — usually a simple procedure for most major bills — Democrats filed more than 15 amendments to House Bill 12. In its current form, the bill, by state Rep. Burt Solomons, R-Carrollton, would prohibit cities, counties and other governmental entities or special districts from adopting a policy that prevents law enforcement from asking persons lawfully detained or arrested if they are in the country legally. Entities not in compliance could risk losing state funds.
Though they failed to change the bill, they managed to draw the ire of GOP lawmakers who were forced to practice a tactic used by their counterparts during the previous three days of debate over the bill: calling points of order to bring amendments down. Democrats this session have successfully stalled a handful of controversial bills with the tactic, only to see them resurrected by Republicans.
At one point, state Rep. Larry Phillips, R-Sherman, asked to be recognized to make a motion to suspend further debate on the bill after he said lawmakers had 12 pages of bills to consider on the calendar. The deadline to consider House bills on the floor is Thursday. Despite the deadline, House Speaker Joe Straus denied Phillips’ request.
In an effort to highlight what he said was the inherent hypocrisy in the state’s businesses hiring practices, state Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-San Antonio, filed an amendment that would punish employers who hire illegal immigrants.
“[Immigrants] are not here just hanging out, they are here working. But we have a state and a nation that can’t be honest with itself,” Castro told lawmakers. The amendment was deemed “not germane,” however, and was pulled. It didn’t stop the minority party from keeping at it and testing the mood in the lower chamber. The amendments filed would have excluded the word “detained” from the bill, would have required the state to reimburse cities for costs incurred in implementing the bill, and would have required the state to pay court fees if it lost an HB 12 related case. Another would have excluded witnesses or victims of crimes from being asked about their immigration status. They all failed on party-line votes.
Through a procedure known as “calling the previous question,” Republicans on Saturday successfully halted debate on a contentious bill that would require losers in certain lawsuits to pay all legal fees incurred by both parties. Late Monday they used the same tactic to cease additional dialogue and debate on HB 12. It looked as if they would consider the same move after more than two hours of debate today. Though obviously frustrated, however, Republicans did not invoke the rule. Instead they listened as Hispanic Democrats, in a last salvo, fought back tears and anger in their final attempts to sway their colleagues from across the aisle. In her challenge to lawmakers to vote their conscience instead of along party lines, state Rep. Veronica Gonzales, R-McAllen, repeated the famous words spoken by Mexican Revolutionary hero Emiliano Zapata: "It is better to die on your feet than to live on your knees." State Rep. Rafael Anchia, D-Dallas, taking issue with Republicans who accused opponents of the measure of grandstanding, had one last shot for Gov. Rick Perry, who declared HB 12 an emergency item.
"I will tell you what grandstanding is. A governor who declares 'sanctuary cities' an emergency item," he said. State Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer, D-San Antonio, took a moment to take a swipe at Straus and criticize his leadership for not allowing debate on the issue. He read to Straus the speaker's own words from his 2009 speech on unity. Then, facing Straus, he said. "This is a man I can no longer recognize."
But Republicans had their own thoughts at the end of the day. State Rep. Dennis Bonnen, R-Angleton, who said he has never spoken during closing remarks on a bill, told members about Rick Salter, a Houston police officer confined to a wheelchair after being shot in the face by an illegal immigrant.
"I respect everyone on this issue," he said. "But it is vital that we understand there are two sides to this discussion."
In the end the bill passed 100 to 47. It now moves to the Texas Senate.
May 10, 2011
In a last-ditch effort to tweak one of their most despised bills of the session, House Democrats tried — and failed — to adopt several amendments today to the “sanctuary cities” bill initially passed by the House late Monday.
During third and final reading — usually a simple procedure for most major bills — Democrats filed more than 15 amendments to House Bill 12. In its current form, the bill, by state Rep. Burt Solomons, R-Carrollton, would prohibit cities, counties and other governmental entities or special districts from adopting a policy that prevents law enforcement from asking persons lawfully detained or arrested if they are in the country legally. Entities not in compliance could risk losing state funds.
Though they failed to change the bill, they managed to draw the ire of GOP lawmakers who were forced to practice a tactic used by their counterparts during the previous three days of debate over the bill: calling points of order to bring amendments down. Democrats this session have successfully stalled a handful of controversial bills with the tactic, only to see them resurrected by Republicans.
At one point, state Rep. Larry Phillips, R-Sherman, asked to be recognized to make a motion to suspend further debate on the bill after he said lawmakers had 12 pages of bills to consider on the calendar. The deadline to consider House bills on the floor is Thursday. Despite the deadline, House Speaker Joe Straus denied Phillips’ request.
In an effort to highlight what he said was the inherent hypocrisy in the state’s businesses hiring practices, state Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-San Antonio, filed an amendment that would punish employers who hire illegal immigrants.
“[Immigrants] are not here just hanging out, they are here working. But we have a state and a nation that can’t be honest with itself,” Castro told lawmakers. The amendment was deemed “not germane,” however, and was pulled. It didn’t stop the minority party from keeping at it and testing the mood in the lower chamber. The amendments filed would have excluded the word “detained” from the bill, would have required the state to reimburse cities for costs incurred in implementing the bill, and would have required the state to pay court fees if it lost an HB 12 related case. Another would have excluded witnesses or victims of crimes from being asked about their immigration status. They all failed on party-line votes.
Through a procedure known as “calling the previous question,” Republicans on Saturday successfully halted debate on a contentious bill that would require losers in certain lawsuits to pay all legal fees incurred by both parties. Late Monday they used the same tactic to cease additional dialogue and debate on HB 12. It looked as if they would consider the same move after more than two hours of debate today. Though obviously frustrated, however, Republicans did not invoke the rule. Instead they listened as Hispanic Democrats, in a last salvo, fought back tears and anger in their final attempts to sway their colleagues from across the aisle. In her challenge to lawmakers to vote their conscience instead of along party lines, state Rep. Veronica Gonzales, R-McAllen, repeated the famous words spoken by Mexican Revolutionary hero Emiliano Zapata: "It is better to die on your feet than to live on your knees." State Rep. Rafael Anchia, D-Dallas, taking issue with Republicans who accused opponents of the measure of grandstanding, had one last shot for Gov. Rick Perry, who declared HB 12 an emergency item.
"I will tell you what grandstanding is. A governor who declares 'sanctuary cities' an emergency item," he said. State Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer, D-San Antonio, took a moment to take a swipe at Straus and criticize his leadership for not allowing debate on the issue. He read to Straus the speaker's own words from his 2009 speech on unity. Then, facing Straus, he said. "This is a man I can no longer recognize."
But Republicans had their own thoughts at the end of the day. State Rep. Dennis Bonnen, R-Angleton, who said he has never spoken during closing remarks on a bill, told members about Rick Salter, a Houston police officer confined to a wheelchair after being shot in the face by an illegal immigrant.
"I respect everyone on this issue," he said. "But it is vital that we understand there are two sides to this discussion."
In the end the bill passed 100 to 47. It now moves to the Texas Senate.
Regents' meeting could be defining moment for UT System chancellor; A&M chancellor resigns
By Ralph K.M. Haurwitz | AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
University of Texas System regents have a lengthy to-do list for their meeting in Austin today and Thursday, but perhaps nothing will be watched more closely than the interplay between the regents and Chancellor Francisco Cigarroa.
A telling moment could come Thursday when Cigarroa outlines what the agenda describes as "a framework for advancing excellence" throughout the system.
The regents are scheduled to vote on his recommendations, and in light of recent controversy about the direction of the UT System, that could amount to a referendum on Cigarroa himself.
This is the first meeting of the regents since debate erupted a few months ago regarding several higher education "breakthrough solutions" advocated by Gov. Rick Perry and Jeff Sandefer, an Austin businessman, philanthropist and Perry campaign contributor.
The turmoil hasn't been restricted to the UT System. The Texas A&M University System's chancellor, Mike McKinney, announced Tuesday that he plans to retire July 1 . He said, "The time has come for me to step aside," but he was not specific.
McKinney, 59, made the announcement a day after the Faculty Senate and the Executive Committee of the Distinguished Professors at the College Station flagship unanimously approved resolutions decrying what they called inappropriate and damaging political intervention in university affairs. A week earlier, 22 people who have been honored as distinguished alumni by A&M's Association of Former Students urged the A&M System Board of Regents to end its support for the Sandefer-Perry recommendations.
The Association of American Universities told McKinney in October that two measures adopted by the system — bonus pay for teachers based exclusively on student evaluations and a cost-revenue rating with research and teaching figures broken out — are simplistic and ignore quality. In 2009, faculty members voted no confidence in him after the president of the College Station campus resigned under pressure following clashes with the chancellor, who is a former chief of staff for Perry.
Much of the debate regarding the UT System's direction was prompted by regents Chairman Gene Powell, who hired an adviser with a record of criticizing much academic research and favoring a heavier emphasis on teaching. The adviser, Rick O'Donnell, had worked for two of Sandefer's charitable foundations.
Some lawmakers, alumni and other critics said O'Donnell's appointment seemed to undercut the authority of the chancellor. O'Donnell was dismissed April 19 after charging that top officials suppressed cost and revenue information on professors.
The UT System told Attorney General Greg Abbott on Monday that it expects O'Donnell to sue. Zeena Angadicheril , a lawyer for the system, cited a letter from O'Donnell's lawyer dated five days before he was dismissed.
The letter, which said O'Donnell "expects litigation against the UT System may ensue," apparently was a response to the system's review of an article he wrote for the Texas Public Policy Foundation, an Austin-based research group with close ties to Perry that helped develop the "breakthrough solutions."
"Mr. O'Donnell is reviewing the evidence and evaluating his options, and is hopeful that litigation can be avoided," Brian Bishop, his lawyer, told the Statesman on Tuesday.
Charles Miller, a former chairman of the UT regents, said he expects Cigarroa's remarks to be warmly received by the regents.
"I don't think anybody needs to step down from anything," Miller said, referring to Powell, Cigarroa and UT-Austin President William Powers Jr., who gave a speech Monday defending the dual importance of research and teaching. "My advice would be to slow things down. Take a deep breath."
Currently, 11 boards of regents oversee more than 40 public universities, colleges and technical colleges. Pike Powers, an Austin lawyer who has been active in university matters for years, said consolidating systems could increase efficiency, cut costs and align schools with similar missions.
A recent move by the Association of American Universities to oust the University of Nebraska should be a signal to Texas that it must manage higher education with care, he said. UT and A&M are members of the elite group of research universities, and seven others aspire to become major research institutions.
"It's a culture- and institution-defining time," Powers said.
rhaurwitz@statesman.com; 445-3604
Also on the agenda
At its meeting today and Thursday, the UT System Board of Regents could name finalists for president of the M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in Houston, revise the compensation package for UT-Austin men's basketball coach Rick Barnes and hear reports from advisory panels on excellence and productivity and on blended and online learning.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
University of Texas System regents have a lengthy to-do list for their meeting in Austin today and Thursday, but perhaps nothing will be watched more closely than the interplay between the regents and Chancellor Francisco Cigarroa.
A telling moment could come Thursday when Cigarroa outlines what the agenda describes as "a framework for advancing excellence" throughout the system.
The regents are scheduled to vote on his recommendations, and in light of recent controversy about the direction of the UT System, that could amount to a referendum on Cigarroa himself.
This is the first meeting of the regents since debate erupted a few months ago regarding several higher education "breakthrough solutions" advocated by Gov. Rick Perry and Jeff Sandefer, an Austin businessman, philanthropist and Perry campaign contributor.
The turmoil hasn't been restricted to the UT System. The Texas A&M University System's chancellor, Mike McKinney, announced Tuesday that he plans to retire July 1 . He said, "The time has come for me to step aside," but he was not specific.
McKinney, 59, made the announcement a day after the Faculty Senate and the Executive Committee of the Distinguished Professors at the College Station flagship unanimously approved resolutions decrying what they called inappropriate and damaging political intervention in university affairs. A week earlier, 22 people who have been honored as distinguished alumni by A&M's Association of Former Students urged the A&M System Board of Regents to end its support for the Sandefer-Perry recommendations.
The Association of American Universities told McKinney in October that two measures adopted by the system — bonus pay for teachers based exclusively on student evaluations and a cost-revenue rating with research and teaching figures broken out — are simplistic and ignore quality. In 2009, faculty members voted no confidence in him after the president of the College Station campus resigned under pressure following clashes with the chancellor, who is a former chief of staff for Perry.
Much of the debate regarding the UT System's direction was prompted by regents Chairman Gene Powell, who hired an adviser with a record of criticizing much academic research and favoring a heavier emphasis on teaching. The adviser, Rick O'Donnell, had worked for two of Sandefer's charitable foundations.
Some lawmakers, alumni and other critics said O'Donnell's appointment seemed to undercut the authority of the chancellor. O'Donnell was dismissed April 19 after charging that top officials suppressed cost and revenue information on professors.
The UT System told Attorney General Greg Abbott on Monday that it expects O'Donnell to sue. Zeena Angadicheril , a lawyer for the system, cited a letter from O'Donnell's lawyer dated five days before he was dismissed.
The letter, which said O'Donnell "expects litigation against the UT System may ensue," apparently was a response to the system's review of an article he wrote for the Texas Public Policy Foundation, an Austin-based research group with close ties to Perry that helped develop the "breakthrough solutions."
"Mr. O'Donnell is reviewing the evidence and evaluating his options, and is hopeful that litigation can be avoided," Brian Bishop, his lawyer, told the Statesman on Tuesday.
Charles Miller, a former chairman of the UT regents, said he expects Cigarroa's remarks to be warmly received by the regents.
"I don't think anybody needs to step down from anything," Miller said, referring to Powell, Cigarroa and UT-Austin President William Powers Jr., who gave a speech Monday defending the dual importance of research and teaching. "My advice would be to slow things down. Take a deep breath."
Currently, 11 boards of regents oversee more than 40 public universities, colleges and technical colleges. Pike Powers, an Austin lawyer who has been active in university matters for years, said consolidating systems could increase efficiency, cut costs and align schools with similar missions.
A recent move by the Association of American Universities to oust the University of Nebraska should be a signal to Texas that it must manage higher education with care, he said. UT and A&M are members of the elite group of research universities, and seven others aspire to become major research institutions.
"It's a culture- and institution-defining time," Powers said.
rhaurwitz@statesman.com; 445-3604
Also on the agenda
At its meeting today and Thursday, the UT System Board of Regents could name finalists for president of the M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in Houston, revise the compensation package for UT-Austin men's basketball coach Rick Barnes and hear reports from advisory panels on excellence and productivity and on blended and online learning.
Local school districts won't spend on jobs until they know amount of state funding
By Melissa B. Taboada | AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
Central Texas school districts have reacted to the news that they would get millions in federal funding to help save jobs with caution.
The Texas Education Agency told districts Monday what their portions of the $830 million in federal aid would be. The Austin school district will get $13.8 million; the Round Rock district will get $6.9 million; Leander will get $4.9 million; Pflugerville will get $3.7 million; and the Hays district will get $2.4 million.
The news is good — districts have been cutting programs and laying off teachers to try to close budget gaps largely caused by projected drops in state funding — but several officials in area districts said they can't plan on using the money to rehire teachers until they know how much funding they will get from the state. The House version of the budget gives school districts as much as $6.5 billion less than the state owes them under current law. The Senate plan would reduce that amount by about $4 billion.
"If it goes the same way it did in the last session — where they just did a shell game where the feds sent us money and then the state just reduced their effort — that doesn't do us a heck of a lot of good," Hutto Superintendent Doug Killian said.
"All these people who are jumping up and down because of the ed job moneys are forgetting history," Killian said. "We're happy about it, potentially. But we're really kind of watching ourselves, because we just don't know what it's going to end up doing long-term with what the House plan looks like right now."
Hutto is cutting at least 75 positions and is closing an elementary school to fill the
$4 million hole in its $39.6 million budget for 2011-12.
The federal funds had been tied up because of a provision that required Texas to maintain current spending levels through 2013. The provision was repealed last month.
The Texas Education Agency is distributing the money under the state's school finance formula, which uses a weighted average daily attendance. Stipulations require the money — which is immediately available — to be used for personnel-related costs, including salaries and benefits, or for support services needed to hire or rehire school-level employees.
Districts can cover personnel-related costs from September 2010 through the next fiscal year, said Debbie Ratcliffe, a spokeswoman for the agency.
The Austin school district cut 1,153 jobs, including 571 teachers, to help reduce an estimated $94 million shortfall in its $690.1 million 2011-12 operating budget to $46.3 million. District officials did not respond to requests for comment Tuesday said in a statement that the district will use the grant to fund current budget items including "full-day, pre-kindergarten and for school librarians, and to support secondary planning periods."
The statement made no mention of reinstating eliminated positions.
"I don't think any school district would be in a position to pre-emptively apply that money now, without knowing what the Legislature is going to do regarding school funding," Hays Superintendent Jeremy Lyon said. "So really, it's yet another piece of the puzzle that is yet to be solved."
Hays is eliminating more than 100 jobs, including 31 teachers, to close a $7 million shortfall from its 2011-12 projected budget of $120 million.
The Round Rock district laid off 350 employees, largely probationary teachers in their first years of teaching, to close its projected $60 million shortfall of its $345 million budget.
The district prioritized its cuts in such a way that restoring cut teachers would come first, said Superintendent Jesús Chávez, which "fits well with the federal education job dollars."
"The focus is that we hire classroom positions or school positions, which had been our intent in Round Rock all along," Chávez said.
The Leander district cut 250 positions, laying off 213 first-year teachers, to make up a nearly $20 million hole in its $244 million 2011-12 budget.
"In a perfect world, this money will assist us in bringing some people back," Leander Superintendent Bret Champion said. "The question of course still becomes, 'What is the Legislature going to do and how is that going to impact the overall budget?', which will let us know how we can spend the $4.8 million.
"It's a weird waiting game we're in," Champion said.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
Central Texas school districts have reacted to the news that they would get millions in federal funding to help save jobs with caution.
The Texas Education Agency told districts Monday what their portions of the $830 million in federal aid would be. The Austin school district will get $13.8 million; the Round Rock district will get $6.9 million; Leander will get $4.9 million; Pflugerville will get $3.7 million; and the Hays district will get $2.4 million.
The news is good — districts have been cutting programs and laying off teachers to try to close budget gaps largely caused by projected drops in state funding — but several officials in area districts said they can't plan on using the money to rehire teachers until they know how much funding they will get from the state. The House version of the budget gives school districts as much as $6.5 billion less than the state owes them under current law. The Senate plan would reduce that amount by about $4 billion.
"If it goes the same way it did in the last session — where they just did a shell game where the feds sent us money and then the state just reduced their effort — that doesn't do us a heck of a lot of good," Hutto Superintendent Doug Killian said.
"All these people who are jumping up and down because of the ed job moneys are forgetting history," Killian said. "We're happy about it, potentially. But we're really kind of watching ourselves, because we just don't know what it's going to end up doing long-term with what the House plan looks like right now."
Hutto is cutting at least 75 positions and is closing an elementary school to fill the
$4 million hole in its $39.6 million budget for 2011-12.
The federal funds had been tied up because of a provision that required Texas to maintain current spending levels through 2013. The provision was repealed last month.
The Texas Education Agency is distributing the money under the state's school finance formula, which uses a weighted average daily attendance. Stipulations require the money — which is immediately available — to be used for personnel-related costs, including salaries and benefits, or for support services needed to hire or rehire school-level employees.
Districts can cover personnel-related costs from September 2010 through the next fiscal year, said Debbie Ratcliffe, a spokeswoman for the agency.
The Austin school district cut 1,153 jobs, including 571 teachers, to help reduce an estimated $94 million shortfall in its $690.1 million 2011-12 operating budget to $46.3 million. District officials did not respond to requests for comment Tuesday said in a statement that the district will use the grant to fund current budget items including "full-day, pre-kindergarten and for school librarians, and to support secondary planning periods."
The statement made no mention of reinstating eliminated positions.
"I don't think any school district would be in a position to pre-emptively apply that money now, without knowing what the Legislature is going to do regarding school funding," Hays Superintendent Jeremy Lyon said. "So really, it's yet another piece of the puzzle that is yet to be solved."
Hays is eliminating more than 100 jobs, including 31 teachers, to close a $7 million shortfall from its 2011-12 projected budget of $120 million.
The Round Rock district laid off 350 employees, largely probationary teachers in their first years of teaching, to close its projected $60 million shortfall of its $345 million budget.
The district prioritized its cuts in such a way that restoring cut teachers would come first, said Superintendent Jesús Chávez, which "fits well with the federal education job dollars."
"The focus is that we hire classroom positions or school positions, which had been our intent in Round Rock all along," Chávez said.
The Leander district cut 250 positions, laying off 213 first-year teachers, to make up a nearly $20 million hole in its $244 million 2011-12 budget.
"In a perfect world, this money will assist us in bringing some people back," Leander Superintendent Bret Champion said. "The question of course still becomes, 'What is the Legislature going to do and how is that going to impact the overall budget?', which will let us know how we can spend the $4.8 million.
"It's a weird waiting game we're in," Champion said.
School finance inaction may impede budget compromise
By Kate Alexander | AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
The clock is a-tickin' for Texas lawmakers to cobble together a budget compromise that enacts deep cuts to public education.
But with less than three weeks left in the legislative session, neither chamber has debated, much less passed, a school finance bill that would reduce the state aid owed to school districts by as much as $6.5 billion.
Both the House and Senate budgets are precariously balanced on the assumption that such legislation would be approved. Failure to do so would probably force lawmakers into a special session this summer.
"It's essential that we pass some type of school finance reform in order to successfully end the session. So it's the No. 1 priority right now," said Senate Finance Committee Chairman Steve Ogden, R-Bryan.
On the House side, Calendars Committee Chairman Todd Hunter, R-Corpus Christi, said the school finance legislation would not be among the bills to make it to the floor before a key deadline at the end of the week.
"There are a lot of interconnected parts that aren't fitting together yet," said Public Education Chairman Rob Eissler, R-The Woodlands.
The House plan could still hitch a ride on another piece of legislation, but at least one local lawmaker, Rep. Paul Workman, R-Austin, said he wouldn't be able to support it.
Although Workman backed the House budget bill that reduced the school funding, he said Tuesday that the House school finance bill hurts his school districts too much to get his vote.
Under the House bill, for instance, the Austin school district would lose $81 million — 12 percent of its state aid — in the first year of the 2012-13 budget. The next year, the impact would be $111 million.
The Senate bill eases the pain a bit, in part because it reduces funding by only $4 billion over the two-year budget. That scenario would have Austin getting 7.5 percent less in the first year and 8.5 percent less the next.
Even so, Senate leaders have been struggling to muster the 21 votes needed to bring Senate Bill 22 up for debate. The arcane procedural workaround used last week to free up the budget bill is not available this time.
Ogden huddled with Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst and several senators for more than an hour Tuesday in pursuit of a deal that would allow the bill to come up for debate.
At least two Democrats would have to jump on board for the bill to move, but they have been reluctant to help the Republicans reduce education spending.
Ogden said Tuesday that senators are working on a deal that would include a promise to restore the school districts to full funding when the economy improves.
But the state has made — and broken — school funding promises before.
In 2006, the state was forced to rejigger its school finance system after the Texas Supreme Court ruled that the Legislature had effectively enacted an unconstitutional statewide property tax.
Lawmakers responded by reducing local school property tax rates by one-third and dedicating more state money to the schools to replace the local money.
The state promised school districts that their overall funding would not suffer as a result. But the state is now reneging on the deal, said Lynn Moak, a school finance consultant.
"This session has demonstrated that that commitment is a hollow commitment," Moak said.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
The clock is a-tickin' for Texas lawmakers to cobble together a budget compromise that enacts deep cuts to public education.
But with less than three weeks left in the legislative session, neither chamber has debated, much less passed, a school finance bill that would reduce the state aid owed to school districts by as much as $6.5 billion.
Both the House and Senate budgets are precariously balanced on the assumption that such legislation would be approved. Failure to do so would probably force lawmakers into a special session this summer.
"It's essential that we pass some type of school finance reform in order to successfully end the session. So it's the No. 1 priority right now," said Senate Finance Committee Chairman Steve Ogden, R-Bryan.
On the House side, Calendars Committee Chairman Todd Hunter, R-Corpus Christi, said the school finance legislation would not be among the bills to make it to the floor before a key deadline at the end of the week.
"There are a lot of interconnected parts that aren't fitting together yet," said Public Education Chairman Rob Eissler, R-The Woodlands.
The House plan could still hitch a ride on another piece of legislation, but at least one local lawmaker, Rep. Paul Workman, R-Austin, said he wouldn't be able to support it.
Although Workman backed the House budget bill that reduced the school funding, he said Tuesday that the House school finance bill hurts his school districts too much to get his vote.
Under the House bill, for instance, the Austin school district would lose $81 million — 12 percent of its state aid — in the first year of the 2012-13 budget. The next year, the impact would be $111 million.
The Senate bill eases the pain a bit, in part because it reduces funding by only $4 billion over the two-year budget. That scenario would have Austin getting 7.5 percent less in the first year and 8.5 percent less the next.
Even so, Senate leaders have been struggling to muster the 21 votes needed to bring Senate Bill 22 up for debate. The arcane procedural workaround used last week to free up the budget bill is not available this time.
Ogden huddled with Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst and several senators for more than an hour Tuesday in pursuit of a deal that would allow the bill to come up for debate.
At least two Democrats would have to jump on board for the bill to move, but they have been reluctant to help the Republicans reduce education spending.
Ogden said Tuesday that senators are working on a deal that would include a promise to restore the school districts to full funding when the economy improves.
But the state has made — and broken — school funding promises before.
In 2006, the state was forced to rejigger its school finance system after the Texas Supreme Court ruled that the Legislature had effectively enacted an unconstitutional statewide property tax.
Lawmakers responded by reducing local school property tax rates by one-third and dedicating more state money to the schools to replace the local money.
The state promised school districts that their overall funding would not suffer as a result. But the state is now reneging on the deal, said Lynn Moak, a school finance consultant.
"This session has demonstrated that that commitment is a hollow commitment," Moak said.
Texas group's lawsuit: Census undercounted Hispanics
Texas group's lawsuit: Census undercounted Hispanics
Mon, May 9 2011
By Jim Forsyth
SAN ANTONIO (Reuters) - A Texas civil rights group filed a lawsuit in federal court in San Antonio on Monday charging that the 2010 Census failed to count as many as one-tenth of the Hispanics living in the state.
The Mexican American Legislative Caucus asked a federal judge to order the Texas Legislature to draw political boundaries based on the assumption that there are more Hispanics living in the state than the Census shows.
Lawyer Jose Garza, who represents the caucus, said the lawsuit against Governor Rick Perry and other key state leaders is likely to become the basis of similar suits in other states demanding increased Latino representation in Congress, state legislatures, and on political boards and commissions.
Garza said Texas is not the only state where Hispanics are likely to have been significantly undercounted, in part because the U.S. Census Bureau has cut back on outreach efforts.
Jenna Arnold, a spokeswoman in Dallas for the U.S. Census Bureau, said that starting June 1, the Census will accept challenges from elected officials to their jurisdictions' 2010 Census count.
She said the Census plans to build on outreach efforts from 2010 and will use an evaluation of how accurate the count was to make the 2020 Census better.
"We appreciate the concern by some along the Texas border region with the 2010 Census population count," Arnold said in an e-mailed statement. "The Census Bureau was strongly committed to ensuring a complete count of the population."
The country's Hispanic population grew 46.3 percent in the last decade, and Hispanics accounted for more than half of the nation's total population growth in the 2010 Census, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.
Texas gained about 4.3 million residents in the decade, and Hispanics accounting for 65 percent of that growth.
"We are not asking for a new census -- we are asking the state to be sensitive to that undercount, and draw districts accordingly," Garza said at the federal court house in San Antonio after filing the lawsuit.
Figures from the 2010 Census are being used now by state legislatures across the country to redraw political boundaries.
The U.S. Voting Rights Act as well as Supreme Court decisions require that districts be drawn in a way that provides "minority opportunity districts," where minority members are likely to be elected, in proportion to the numbers of minorities counted in the census.
Garza said the legislative caucus has "voluminous" evidence indicating the U.S. Census Bureau failed to adequately enumerate Latino voters living both in urban areas and in rural 'colonias,' unincorporated settlements, mainly along the Rio Grande, which are populated chiefly by immigrants.
"We're being told by people on the ground that Census Bureau officials were getting calls 60 to 90 days after Census day from people asking, 'When am I going to get my form in the mail, when are they going to come to my house?'" Garza said.
The lawsuit also seeks to block what is called "district packing," in which a disproportionate number of minorities are crammed into a single political district, reducing the total number of districts with majority-minority populations.
In many cases, Garza says, lawmakers draw majority-minority political districts with populations much greater than the average district.
"Elections in Texas continue to be racially polarized," the lawsuit says.
The lawsuit raises the specter of emotional court battles over redistricting nationwide, at a time when the way congressional districts are drawn has the potential to alter the political balance of power in the federal government.
Republicans control 26 district-redrawing state legislatures, and in 21 states Republicans control the legislature and the governor's office.
(Additional reporting by Wendell Marsh; Editing by Corrie MacLaggan and Jerry Norton)
Mon, May 9 2011
By Jim Forsyth
SAN ANTONIO (Reuters) - A Texas civil rights group filed a lawsuit in federal court in San Antonio on Monday charging that the 2010 Census failed to count as many as one-tenth of the Hispanics living in the state.
The Mexican American Legislative Caucus asked a federal judge to order the Texas Legislature to draw political boundaries based on the assumption that there are more Hispanics living in the state than the Census shows.
Lawyer Jose Garza, who represents the caucus, said the lawsuit against Governor Rick Perry and other key state leaders is likely to become the basis of similar suits in other states demanding increased Latino representation in Congress, state legislatures, and on political boards and commissions.
Garza said Texas is not the only state where Hispanics are likely to have been significantly undercounted, in part because the U.S. Census Bureau has cut back on outreach efforts.
Jenna Arnold, a spokeswoman in Dallas for the U.S. Census Bureau, said that starting June 1, the Census will accept challenges from elected officials to their jurisdictions' 2010 Census count.
She said the Census plans to build on outreach efforts from 2010 and will use an evaluation of how accurate the count was to make the 2020 Census better.
"We appreciate the concern by some along the Texas border region with the 2010 Census population count," Arnold said in an e-mailed statement. "The Census Bureau was strongly committed to ensuring a complete count of the population."
The country's Hispanic population grew 46.3 percent in the last decade, and Hispanics accounted for more than half of the nation's total population growth in the 2010 Census, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.
Texas gained about 4.3 million residents in the decade, and Hispanics accounting for 65 percent of that growth.
"We are not asking for a new census -- we are asking the state to be sensitive to that undercount, and draw districts accordingly," Garza said at the federal court house in San Antonio after filing the lawsuit.
Figures from the 2010 Census are being used now by state legislatures across the country to redraw political boundaries.
The U.S. Voting Rights Act as well as Supreme Court decisions require that districts be drawn in a way that provides "minority opportunity districts," where minority members are likely to be elected, in proportion to the numbers of minorities counted in the census.
Garza said the legislative caucus has "voluminous" evidence indicating the U.S. Census Bureau failed to adequately enumerate Latino voters living both in urban areas and in rural 'colonias,' unincorporated settlements, mainly along the Rio Grande, which are populated chiefly by immigrants.
"We're being told by people on the ground that Census Bureau officials were getting calls 60 to 90 days after Census day from people asking, 'When am I going to get my form in the mail, when are they going to come to my house?'" Garza said.
The lawsuit also seeks to block what is called "district packing," in which a disproportionate number of minorities are crammed into a single political district, reducing the total number of districts with majority-minority populations.
In many cases, Garza says, lawmakers draw majority-minority political districts with populations much greater than the average district.
"Elections in Texas continue to be racially polarized," the lawsuit says.
The lawsuit raises the specter of emotional court battles over redistricting nationwide, at a time when the way congressional districts are drawn has the potential to alter the political balance of power in the federal government.
Republicans control 26 district-redrawing state legislatures, and in 21 states Republicans control the legislature and the governor's office.
(Additional reporting by Wendell Marsh; Editing by Corrie MacLaggan and Jerry Norton)
Birdwell Tries, Fails to Hike Tuition for Undocumented
by Becca Aaronson | Texas Tribune
May 9, 2011
An effort by Sen. Brian Birdwell, R-Granbury, to require undocumented Texas students to pay out-of-state tuition rates sparked emotional debate in the Senate today, and forced Birdwell to pull the measure down.
Birdwell tacked the amendment, which would have required undocumented students to pay much higher out-of-state tuition rates, onto an education finance bill. Those currently paying in-state tuition would have been grandfathered in under the measure, but the amendment could have affected some 16,000 students.
“You’re putting a dagger in the hearts and the hopes of these students,” said Sen. Leticia Van de Putte, D-San Antonio, the first senator to voice concern. “...We’re punishing the students, the children, because of a transgression of their parents.”
Sen. Eddie Lucio, D-Brownsville, argued: “They’re in college trying to make something of themselves, and if we in any way interfere, they won’t get their education.”
Birdwell said constituents have complained about paying tuition for illegal residents. He said his intention was “fairness for the Texas taxpayers.”
But Sen. Carlos Uresti, D-San Antonio, said that argument was “illogical” because undocumented residents are taxpayers. Uresti said he saw students sobbing after the federal government failed to pass the DREAM Act, and now "what’s happened at the federal level is filtering down here with your amendment.”
After senators took a moment to conference, Birdwell withdrew the amendment “for the continued survival” of the education finance reform bill.
May 9, 2011
An effort by Sen. Brian Birdwell, R-Granbury, to require undocumented Texas students to pay out-of-state tuition rates sparked emotional debate in the Senate today, and forced Birdwell to pull the measure down.
Birdwell tacked the amendment, which would have required undocumented students to pay much higher out-of-state tuition rates, onto an education finance bill. Those currently paying in-state tuition would have been grandfathered in under the measure, but the amendment could have affected some 16,000 students.
“You’re putting a dagger in the hearts and the hopes of these students,” said Sen. Leticia Van de Putte, D-San Antonio, the first senator to voice concern. “...We’re punishing the students, the children, because of a transgression of their parents.”
Sen. Eddie Lucio, D-Brownsville, argued: “They’re in college trying to make something of themselves, and if we in any way interfere, they won’t get their education.”
Birdwell said constituents have complained about paying tuition for illegal residents. He said his intention was “fairness for the Texas taxpayers.”
But Sen. Carlos Uresti, D-San Antonio, said that argument was “illogical” because undocumented residents are taxpayers. Uresti said he saw students sobbing after the federal government failed to pass the DREAM Act, and now "what’s happened at the federal level is filtering down here with your amendment.”
After senators took a moment to conference, Birdwell withdrew the amendment “for the continued survival” of the education finance reform bill.
Monday, May 09, 2011
Amendments Piled Onto Texas Education Finance Bill
by Becca Aaronson | Texas Tribune
May 9, 2011
Senators had an amendment feeding frenzy on an education finance reform bill offered up today by Sen. Steve Ogden, the Bryan Republican who chairs the Senate Finance Committee.
The bill’s original intent: Increase revenue for public schools and higher education institutions by $30 million for the next biennium. The bill will still do that, but it will also allow college students to carry concealed handguns on campus, increase the cost of cigarettes and allow drastic changes to university administration.
Those are only the amendments senators adopted. Other amendments came from Sen. Brian Birdwell, R-Granbury, who attempted to require undocumented Texas residents to pay out-of-state tuition rates; Sen. Wendy Davis, D-Fort Worth, who tried to discount electricity rates for school districts; and Sen. Rodney Ellis, D-Houston, who attempted to repeal the deregulation of college tuition. Those, plus others, were tabled.
An amendment battle between Sen. Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, and Sen. Jeff Wentworth, R-San Antonio, also played out — and both won. Earlier in the session, Zaffirini killed her own bill, SB 5, after Wentworth amended it to include his "campus carry" provision. Zaffirini successfully added the provisions from SB 5, which would eliminate certain university reporting requirements and reduce administrative costs. And after much debate, Wentworth added the campus carry provision.
Senators also adopted two amendments that affect the Permanent Health Fund — $420 million tobacco companies have paid Texas to cover the expense of tobacco-related illnesses. The first, by Sen. Kevin Eltife, R-Tyler, would take $100 million from the fund to restore funding for health science centers at higher education institutions. Looking at a total reduction of $320 million reduction, each of the 10 health science centers would receive a boost of $10 million from the fund.
The second, by Sen. Juan "Chuy" Hinojosa, D-McAllen, would restore money to the fund by placing a $2.15 fee on all cigarette packs sold by “nonsettling manufacture companies” (i.e., the big companies like R.J. Reynolds and Philip Morris). Under a 1997 settlement, these companies agreed to pay Texas a lump sum every year based on national cigarette sales to pay for tobacco-related illness. Hinojosa said lower cigarette sales had reduced the amount of money Texas actually recoups, and that his amendment would “make them pay their fair share.”
In the end, SB 1581 passed 19 to 12.
Editor's note: A correction has been made to this story. Wentworth's amendment would allow licensed students at all public universities to carry a concealed handgun.
May 9, 2011
Senators had an amendment feeding frenzy on an education finance reform bill offered up today by Sen. Steve Ogden, the Bryan Republican who chairs the Senate Finance Committee.
The bill’s original intent: Increase revenue for public schools and higher education institutions by $30 million for the next biennium. The bill will still do that, but it will also allow college students to carry concealed handguns on campus, increase the cost of cigarettes and allow drastic changes to university administration.
Those are only the amendments senators adopted. Other amendments came from Sen. Brian Birdwell, R-Granbury, who attempted to require undocumented Texas residents to pay out-of-state tuition rates; Sen. Wendy Davis, D-Fort Worth, who tried to discount electricity rates for school districts; and Sen. Rodney Ellis, D-Houston, who attempted to repeal the deregulation of college tuition. Those, plus others, were tabled.
An amendment battle between Sen. Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, and Sen. Jeff Wentworth, R-San Antonio, also played out — and both won. Earlier in the session, Zaffirini killed her own bill, SB 5, after Wentworth amended it to include his "campus carry" provision. Zaffirini successfully added the provisions from SB 5, which would eliminate certain university reporting requirements and reduce administrative costs. And after much debate, Wentworth added the campus carry provision.
Senators also adopted two amendments that affect the Permanent Health Fund — $420 million tobacco companies have paid Texas to cover the expense of tobacco-related illnesses. The first, by Sen. Kevin Eltife, R-Tyler, would take $100 million from the fund to restore funding for health science centers at higher education institutions. Looking at a total reduction of $320 million reduction, each of the 10 health science centers would receive a boost of $10 million from the fund.
The second, by Sen. Juan "Chuy" Hinojosa, D-McAllen, would restore money to the fund by placing a $2.15 fee on all cigarette packs sold by “nonsettling manufacture companies” (i.e., the big companies like R.J. Reynolds and Philip Morris). Under a 1997 settlement, these companies agreed to pay Texas a lump sum every year based on national cigarette sales to pay for tobacco-related illness. Hinojosa said lower cigarette sales had reduced the amount of money Texas actually recoups, and that his amendment would “make them pay their fair share.”
In the end, SB 1581 passed 19 to 12.
Editor's note: A correction has been made to this story. Wentworth's amendment would allow licensed students at all public universities to carry a concealed handgun.
University of Texas President: "We Need to Do More"
Nice clip of President Powers at today's address to the university. Also check out the response from the Texas Business for Higher Education and more about who this group is. Pretty significant stuff.
-Patricia
by Reeve Hamilton | Texas Tribune
May 9, 2011
University of Texas at Austin President Bill Powers delivered a speech Monday — two days before the University of Texas System Board of Regents gathers in Austin for a highly anticipated meeting — outlining the university's budget concerns and plans for innovation.
To a crowd made up largely of alumni and faculty, as well as a handful of students and outside observers, Powers explained that the administration has prepared for a 15 percent budget reduction for the next biennium, which is roughly on target with the 16.1 percent cut in the Texas Senate's version of the budget. However, if the legislators adopt the House version, they will still be 5.5 percent short, causing them to dip into reserves, further slash budgets and up the number of layoffs. "There is no question that this would further harm our educational mission," Powers said.
Under the House version of the budget, state support will make up 13 percent of the university's budget, down from 52 percent in 1981. Powers observed that this was just "one of many seismic shifts in society that affect higher education."
"We have to reinvent the way we do business," Powers said. "Our current approach simply is not sustainable." He took note of ongoing efforts to change the institution's status quo, including recommendations made by the Commission of 125, a coalition of citizens and university representatives, in 2004. He said that, if efficiency is measured by comparing financial inputs to degree production, then UT ranks first out of 120 of the nation's public research universities. However, in addition to these and other ongoing initiatives, such as developing three-year degrees and working with high schools to get students into college earlier and better prepared, Powers reiterated, "We need to do more."
"Our alumni ought to know what we're doing," Powers told the Tribune, explaining his rationale for giving the speech. "The public ought to know what we're doing, and the campus ought to know what we're doing. We're for reinventing things."
It's a busy time in the political life of the university. At the Capitol, legislators are grappling with a massive budget shortfall that will inevitably lead to major cuts at institutions of higher education. Meanwhile, several high-profile UT constituents remain concerned about potential changes in the scope and mission of the university system pushed by the governor, the Texas Public Policy Foundation and some recently appointed UT regents under the leadership of chairman Gene Powell.
Powers also said in his speech that a main focus should be on boosting four-year graduation rates, which are currently hovering at a mere 53 percent. Though these are the highest in the state, Powers said they should be around 70 percent, which would result in a significant savings to the state. "That should be our beacon," Powers told the Tribune after his address. "When we get there, then 73 percent. We ought to keep doing everything we can."
Justin Keener, a spokesman for Texas Business for Higher Education, a new organization that has largely supported a push for accountability and transparency, said in a statement afterward, “While our universities are making great progress, we agree with President Powers that the current model is unsustainable and further improvements are needed. Both he and the regents have called for improving quality, access and affordability, and we hope that everyone will stay focused on delivering those objectives.”
However, in his speech, Powers also cautioned, "We need to be careful about how we change. It's virtually impossible to innovate from the top down." And while some have speculated about what the recent unrest might mean for top UT administrators, Powers said he remains focused: "I will continue to defend our constitutional mandate to remain 'a university of the first class.' I will work night and day to achieve our vision for the public research university of the future."
Update: Following the speech, UT's Faculty Council unanimously approved a a vote of confidence in Powers and his administrative team. They asserted that they have "tirelessly and effectively advocated for the University while valuing academic research and excellent teaching and adhering to the highest standards of professionalism and ethical conduct."
Debbie Roberts, a spokeswoman for the Faculty Council said the vote, which has been awaiting approval since last week, was not a direct response to the address. "It is in response to the president's actions over the last several months," she said.
Here's the full speech:
-Patricia
by Reeve Hamilton | Texas Tribune
May 9, 2011
University of Texas at Austin President Bill Powers delivered a speech Monday — two days before the University of Texas System Board of Regents gathers in Austin for a highly anticipated meeting — outlining the university's budget concerns and plans for innovation.
To a crowd made up largely of alumni and faculty, as well as a handful of students and outside observers, Powers explained that the administration has prepared for a 15 percent budget reduction for the next biennium, which is roughly on target with the 16.1 percent cut in the Texas Senate's version of the budget. However, if the legislators adopt the House version, they will still be 5.5 percent short, causing them to dip into reserves, further slash budgets and up the number of layoffs. "There is no question that this would further harm our educational mission," Powers said.
Under the House version of the budget, state support will make up 13 percent of the university's budget, down from 52 percent in 1981. Powers observed that this was just "one of many seismic shifts in society that affect higher education."
"We have to reinvent the way we do business," Powers said. "Our current approach simply is not sustainable." He took note of ongoing efforts to change the institution's status quo, including recommendations made by the Commission of 125, a coalition of citizens and university representatives, in 2004. He said that, if efficiency is measured by comparing financial inputs to degree production, then UT ranks first out of 120 of the nation's public research universities. However, in addition to these and other ongoing initiatives, such as developing three-year degrees and working with high schools to get students into college earlier and better prepared, Powers reiterated, "We need to do more."
"Our alumni ought to know what we're doing," Powers told the Tribune, explaining his rationale for giving the speech. "The public ought to know what we're doing, and the campus ought to know what we're doing. We're for reinventing things."
It's a busy time in the political life of the university. At the Capitol, legislators are grappling with a massive budget shortfall that will inevitably lead to major cuts at institutions of higher education. Meanwhile, several high-profile UT constituents remain concerned about potential changes in the scope and mission of the university system pushed by the governor, the Texas Public Policy Foundation and some recently appointed UT regents under the leadership of chairman Gene Powell.
Powers also said in his speech that a main focus should be on boosting four-year graduation rates, which are currently hovering at a mere 53 percent. Though these are the highest in the state, Powers said they should be around 70 percent, which would result in a significant savings to the state. "That should be our beacon," Powers told the Tribune after his address. "When we get there, then 73 percent. We ought to keep doing everything we can."
Justin Keener, a spokesman for Texas Business for Higher Education, a new organization that has largely supported a push for accountability and transparency, said in a statement afterward, “While our universities are making great progress, we agree with President Powers that the current model is unsustainable and further improvements are needed. Both he and the regents have called for improving quality, access and affordability, and we hope that everyone will stay focused on delivering those objectives.”
However, in his speech, Powers also cautioned, "We need to be careful about how we change. It's virtually impossible to innovate from the top down." And while some have speculated about what the recent unrest might mean for top UT administrators, Powers said he remains focused: "I will continue to defend our constitutional mandate to remain 'a university of the first class.' I will work night and day to achieve our vision for the public research university of the future."
Update: Following the speech, UT's Faculty Council unanimously approved a a vote of confidence in Powers and his administrative team. They asserted that they have "tirelessly and effectively advocated for the University while valuing academic research and excellent teaching and adhering to the highest standards of professionalism and ethical conduct."
Debbie Roberts, a spokeswoman for the Faculty Council said the vote, which has been awaiting approval since last week, was not a direct response to the address. "It is in response to the president's actions over the last several months," she said.
Here's the full speech:
Attempt to Lift Class Size Ratio Stumbles Again
by Morgan Smith | Texas Tribune
5/6/2011
Lawmakers in the House took a second swing at state Rep. Rob Eissler's school mandate relief bill late Friday night. And once again, they whiffed.
A point of order from parliamentary mastermind state Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer, D-San Antonio, is being considered overnight after almost four hours of debate on the floor.
As the debate kicked off, an impassioned state Rep. Sylvester Turner, D-Houston, delivered a speech that Democrats — and some Republicans, like state Rep. Larry Phillips, R-Sherman — echoed all night as they detailed their opposition to the bill's proposal to eliminate minimum salary requirements, lift the 22-1 class size ratio, authorize unpaid furloughs and remove termination notification requirements.
"We are dealing with HB 400 because we are unwilling to pay the tab for public education for children to get a higher quality education," Turner said, "HB 400 is a consolation bill that shows we're willing to compromise and dumb down education in Texas."
But Eissler, R-The Woodlands, demonstrated he came ready to deal when he offered an amendment from the floor that kept the 22-1 class size ratio for kindergarten through fourth grade but made it significantly easier from districts to get a waiver exemption as long as they maintained a 22-1 district wide average. And teachers' groups scored a victory when Eissler agreed to make the bills' measures temporary — something he previously said he would not do.
"As much as I hate weakening our 22-1 law at all, all I'm saying is that if we have to do it, we should sunset it," said state Rep. Mark Strama, D-Austin, the author of the amendment.
Eissler initially said he believed making the measure temporary would be "creating havoc" in school districts. But after a few moments of deliberation, he approved the amendment.
None of those concessions were enough to stop Democrats from deploying their favorite tactic of the session, however— which proved successful when the parliamentarain sustained it the next morning.
The House is set to take up the bill for a third time on Monday.
5/6/2011
Lawmakers in the House took a second swing at state Rep. Rob Eissler's school mandate relief bill late Friday night. And once again, they whiffed.
A point of order from parliamentary mastermind state Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer, D-San Antonio, is being considered overnight after almost four hours of debate on the floor.
As the debate kicked off, an impassioned state Rep. Sylvester Turner, D-Houston, delivered a speech that Democrats — and some Republicans, like state Rep. Larry Phillips, R-Sherman — echoed all night as they detailed their opposition to the bill's proposal to eliminate minimum salary requirements, lift the 22-1 class size ratio, authorize unpaid furloughs and remove termination notification requirements.
"We are dealing with HB 400 because we are unwilling to pay the tab for public education for children to get a higher quality education," Turner said, "HB 400 is a consolation bill that shows we're willing to compromise and dumb down education in Texas."
But Eissler, R-The Woodlands, demonstrated he came ready to deal when he offered an amendment from the floor that kept the 22-1 class size ratio for kindergarten through fourth grade but made it significantly easier from districts to get a waiver exemption as long as they maintained a 22-1 district wide average. And teachers' groups scored a victory when Eissler agreed to make the bills' measures temporary — something he previously said he would not do.
"As much as I hate weakening our 22-1 law at all, all I'm saying is that if we have to do it, we should sunset it," said state Rep. Mark Strama, D-Austin, the author of the amendment.
Eissler initially said he believed making the measure temporary would be "creating havoc" in school districts. But after a few moments of deliberation, he approved the amendment.
None of those concessions were enough to stop Democrats from deploying their favorite tactic of the session, however— which proved successful when the parliamentarain sustained it the next morning.
The House is set to take up the bill for a third time on Monday.
Families along U.S.-Mexico border face tough school choices
A glimpse at the harsh realities that families live with everyday. Something everyone should watch and be mindful of as we prepare for this morning's continued debate on HB 12, of one Texas' anti-immigrant legislation.
Here's the link to watch the House chamber stream.
-Patricia
By Kevin Sieff | Washington Post
May 8, 2011
MATAMOROS, Mexico — When Princess Martinez saw her husband for the first time after he was deported, two thoughts crossed her mind: that she loved this man, and that she might have to leave him.
The only other option appeared to be moving with their six daughters — who, like Martinez, are all U.S. citizens — across the border to her husband’s new home in Mexico, with its mounting violence and troubled schools.
“Everyone is coming to America, to the land of opportunity,” Martinez, 31, recalled thinking. “And here I am, thinking about taking my family in the opposite direction.”
There are more mixed-status families living in the United States than ever before — non-citizens and citizens under the same roof. Many of those families will be affected by the Obama administration’s aggressive deportation plans, with a record 400,000 immigrants expected to be returned to their home countries this year. It’s likely that more than 20,000 of those deportees have children who are U.S. citizens, according to experts who have analyzed federal data.
Parents are left to choose between dividing the family between two countries, to keep children who are U.S. citizens in U.S. schools, or moving together to Mexico or Central America, where the education is inferior and the language is often foreign to U.S.-born children.
But in the border region, there’s a third option, little known elsewhere, and now facing mounting opposition: living in Mexico but crossing the border each day for American schooling.
As the immigration debate has intensified and school budgets have tightened, some districts have sent photographers to the border to identify students crossing from Mexico. In Arizona, officials last year sued a district for not adequately vetting the residency of students.
Problems began for Martinez and her family when her husband, Marcos Perdomo, 34, was arrested for drunken driving in 2009. After a four-month prison sentence, he was deported to Mexico. On the day the family was reunited here in this border city, Martinez said she watched him scoop up their six daughters one at a time, letting them cry on his shoulder before wiping away his tears.
Martinez and Perdomo mulled their dilemma for days. Friends and relatives told Martinez she would be crazy to willingly move her family to Mexico, where violence was spreading amid an intensifying drug war. Perdomo said he didn’t know what he would do without the girls, now ages 4 through 13. Two of them had been diagnosed with learning disabilities — something U.S. schools, which on average spend five times as much as Mexican ones, typically manage better.
Martinez finally decided to move the family to Matamoros in early 2010 and make the daily journey across the Rio Grande with her daughters so that they could remain in the sleepy Texas school district of Port Isabel, where Martinez worked as a cashier at a grocery store. To evade residency requirements, Martinez registered her daughters for school using a relative’s address.
For months, the strategy appeared to be working.
No easy compromises
Martinez and Perdomo had met 15 years earlier at a Tex-Mex concert just north of the Rio Grande. Perdomo was a short, sturdy teenager then, a man Martinez’s family respected. They danced as accordions blared. He held her close, falling instantly for her smile.
That she was a U.S. citizen and he wasn’t meant little that night. And it meant little for much of their marriage. Perdomo had no problem getting construction jobs and paying rent on a little house in Port Isabel, where Martinez gave birth to six girls in 10 years. At school, each of them pledged allegiance to American and Texas flags.
After the move to Mexico, Martinez got accustomed to rousing the girls at 4:30 a.m. from the living room floor, where they slept shoulder to shoulder.
One winter morning, she tucked seven U.S. birth certificates into a handbag as she neared the crossing. Her six girls swarmed around her — pony tails and backpacks illuminated by the lights of the international bridge to Brownsville — slowing as they approached a U.S. customs agent.
Nearly all the agents recognized them — a blast of energy in this dreary checkpoint, with its waiting rooms full of tired men. “Did you bring your homework?” some agents asked. The girls nodded in unison.
Behind them were dozens of students who made the same journey to attend public schools in Texas. Many left behind parents like Perdomo, who watched his wife and daughters disappear over the Rio Grande — the beginning of their 15-hour day — through the windshield of his pickup.
“I was convicted, but the girls are serving the sentence,” Perdomo said.
The routine lasted for about a year. Then, in February, the superintendent called Martinez into her office. The district had learned of her daily cross-border journey.
“I pointed out to her how that was not permissible. And that we were in a position that we had to adhere to the law,’’ Port Isabel Superintendent Estella Pineda said. “I explained to her that she needed to make a choice.’’
This time there was no easy compromise for Martinez. If she wanted her daughters to attend U.S. schools, the girls would have to leave their father and move to the United States full time.
The girls complained. “Why can’t we stay here? Why do we have to move?” Brigette, 10, asked her mother over and over again.
“We’re still trying to figure it out,” Martinez responded each time. But she didn’t see any way around the move.
Amid another round of chastisements from friends and family, Martinez decided in February to stay in Mexico with her husband. Their daughters would move to Texas with an aunt and grandmother, returning only on weekends.
At their new home in Port Isabel, the girls spread their homework on a kitchen table, sounding out words and polishing basic arithmetic. Their aunt, Ida Martinez, darted between them to help, the way their mother once did.
Officials at the school district, with just 2,500 students, were by now familiar with Martinez’s saga and were glad to hear the girls had moved back across the border. But some thought their mother should be in Port Isabel, too.
“She should make the choice to stay here full time,’’ said Nancy Gonzalez, the principal of Garriga Elementary, which two of the girls attend. “The girls need her. Her children need her. And she needs to see that.’’
But three months after Martinez made the change, she still sees no other viable options, even though the current arrangement hardly feels sustainable.
The house is too quiet when she returns home now, she says. Sometimes she listens to the television’s soft chatter, half-expecting the interruption of a little girl’s voice. But there’s nothing.
Normally well behaved, the girls are getting in trouble in school. In Mexico, Perdomo is struggling to find a job in a city awash with drug-related violence.
Martinez crosses the border each morning by herself now, still working at the same grocery store, still trying to craft a plan that won’t make her feel like a failed mother or wife. She never comes up with one.
“If only I was smarter,” she said.
But that sentiment is quickly overwhelmed by anger — at her husband for committing the crime that led to his deportation, at the school district for threatening to expel her daughters, at a system that punishes immigrants without considering the impact on young U.S. citizens.
“Every time we think we’ve figured things out, there’s another setback,” Martinez said. “Something else happens, and we have to start all over again.”
Staff photographer Alexandra Garcia contributed to this report.
Here's the link to watch the House chamber stream.
-Patricia
By Kevin Sieff | Washington Post
May 8, 2011
MATAMOROS, Mexico — When Princess Martinez saw her husband for the first time after he was deported, two thoughts crossed her mind: that she loved this man, and that she might have to leave him.
The only other option appeared to be moving with their six daughters — who, like Martinez, are all U.S. citizens — across the border to her husband’s new home in Mexico, with its mounting violence and troubled schools.
“Everyone is coming to America, to the land of opportunity,” Martinez, 31, recalled thinking. “And here I am, thinking about taking my family in the opposite direction.”
There are more mixed-status families living in the United States than ever before — non-citizens and citizens under the same roof. Many of those families will be affected by the Obama administration’s aggressive deportation plans, with a record 400,000 immigrants expected to be returned to their home countries this year. It’s likely that more than 20,000 of those deportees have children who are U.S. citizens, according to experts who have analyzed federal data.
Parents are left to choose between dividing the family between two countries, to keep children who are U.S. citizens in U.S. schools, or moving together to Mexico or Central America, where the education is inferior and the language is often foreign to U.S.-born children.
But in the border region, there’s a third option, little known elsewhere, and now facing mounting opposition: living in Mexico but crossing the border each day for American schooling.
As the immigration debate has intensified and school budgets have tightened, some districts have sent photographers to the border to identify students crossing from Mexico. In Arizona, officials last year sued a district for not adequately vetting the residency of students.
Problems began for Martinez and her family when her husband, Marcos Perdomo, 34, was arrested for drunken driving in 2009. After a four-month prison sentence, he was deported to Mexico. On the day the family was reunited here in this border city, Martinez said she watched him scoop up their six daughters one at a time, letting them cry on his shoulder before wiping away his tears.
Martinez and Perdomo mulled their dilemma for days. Friends and relatives told Martinez she would be crazy to willingly move her family to Mexico, where violence was spreading amid an intensifying drug war. Perdomo said he didn’t know what he would do without the girls, now ages 4 through 13. Two of them had been diagnosed with learning disabilities — something U.S. schools, which on average spend five times as much as Mexican ones, typically manage better.
Martinez finally decided to move the family to Matamoros in early 2010 and make the daily journey across the Rio Grande with her daughters so that they could remain in the sleepy Texas school district of Port Isabel, where Martinez worked as a cashier at a grocery store. To evade residency requirements, Martinez registered her daughters for school using a relative’s address.
For months, the strategy appeared to be working.
No easy compromises
Martinez and Perdomo had met 15 years earlier at a Tex-Mex concert just north of the Rio Grande. Perdomo was a short, sturdy teenager then, a man Martinez’s family respected. They danced as accordions blared. He held her close, falling instantly for her smile.
That she was a U.S. citizen and he wasn’t meant little that night. And it meant little for much of their marriage. Perdomo had no problem getting construction jobs and paying rent on a little house in Port Isabel, where Martinez gave birth to six girls in 10 years. At school, each of them pledged allegiance to American and Texas flags.
After the move to Mexico, Martinez got accustomed to rousing the girls at 4:30 a.m. from the living room floor, where they slept shoulder to shoulder.
One winter morning, she tucked seven U.S. birth certificates into a handbag as she neared the crossing. Her six girls swarmed around her — pony tails and backpacks illuminated by the lights of the international bridge to Brownsville — slowing as they approached a U.S. customs agent.
Nearly all the agents recognized them — a blast of energy in this dreary checkpoint, with its waiting rooms full of tired men. “Did you bring your homework?” some agents asked. The girls nodded in unison.
Behind them were dozens of students who made the same journey to attend public schools in Texas. Many left behind parents like Perdomo, who watched his wife and daughters disappear over the Rio Grande — the beginning of their 15-hour day — through the windshield of his pickup.
“I was convicted, but the girls are serving the sentence,” Perdomo said.
The routine lasted for about a year. Then, in February, the superintendent called Martinez into her office. The district had learned of her daily cross-border journey.
“I pointed out to her how that was not permissible. And that we were in a position that we had to adhere to the law,’’ Port Isabel Superintendent Estella Pineda said. “I explained to her that she needed to make a choice.’’
This time there was no easy compromise for Martinez. If she wanted her daughters to attend U.S. schools, the girls would have to leave their father and move to the United States full time.
The girls complained. “Why can’t we stay here? Why do we have to move?” Brigette, 10, asked her mother over and over again.
“We’re still trying to figure it out,” Martinez responded each time. But she didn’t see any way around the move.
Amid another round of chastisements from friends and family, Martinez decided in February to stay in Mexico with her husband. Their daughters would move to Texas with an aunt and grandmother, returning only on weekends.
At their new home in Port Isabel, the girls spread their homework on a kitchen table, sounding out words and polishing basic arithmetic. Their aunt, Ida Martinez, darted between them to help, the way their mother once did.
Officials at the school district, with just 2,500 students, were by now familiar with Martinez’s saga and were glad to hear the girls had moved back across the border. But some thought their mother should be in Port Isabel, too.
“She should make the choice to stay here full time,’’ said Nancy Gonzalez, the principal of Garriga Elementary, which two of the girls attend. “The girls need her. Her children need her. And she needs to see that.’’
But three months after Martinez made the change, she still sees no other viable options, even though the current arrangement hardly feels sustainable.
The house is too quiet when she returns home now, she says. Sometimes she listens to the television’s soft chatter, half-expecting the interruption of a little girl’s voice. But there’s nothing.
Normally well behaved, the girls are getting in trouble in school. In Mexico, Perdomo is struggling to find a job in a city awash with drug-related violence.
Martinez crosses the border each morning by herself now, still working at the same grocery store, still trying to craft a plan that won’t make her feel like a failed mother or wife. She never comes up with one.
“If only I was smarter,” she said.
But that sentiment is quickly overwhelmed by anger — at her husband for committing the crime that led to his deportation, at the school district for threatening to expel her daughters, at a system that punishes immigrants without considering the impact on young U.S. citizens.
“Every time we think we’ve figured things out, there’s another setback,” Martinez said. “Something else happens, and we have to start all over again.”
Staff photographer Alexandra Garcia contributed to this report.
Sunday, May 08, 2011
When We Hated Mom
Family historian and scholar Stephanie Coontz is on point about feminism rescuing the 1950s housewife. I taught Sociology of the Family for 6 years. The 50s for women were far from a Golden Era. Rather they were quite oppressive. Happy, happy Mother's Day folks!
Angela
May 7, 2011
When We Hated Mom
By STEPHANIE COONTZ
Olympia, Wash.
ONE of the most enduring myths about feminism is that 50 years ago women who stayed home full time with their children enjoyed higher social status and more satisfying lives than they do today. All this changed, the story goes, when Betty Friedan published her 1963 best seller, “The Feminine Mystique,” which denigrated stay-at-home mothers. Ever since, their standing in society has steadily diminished.
That myth — repeated in Suzanne Venker and Phyllis Schlafly’s new book, “The Flipside of Feminism” — reflects a misreading of American history. There was indeed a time when full-time mothers were held in great esteem. But it was not the 1950s or early 1960s. It was 150 years ago. In the 19th century, women had even fewer rights than in the 1950s, but society at least put them on a pedestal, and popular culture was filled with paeans to their self-sacrifice and virtue.
When you compare the diaries and letters of 19th-century women with those of women in the 1950s and early 1960s, you can see the greater confidence of the earlier mothers about their value to society. Many felt they occupied a “nobler sphere” than men’s “bank-note” world.
The wife of the novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne, Sophia, told her mother that she did not share her concerns about improving the rights of women, because wives already exerted “a power which no king or conqueror can cope with.” Americans of the era believed in “the empire of the mother,” and grown sons were not embarrassed about rhapsodizing over their “darling mama,” carrying her picture with them to work or war.
In the early 20th century, under the influence of Freudianism, Americans began to view public avowals of “Mother Love” as unmanly and redefine what used to be called “uplifting encouragement” as nagging. By the 1940s, educators, psychiatrists and popular opinion-makers were assailing the idealization of mothers; in their view, women should stop seeing themselves as guardians of societal and familial morality and content themselves with being, in the self-deprecating words of so many 1960s homemakers, “just a housewife.”
Stay-at-home mothers were often portrayed as an even bigger menace to society than career women. In 1942, in his best-selling “Generation of Vipers,” Philip Wylie coined the term “momism” to describe what he claimed was an epidemic of mothers who kept their sons tied to their apron strings, boasted incessantly of their worth and demanded that politicians heed their moralizing.
Momism became seen as a threat to the moral fiber of America on a par with communism. In 1945, the psychiatrist Edward Strecher argued that the 2.5 million men rejected or discharged from the Army as unfit during World War II were the product of overly protective mothers.
In the same year, an information education officer in the Army Air Forces conjectured that the insidious dependency of the American man on “ ‘Mom’ and her pies” had “killed as many men as a thousand German machine guns.” According to the 1947 best seller “Modern Woman: The Lost Sex,” two-thirds of Americans were neurotic, most of them made so by their mothers.
Typical of the invective against homemakers in the 1950s and 1960s was a 1957 best seller, “The Crack in the Picture Window,” which described suburban America as a “matriarchal society,” with the average husband “a woman-bossed, inadequate, money-terrified neuter” and the average wife a “nagging slob.” Anti-mom rhetoric was so pervasive that even Friedan recycled some of this ideology in “The Feminine Mystique” — including the repellent and now-discredited notion that overly devoted mothers turned their sons into homosexuals.
For their part, stay-at-home mothers complained of constant exhaustion. According to the most reliable study of all data available in the 1960s, full-time homemakers spent 55 hours a week on domestic chores, much more than they do today. Women with young children averaged even longer workweeks than that, and almost every woman I’ve interviewed who raised children in that era recalled that she rarely got any help from her husband, even on weekends.
In the 1946 edition of his perennial best seller, “Baby and Child Care,” Dr. Benjamin Spock suggested that Dad might “occasionally” change a diaper, give the baby a bottle or even “make the formula on Sunday.” But a leading sociologist of the day warned that a helpful father might be suspected of “having a little too much fat on the inner thigh.”
Not surprisingly, these social norms led to widespread feelings of inadequacy and depression among stay-at-home mothers. “The female doesn’t really expect a lot from life,” a mother told pollsters from Gallup in a survey in 1962. “She’s here as someone’s keeper — her husband’s or her children’s.”
Study after study found that homemakers had lower self-esteem than women who took paid employment, even when it came to assessing their skills as parents. They experienced higher levels of stress and greater vulnerability to depression than women with paying jobs. And they had few legal rights: wives had little protection against abusive husbands, and only eight states in 1963 gave a homemaker any claim on her husband’s earnings.
Contrary to myth, “The Feminine Mystique” and feminism did not represent the beginning of the decline of the stay-at-home mother, but a turning point that led to much stronger legal rights and “working conditions” for her.
Domestic violence rates have fallen sharply for all wives, employed or not. As late as 1980, approximately 30 percent of wives said their husbands did no housework at all. By 2000, only 16 percent of wives made that statement and almost one-third said their husbands did half of all housework, child care or both.
Most researchers agree that these changes were spurred by the entry of wives and mothers into the work force. But full-time homemakers have especially benefited from them.
From 1975 to 1998 men married to full-time homemakers increased their contributions to housework as much, proportionally, as men whose wives were employed. And from 1965 to 1995, homemakers decreased their own housework hours more than did wives in dual-earner families. As a result, most stay-at-home mothers now have shorter total workweeks than their husbands.
There also seems to have been a significant shift in the relationship between depression and homemaking. Stay-at-home mothers still recount more feelings of loneliness than working mothers. But in a new Council on Contemporary Families briefing paper, the sociologists Margaret Usdansky and Rachel A. Gordon report that among mothers of young children, those who were not working and preferred not to have a job had a relatively low risk of depression — about as low as mothers who chose to work and were able to attain high-quality jobs.
Mothers who want to work outside the home but instead are full-time homemakers, however, have a higher risk of depression. This is a significant group: in 2000, 40 percent of full-time homemakers said they would prefer to be working at a paid job. So telling women who want to work that they or their children will be better off if they stay home is a mistake. Maternal depression is well known as being harmful to children’s development.
These findings suggest that it is time to stop arguing over who has things worse or who does things better, stay-at-home mothers or employed mothers. Instead, we should pay attention to women’s preferences and options.
Feminism has also fostered increased respect for men’s ability and desire to be involved parents. So we should also pay attention to expanding men’s ability to choose greater involvement in family life, just as we have expanded women’s ability to choose greater involvement in meaningful work.
While stay-at-home mothers may not have the aura of saintliness with which they were endowed in the 19th century, it’s indisputable that their status and lives have improved since their supposed heyday in the 1950s. On this Mother’s Day, it’s too bad that nostalgia for a golden age of motherhood that never existed still clouds our thinking about what’s best for mothers, fathers and their children.
Stephanie Coontz, a professor of history at Evergreen State College, is the author of “A Strange Stirring: ‘The Feminine Mystique’ and American Women at the Dawn of the 1960s.”
Angela
May 7, 2011
When We Hated Mom
By STEPHANIE COONTZ
Olympia, Wash.
ONE of the most enduring myths about feminism is that 50 years ago women who stayed home full time with their children enjoyed higher social status and more satisfying lives than they do today. All this changed, the story goes, when Betty Friedan published her 1963 best seller, “The Feminine Mystique,” which denigrated stay-at-home mothers. Ever since, their standing in society has steadily diminished.
That myth — repeated in Suzanne Venker and Phyllis Schlafly’s new book, “The Flipside of Feminism” — reflects a misreading of American history. There was indeed a time when full-time mothers were held in great esteem. But it was not the 1950s or early 1960s. It was 150 years ago. In the 19th century, women had even fewer rights than in the 1950s, but society at least put them on a pedestal, and popular culture was filled with paeans to their self-sacrifice and virtue.
When you compare the diaries and letters of 19th-century women with those of women in the 1950s and early 1960s, you can see the greater confidence of the earlier mothers about their value to society. Many felt they occupied a “nobler sphere” than men’s “bank-note” world.
The wife of the novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne, Sophia, told her mother that she did not share her concerns about improving the rights of women, because wives already exerted “a power which no king or conqueror can cope with.” Americans of the era believed in “the empire of the mother,” and grown sons were not embarrassed about rhapsodizing over their “darling mama,” carrying her picture with them to work or war.
In the early 20th century, under the influence of Freudianism, Americans began to view public avowals of “Mother Love” as unmanly and redefine what used to be called “uplifting encouragement” as nagging. By the 1940s, educators, psychiatrists and popular opinion-makers were assailing the idealization of mothers; in their view, women should stop seeing themselves as guardians of societal and familial morality and content themselves with being, in the self-deprecating words of so many 1960s homemakers, “just a housewife.”
Stay-at-home mothers were often portrayed as an even bigger menace to society than career women. In 1942, in his best-selling “Generation of Vipers,” Philip Wylie coined the term “momism” to describe what he claimed was an epidemic of mothers who kept their sons tied to their apron strings, boasted incessantly of their worth and demanded that politicians heed their moralizing.
Momism became seen as a threat to the moral fiber of America on a par with communism. In 1945, the psychiatrist Edward Strecher argued that the 2.5 million men rejected or discharged from the Army as unfit during World War II were the product of overly protective mothers.
In the same year, an information education officer in the Army Air Forces conjectured that the insidious dependency of the American man on “ ‘Mom’ and her pies” had “killed as many men as a thousand German machine guns.” According to the 1947 best seller “Modern Woman: The Lost Sex,” two-thirds of Americans were neurotic, most of them made so by their mothers.
Typical of the invective against homemakers in the 1950s and 1960s was a 1957 best seller, “The Crack in the Picture Window,” which described suburban America as a “matriarchal society,” with the average husband “a woman-bossed, inadequate, money-terrified neuter” and the average wife a “nagging slob.” Anti-mom rhetoric was so pervasive that even Friedan recycled some of this ideology in “The Feminine Mystique” — including the repellent and now-discredited notion that overly devoted mothers turned their sons into homosexuals.
For their part, stay-at-home mothers complained of constant exhaustion. According to the most reliable study of all data available in the 1960s, full-time homemakers spent 55 hours a week on domestic chores, much more than they do today. Women with young children averaged even longer workweeks than that, and almost every woman I’ve interviewed who raised children in that era recalled that she rarely got any help from her husband, even on weekends.
In the 1946 edition of his perennial best seller, “Baby and Child Care,” Dr. Benjamin Spock suggested that Dad might “occasionally” change a diaper, give the baby a bottle or even “make the formula on Sunday.” But a leading sociologist of the day warned that a helpful father might be suspected of “having a little too much fat on the inner thigh.”
Not surprisingly, these social norms led to widespread feelings of inadequacy and depression among stay-at-home mothers. “The female doesn’t really expect a lot from life,” a mother told pollsters from Gallup in a survey in 1962. “She’s here as someone’s keeper — her husband’s or her children’s.”
Study after study found that homemakers had lower self-esteem than women who took paid employment, even when it came to assessing their skills as parents. They experienced higher levels of stress and greater vulnerability to depression than women with paying jobs. And they had few legal rights: wives had little protection against abusive husbands, and only eight states in 1963 gave a homemaker any claim on her husband’s earnings.
Contrary to myth, “The Feminine Mystique” and feminism did not represent the beginning of the decline of the stay-at-home mother, but a turning point that led to much stronger legal rights and “working conditions” for her.
Domestic violence rates have fallen sharply for all wives, employed or not. As late as 1980, approximately 30 percent of wives said their husbands did no housework at all. By 2000, only 16 percent of wives made that statement and almost one-third said their husbands did half of all housework, child care or both.
Most researchers agree that these changes were spurred by the entry of wives and mothers into the work force. But full-time homemakers have especially benefited from them.
From 1975 to 1998 men married to full-time homemakers increased their contributions to housework as much, proportionally, as men whose wives were employed. And from 1965 to 1995, homemakers decreased their own housework hours more than did wives in dual-earner families. As a result, most stay-at-home mothers now have shorter total workweeks than their husbands.
There also seems to have been a significant shift in the relationship between depression and homemaking. Stay-at-home mothers still recount more feelings of loneliness than working mothers. But in a new Council on Contemporary Families briefing paper, the sociologists Margaret Usdansky and Rachel A. Gordon report that among mothers of young children, those who were not working and preferred not to have a job had a relatively low risk of depression — about as low as mothers who chose to work and were able to attain high-quality jobs.
Mothers who want to work outside the home but instead are full-time homemakers, however, have a higher risk of depression. This is a significant group: in 2000, 40 percent of full-time homemakers said they would prefer to be working at a paid job. So telling women who want to work that they or their children will be better off if they stay home is a mistake. Maternal depression is well known as being harmful to children’s development.
These findings suggest that it is time to stop arguing over who has things worse or who does things better, stay-at-home mothers or employed mothers. Instead, we should pay attention to women’s preferences and options.
Feminism has also fostered increased respect for men’s ability and desire to be involved parents. So we should also pay attention to expanding men’s ability to choose greater involvement in family life, just as we have expanded women’s ability to choose greater involvement in meaningful work.
While stay-at-home mothers may not have the aura of saintliness with which they were endowed in the 19th century, it’s indisputable that their status and lives have improved since their supposed heyday in the 1950s. On this Mother’s Day, it’s too bad that nostalgia for a golden age of motherhood that never existed still clouds our thinking about what’s best for mothers, fathers and their children.
Stephanie Coontz, a professor of history at Evergreen State College, is the author of “A Strange Stirring: ‘The Feminine Mystique’ and American Women at the Dawn of the 1960s.”
Friday, May 06, 2011
Legislators Create Higher Ed Oversight Committee
by Reeve Hamilton | Texas Tribune
May 6, 2011
Speaker Joe Straus and Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst have created a new Joint Oversight Committee on Higher Education Governance, Excellence, and Transparency. It will be chaired by Senate Higher Education Chairwoman Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, and House Higher Education Chair Dan Branch, R-Dallas.
The members from the Senate will include Dallas Republican John Carona, Lubbock Republican Robert Duncan, Amarillo Republican Kel Seliger, Houston Democrat Rodney Ellis, and Austin Democrat Kirk Watson.
The House members will be Angleton Republican Dennis Bonnen, San Antonio Democrat Joaquin Castro, Dallas Democrat Eric Johnson, Brenham Republican Lois Kolkhorst, and Waxahachie Republican Jim Pitts.
The announcement comes amidst an ongoing, contentious debate about the future of higher education in Texas. Recently, this debate has been playing out very publicly at the University of Texas Board of Regents, which have a scheduled meeting next week. Comments and actions by chairman Gene Powell have sparked a barrage of concerned letters from students and alumni of the University of Texas at Austin. Others, meanwhile, have rallied to defend the board's actions.
At the center of the matter is a dispute over seven "breakthrough solutions" for higher education developed by the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank in Austin. Regents of all the university systems were encouraged to implement the proposed "solutions" (the most contentious of which has been the separation of research and teaching budgets) at a summit hosted by the TPPF and Gov. Rick Perry in 2008.
May 6, 2011
Speaker Joe Straus and Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst have created a new Joint Oversight Committee on Higher Education Governance, Excellence, and Transparency. It will be chaired by Senate Higher Education Chairwoman Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, and House Higher Education Chair Dan Branch, R-Dallas.
The members from the Senate will include Dallas Republican John Carona, Lubbock Republican Robert Duncan, Amarillo Republican Kel Seliger, Houston Democrat Rodney Ellis, and Austin Democrat Kirk Watson.
The House members will be Angleton Republican Dennis Bonnen, San Antonio Democrat Joaquin Castro, Dallas Democrat Eric Johnson, Brenham Republican Lois Kolkhorst, and Waxahachie Republican Jim Pitts.
The announcement comes amidst an ongoing, contentious debate about the future of higher education in Texas. Recently, this debate has been playing out very publicly at the University of Texas Board of Regents, which have a scheduled meeting next week. Comments and actions by chairman Gene Powell have sparked a barrage of concerned letters from students and alumni of the University of Texas at Austin. Others, meanwhile, have rallied to defend the board's actions.
At the center of the matter is a dispute over seven "breakthrough solutions" for higher education developed by the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank in Austin. Regents of all the university systems were encouraged to implement the proposed "solutions" (the most contentious of which has been the separation of research and teaching budgets) at a summit hosted by the TPPF and Gov. Rick Perry in 2008.
Tuesday, May 03, 2011
Union Breakthrough
Kevin Kiley | Inside Higher Ed
May 2, 2011
The faculty at the University of Illinois at Chicago filed paperwork Friday with the state’s labor relations board to become one of only a handful of research universities where professors engage in collective bargaining.
While the union must wait several weeks for official approval from the state, and there is a chance that the university could fight the legitimacy of the faculty’s decision, delaying official recognition, Friday’s announcement represents the first major victory for a partnership between the American Federation of Teachers and the American Association of University Professors. The two unions have started a campaign to focus on organizing faculty members at research institutions.
"The faculty needed a larger voice in how this university is run," said Lennard Davis, a professor in the English department and a member of the UCI United Faculty's organizing council. "This gives us a powerful voice in talks with the administration."
If approved, the union will represent most of the approximately 1,500 faculty members; the exceptions are those in the schools of medicine, dentistry, and pharmacy, which are established as separate organizational units by state law.
While faculty unions are fairly common in the Northeast, the West, and the Midwest at community colleges and regional state institutions, they are relatively rare at research universities. Some major research institutions, such as Rutgers University and the University of Florida, have unions, but most of those were established decades ago.
Campus organizers and AFT representatives said a variety of factors explain why faculty members at the University of Illinois at Chicago were more receptive to the message of collective bargaining than research university faculty have generally been in the past. Organizers cited the increased reliance on non-tenure-track faculty, state budget cuts and furloughs, and a general sympathy in the Chicago area for unions. They also noted anger over recent attempts in Wisconsin and Ohio to strip public college employees of collective bargaining rights.
"The fact is that the ivory tower is barely a barrier against the rain these days," said Lawrence Gold, director of AFT Higher Education. "People are seeing across the country the economic situation of public higher education and the frightening lack of influence faculty members have."
One major argument that organizers said stuck with faculty members was that professors consistently felt like they had no voice in university governance. Last fall, the Faculty Senate passed a resolution asking the administration to address budget shortfalls in a manner other than imposing furloughs. Subsequently, faculty members and administrators were required to take 10 days of unpaid leave.
While the Faculty Senate at the University of Illinois at Chicago is vested with authority in academic matters, it can serve only an advisory capacity when it comes to many administrative matters, especially the budget. “If the criticism is that we’re not being effective at getting salary raises, then I think that's not a fair assessment of why we're here," said Philip Patston, chairman of the Faculty Senate at the university and professor in the dentistry school, one of the units that will not be part of the union. Patston did not indicate whether he supported the union.
Organizers said they hope the union will give the faculty more authority in how the university is run, although administrators questioned whether this was a realistic goal.
In e-mails to the campus, Jerry L. Bauman, interim vice chancellor for academic affairs and provost, said the administration was not in favor of the faculty union. “I am concerned that having a labor union representing the faculty may undermine our efforts to promote excellence,” read one e-mail.
Despite opposition, the administration maintained "respectful distance" from the organizing process, said Mark Rosati, associate chancellor for public affairs for the university. The administration did try to combat some claims the union was making as it collected support.
“Assertions that forming a union will somehow improve the faculty's role in governance are also inaccurate,” Bauman said in the e-mail. “The subjects of collective bargaining are wages, hours and working conditions -- not shared governance, educational policies or program initiatives.”
The administration also distributed an e-mail from James J. Stukel, former president of the University of Illinois system, who said a faculty union would be bad for the university. “It is highly unlikely that UIC will become an elite institution if the faculty becomes unionized,” he said in the e-mail. Before becoming the system president, Stukel served as vice chancellor for research, vice chancellor for academic affairs, and chancellor of the Chicago campus.
UIC faculty members were approached by AFT and AAUP representatives about forming the union about two years ago. Faculty members, along with union representatives, formed an organizing committee and began meeting with interested faculty members. Initial activity was kept quiet from administrators.
Illinois law allows workers to organize through a "card check" system, in which workers sign authorization cards to form a union -- with no formal election required. The card check campaign at the university began about three months ago, Davis said, and organizers needed authorization cards from 50 percent of employees, plus one. At the time of filing, Davis said the UIC United Faculty had collected authorization cards from between 60 and 65 percent of faculty members.
Rosati said the university would not comment on its next steps until it receives word from the labor relations board about the validity of the card check. Under Illinois law, the university is allowed to challenge the number of authorization cards, whether the cards are valid, and whether certain units should or should not have been included in the final count.
If the union is certified, Davis said the union would establish offices, determine bylaws and goals, and get to work negotiating with the administration.
Davis would not speculate on what kinds of demands the faculty union would make in collective bargaining with the administration, saying he would defer to the majority of the union once it is certified. "We really want this to be a truly democratic process," he said.
AFT and AAUP are currently working with faculty members at the University of Oregon to establish a union there, though they say those efforts have moved more slowly. Gold said the AFT and AAUP would talk soon about which universities to target next.
May 2, 2011
The faculty at the University of Illinois at Chicago filed paperwork Friday with the state’s labor relations board to become one of only a handful of research universities where professors engage in collective bargaining.
While the union must wait several weeks for official approval from the state, and there is a chance that the university could fight the legitimacy of the faculty’s decision, delaying official recognition, Friday’s announcement represents the first major victory for a partnership between the American Federation of Teachers and the American Association of University Professors. The two unions have started a campaign to focus on organizing faculty members at research institutions.
"The faculty needed a larger voice in how this university is run," said Lennard Davis, a professor in the English department and a member of the UCI United Faculty's organizing council. "This gives us a powerful voice in talks with the administration."
If approved, the union will represent most of the approximately 1,500 faculty members; the exceptions are those in the schools of medicine, dentistry, and pharmacy, which are established as separate organizational units by state law.
While faculty unions are fairly common in the Northeast, the West, and the Midwest at community colleges and regional state institutions, they are relatively rare at research universities. Some major research institutions, such as Rutgers University and the University of Florida, have unions, but most of those were established decades ago.
Campus organizers and AFT representatives said a variety of factors explain why faculty members at the University of Illinois at Chicago were more receptive to the message of collective bargaining than research university faculty have generally been in the past. Organizers cited the increased reliance on non-tenure-track faculty, state budget cuts and furloughs, and a general sympathy in the Chicago area for unions. They also noted anger over recent attempts in Wisconsin and Ohio to strip public college employees of collective bargaining rights.
"The fact is that the ivory tower is barely a barrier against the rain these days," said Lawrence Gold, director of AFT Higher Education. "People are seeing across the country the economic situation of public higher education and the frightening lack of influence faculty members have."
One major argument that organizers said stuck with faculty members was that professors consistently felt like they had no voice in university governance. Last fall, the Faculty Senate passed a resolution asking the administration to address budget shortfalls in a manner other than imposing furloughs. Subsequently, faculty members and administrators were required to take 10 days of unpaid leave.
While the Faculty Senate at the University of Illinois at Chicago is vested with authority in academic matters, it can serve only an advisory capacity when it comes to many administrative matters, especially the budget. “If the criticism is that we’re not being effective at getting salary raises, then I think that's not a fair assessment of why we're here," said Philip Patston, chairman of the Faculty Senate at the university and professor in the dentistry school, one of the units that will not be part of the union. Patston did not indicate whether he supported the union.
Organizers said they hope the union will give the faculty more authority in how the university is run, although administrators questioned whether this was a realistic goal.
In e-mails to the campus, Jerry L. Bauman, interim vice chancellor for academic affairs and provost, said the administration was not in favor of the faculty union. “I am concerned that having a labor union representing the faculty may undermine our efforts to promote excellence,” read one e-mail.
Despite opposition, the administration maintained "respectful distance" from the organizing process, said Mark Rosati, associate chancellor for public affairs for the university. The administration did try to combat some claims the union was making as it collected support.
“Assertions that forming a union will somehow improve the faculty's role in governance are also inaccurate,” Bauman said in the e-mail. “The subjects of collective bargaining are wages, hours and working conditions -- not shared governance, educational policies or program initiatives.”
The administration also distributed an e-mail from James J. Stukel, former president of the University of Illinois system, who said a faculty union would be bad for the university. “It is highly unlikely that UIC will become an elite institution if the faculty becomes unionized,” he said in the e-mail. Before becoming the system president, Stukel served as vice chancellor for research, vice chancellor for academic affairs, and chancellor of the Chicago campus.
UIC faculty members were approached by AFT and AAUP representatives about forming the union about two years ago. Faculty members, along with union representatives, formed an organizing committee and began meeting with interested faculty members. Initial activity was kept quiet from administrators.
Illinois law allows workers to organize through a "card check" system, in which workers sign authorization cards to form a union -- with no formal election required. The card check campaign at the university began about three months ago, Davis said, and organizers needed authorization cards from 50 percent of employees, plus one. At the time of filing, Davis said the UIC United Faculty had collected authorization cards from between 60 and 65 percent of faculty members.
Rosati said the university would not comment on its next steps until it receives word from the labor relations board about the validity of the card check. Under Illinois law, the university is allowed to challenge the number of authorization cards, whether the cards are valid, and whether certain units should or should not have been included in the final count.
If the union is certified, Davis said the union would establish offices, determine bylaws and goals, and get to work negotiating with the administration.
Davis would not speculate on what kinds of demands the faculty union would make in collective bargaining with the administration, saying he would defer to the majority of the union once it is certified. "We really want this to be a truly democratic process," he said.
AFT and AAUP are currently working with faculty members at the University of Oregon to establish a union there, though they say those efforts have moved more slowly. Gold said the AFT and AAUP would talk soon about which universities to target next.
Zaffirini and Powell Escalate Texas Higher Ed Fight
State Sen. Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, listens to a colleague while discussing SB5 on April 28, 2011.
To read Gene Powell's draft goals for the UT system click here
-Patricia
by Reeve Hamilton | Texas Tribune
May 3, 2011
An increasingly bitter disagreement over the future of the University of Texas at Austin between University of Texas System regents' chairman Gene Powell and state Sen. Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, is ratcheting up the ongoing debate surrounding higher education in Texas.
Any thought that the tense atmosphere would calm following the departure of controversial employee Rick O'Donnell from the UT System can likely be laid to rest. This morning, Zaffirini, the chair of the Senate Higher Education Committee and the most vocal critic of reformist regents, specifically called out Powell, saying in a statement, "Since his election in February he has caused a firestorm of negativity that is detrimental to UT-Austin, to the system, to higher education in general — and to his relationship with legislators."
The comments were in response to a report by the Austin American-Statesman, which obtained a draft copy of Powell's goals. In the document, Powell indicated a desire to see undergraduate enrollment increased at UT by 10 percent each year for four years, and to see tuition drop by approximately 50 percent. It also included the creation of a "high quality, low cost degree" and developing a timeline to make UT the top public university in the country.
Zaffirini says the goals are inconsistent — "mutually exclusive" even — and that Powell's proposed changes are "detrimental to the pursuit of excellence."
Powell's goals are consistent with previous statements he has made, including his enthusiasm for meeting a challenge by Gov. Rick Perry to create a $10,000 bachelor's degree — books included. Higher Education Commissioner Raymund Paredes said such a degree is "entirely feasible."
Recently, UT regents and representatives from a number of universities within the system made a day trip to Arizona State University, which has gotten notice for deliberately seeking to increase accessibility to higher education by boosting enrollment and attempting to maintain affordable tuition. This event drew some attention when UT student body president Natalie Butler warned against using ASU as a model (Chancellor Francisco Cigarroa apologized to ASU officials for the letter).
In fact, Powell's three-month old tenure as chairman of the board of regents has been marked by such heated exchanges. In addition to the dust storm he kicked up with the hiring of O'Donnell, he previously drew heat for comments that he later attempted to walk back about how not all education had to be of Cadillac-caliber, and that a Chevy Bel-Air education was fine.
"At a time when regents should be working with legislators to minimize dramatic funding cuts," Zaffirini says, "Chair Powell instead apparently is proposing changes that are detrimental to the pursuit of excellence."
We are awaiting a reponse from the UT System and will update this post accordingly.
To read Gene Powell's draft goals for the UT system click here
-Patricia
by Reeve Hamilton | Texas Tribune
May 3, 2011
An increasingly bitter disagreement over the future of the University of Texas at Austin between University of Texas System regents' chairman Gene Powell and state Sen. Judith Zaffirini, D-Laredo, is ratcheting up the ongoing debate surrounding higher education in Texas.
Any thought that the tense atmosphere would calm following the departure of controversial employee Rick O'Donnell from the UT System can likely be laid to rest. This morning, Zaffirini, the chair of the Senate Higher Education Committee and the most vocal critic of reformist regents, specifically called out Powell, saying in a statement, "Since his election in February he has caused a firestorm of negativity that is detrimental to UT-Austin, to the system, to higher education in general — and to his relationship with legislators."
The comments were in response to a report by the Austin American-Statesman, which obtained a draft copy of Powell's goals. In the document, Powell indicated a desire to see undergraduate enrollment increased at UT by 10 percent each year for four years, and to see tuition drop by approximately 50 percent. It also included the creation of a "high quality, low cost degree" and developing a timeline to make UT the top public university in the country.
Zaffirini says the goals are inconsistent — "mutually exclusive" even — and that Powell's proposed changes are "detrimental to the pursuit of excellence."
Powell's goals are consistent with previous statements he has made, including his enthusiasm for meeting a challenge by Gov. Rick Perry to create a $10,000 bachelor's degree — books included. Higher Education Commissioner Raymund Paredes said such a degree is "entirely feasible."
Recently, UT regents and representatives from a number of universities within the system made a day trip to Arizona State University, which has gotten notice for deliberately seeking to increase accessibility to higher education by boosting enrollment and attempting to maintain affordable tuition. This event drew some attention when UT student body president Natalie Butler warned against using ASU as a model (Chancellor Francisco Cigarroa apologized to ASU officials for the letter).
In fact, Powell's three-month old tenure as chairman of the board of regents has been marked by such heated exchanges. In addition to the dust storm he kicked up with the hiring of O'Donnell, he previously drew heat for comments that he later attempted to walk back about how not all education had to be of Cadillac-caliber, and that a Chevy Bel-Air education was fine.
"At a time when regents should be working with legislators to minimize dramatic funding cuts," Zaffirini says, "Chair Powell instead apparently is proposing changes that are detrimental to the pursuit of excellence."
We are awaiting a reponse from the UT System and will update this post accordingly.
Monday, May 02, 2011
Regents' chairman suggests boosting UT enrollment, halving tuition
By Ralph K.M. Haurwitz | AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Monday, May 2, 2011
The chairman of the University of Texas System Board of Regents has suggested increasing undergraduate enrollment by 10 percent a year for four years at UT-Austin and reducing tuition across the system in the range of 50 percent, according to a draft copy of his goals obtained by the American-Statesman.
The goals outlined by Gene Powell in an April 7 memorandum titled "Draft Notes and Ideas for Discussion" also include boosting enrollment by an unspecified percentage at the system's eight other academic universities, adding a "high quality, low cost degree" to the system's current offerings and coming up with a timeline for making the Austin flagship the nation's No. 1 public university.
Anthony de Bruyn, a spokesman for the UT System, confirmed the authenticity of the memo.
"It is an internal, draft working document (as indicated on the memorandum) with suggested goals that Chairman Powell raised, and it was shared with only the vice chairmen of the Board and a few UTS executive staff for discussion only," de Bruyn said Monday in a statement.
"The full Board is not scheduled to take action with regard to these suggestions. As such, it is inappropriate to offer public comment, unless there were to be a request that the draft goals be the subject of discussion with the Board," de Bruyn said.
The memo nevertheless gives additional insight into the policies that Powell, who was elected chairman by his fellow regents in February, wants to pursue.
He has already drawn criticism from lawmakers, alumni and donors for some of his actions, such as the hiring of an adviser who had written critically of much academic research. The adviser has since been dismissed.
Powell has also come under fire for instructing system officials to "remain positive" when testifying before the Legislature concerning budget cuts and for embracing Gov. Rick Perry's suggestion that schools develop bachelor's degree programs costing no more than $10,000 for all four years, including textbooks.
His memo suggests increasing UT-Austin's undergraduate enrollment by 10 percent annually starting in 2013. If current undergraduate enrollment of 38,420 held steady until 2013, four years of 10 percent increases would take it to 56,251.
And if graduate enrollment held steady through the period, total enrollment would reach 69,026. The university's fall 2010 enrollment stood at 51,195.
Don Hale, a spokesman for UT-Austin, declined to comment on Powell's memo.
Bill McCausland, interim executive director of the Ex-Students' Association, which is not part of the university, reacted with dismay.
"If you strive to make the University of Texas the No. 1 public school in the country, I don't think a dramatic increase in enrollment or reducing tuition are the steps necessary to get us to that," McCausland said. "They seem to counter it."
McCausland said halving tuition — at a time when the Legislature is poised to impose sharp cuts in higher education appropriations — would require reductions in teachers, classes, programs and services offered to students outside the classroom.
And a sizable increase in enrollment would outstrip the university's capacity to teach, feed and house students — or require a significant component of online classes that would dramatically alter the college experience, McCausland said.
A blue-ribbon panel that spent two years and more than $500,000 studying the Austin flagship issued a report in 2004 that, among other things, recommended reducing the size of the student body to improve the educational experience.
The panel, known as the Commission of 125, said enrollment, 51,426 at the time, should be trimmed to about 48,000.
School officials have since said that they haven't been able to achieve the goal because of the budget implications of reducing enrollment: Revenue from tuition would also go down during a period of tight finances.
Monday, May 2, 2011
The chairman of the University of Texas System Board of Regents has suggested increasing undergraduate enrollment by 10 percent a year for four years at UT-Austin and reducing tuition across the system in the range of 50 percent, according to a draft copy of his goals obtained by the American-Statesman.
The goals outlined by Gene Powell in an April 7 memorandum titled "Draft Notes and Ideas for Discussion" also include boosting enrollment by an unspecified percentage at the system's eight other academic universities, adding a "high quality, low cost degree" to the system's current offerings and coming up with a timeline for making the Austin flagship the nation's No. 1 public university.
Anthony de Bruyn, a spokesman for the UT System, confirmed the authenticity of the memo.
"It is an internal, draft working document (as indicated on the memorandum) with suggested goals that Chairman Powell raised, and it was shared with only the vice chairmen of the Board and a few UTS executive staff for discussion only," de Bruyn said Monday in a statement.
"The full Board is not scheduled to take action with regard to these suggestions. As such, it is inappropriate to offer public comment, unless there were to be a request that the draft goals be the subject of discussion with the Board," de Bruyn said.
The memo nevertheless gives additional insight into the policies that Powell, who was elected chairman by his fellow regents in February, wants to pursue.
He has already drawn criticism from lawmakers, alumni and donors for some of his actions, such as the hiring of an adviser who had written critically of much academic research. The adviser has since been dismissed.
Powell has also come under fire for instructing system officials to "remain positive" when testifying before the Legislature concerning budget cuts and for embracing Gov. Rick Perry's suggestion that schools develop bachelor's degree programs costing no more than $10,000 for all four years, including textbooks.
His memo suggests increasing UT-Austin's undergraduate enrollment by 10 percent annually starting in 2013. If current undergraduate enrollment of 38,420 held steady until 2013, four years of 10 percent increases would take it to 56,251.
And if graduate enrollment held steady through the period, total enrollment would reach 69,026. The university's fall 2010 enrollment stood at 51,195.
Don Hale, a spokesman for UT-Austin, declined to comment on Powell's memo.
Bill McCausland, interim executive director of the Ex-Students' Association, which is not part of the university, reacted with dismay.
"If you strive to make the University of Texas the No. 1 public school in the country, I don't think a dramatic increase in enrollment or reducing tuition are the steps necessary to get us to that," McCausland said. "They seem to counter it."
McCausland said halving tuition — at a time when the Legislature is poised to impose sharp cuts in higher education appropriations — would require reductions in teachers, classes, programs and services offered to students outside the classroom.
And a sizable increase in enrollment would outstrip the university's capacity to teach, feed and house students — or require a significant component of online classes that would dramatically alter the college experience, McCausland said.
A blue-ribbon panel that spent two years and more than $500,000 studying the Austin flagship issued a report in 2004 that, among other things, recommended reducing the size of the student body to improve the educational experience.
The panel, known as the Commission of 125, said enrollment, 51,426 at the time, should be trimmed to about 48,000.
School officials have since said that they haven't been able to achieve the goal because of the budget implications of reducing enrollment: Revenue from tuition would also go down during a period of tight finances.
The University Has No Clothes
The notion that a college degree is essentially worthless has become one of the year’s most fashionable ideas, with two prominent venture capitalists (Cornell ’89 and Stanford ’89, by the way) leading the charge.
By Daniel B. Smith | New York Media
May 1, 2011
Pity the American parent! Already beleaguered by depleted 401(k)s and gutted real-estate values, Ponzi schemes and toxic paper, burst bubbles and bear markets, he is now being asked to contend with a new specter: that college, the perennial hope for the next generation, may not be worth the price of the sheepskin on which it prints its degrees.
As long as there have been colleges, there’s been an individualist, anti-college strain in American culture—an affinity for the bootstrap. But it is hard to think of a time when skepticism of the value of higher education has been more prominent than it is right now. Over the past several months, the same sharp and distressing arguments have been popping up in the Times, cable news, the blogosphere, even The Chronicle of Higher Education. The cost of college, as these arguments typically go, has grown far too high, the return far too uncertain, the education far too lax. The specter, it seems, has materialized.
It’s no surprise, given how the Great Recession has corroded public faith in other once-unassailable American institutions, that college should come in for a drubbing. But inevitability is just another word for opportunity, and the two most vocal critics are easy to identify and strikingly similar in entrepreneurial self-image. In the past year or so, James Altucher, a New York–based venture capitalist and finance writer, has emerged through frequent media appearances as something of a poster boy, and his column “8 Alternatives to College” something of an essential text, for the anti-college crusade. The father of two young girls, Altucher has a very personal perspective on college: He doesn’t think he should pay for it. “What am I going to do?” he asked last March on Tech Ticker, a popular investment show on Yahoo. “When [my daughters are] 18 years old, just hand them $200,000 to go off and have a fun time for four years? Why would I want to do that?” To Altucher, higher education is nothing less than an institutionalized scam—college graduates hire only college graduates, creating a closed system that permits schools to charge exorbitant prices and forces students to take on crippling debt. “The cost of college in the past 30 years has gone up tenfold. Health care has only gone up sixfold, and inflation has only gone up threefold. Not only is it a scam, but the college presidents know it. That’s why they keep raising tuition.”
Like Altucher, Peter Thiel is a venture capitalist with strong misgivings about college. Unlike Altucher, he’s a billionaire and Silicon Valley royalty. In 1998, Thiel co-founded PayPal, and six years later, he made the first angel investment in Facebook. (In The Social Network, he is the imposing figure who conspires to oust Eduardo Saverin from the company.) A passionate libertarian—he was a generous supporter of Ron Paul in 2008 and is the main funder of the fringe Seasteading Institute, which aims to establish experimental political communities on offshore platforms—Thiel is deeply skeptical of top-down R&D and anything that smells like groupthink. At PayPal, he hustled $100 million in venture capital just ahead of the dot-com crash, which he anticipated, and he made another well-timed bet for his Clarium Capital Management hedge fund against the housing market in 2007. In higher education, he believes he has identified a third bubble, with all the hallmarks of a classic speculative frenzy—hyperinflated prices, investments by ignorant consumers funded largely by debt, and widespread faith in increasing returns.
When I asked Altucher what his aim was in railing against college, he replied that he wanted to “reduce demand so costs go down”: Persuade enough kids not to enroll and colleges will be forced to change their ways. When I spoke to Thiel from his home in San Francisco in late February, he offered much the same justification for his major salvo in the fight against college—a philanthropic initiative called 20 Under 20. The program, also known as the Thiel Fellowship, will award twenty students 19 years old and younger $100,000 each and the mentorship of some of the most prominent entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley. The catch? The winners have to stay out of college for two years. They are to be announced this month.
Their advocacy has made Altucher and Thiel no few enemies. Jacob Weisberg, of Slate, has called the Thiel Fellowship a “nasty” and narcissistic idea that will retard the participants’ intellectual development and funnel whatever altruistic energies they have into getting rich, like Thiel. Altucher has received voluminous hate mail as the result of his media appearances and blog posts, including one from a fan who threatened to murder him and then eat his remains.
But the skepticism is spreading, even among foot soldiers on the academic front lines. In March, “Professor X,” an anonymous English instructor at two middling northeastern colleges, published In the Basement of the Ivory Tower, an expansion of an Atlantic essay arguing that college has been dangerously oversold and that it borders on immoral to ask America’s youth to incur heavy debt for an education for which millions are simply ill-equipped. Professor X’s book came out on the heels of a Harvard Graduate School of Education report that made much the same point. The old policy cri de coeur “college for all,” the report argues, has proved inadequate; rather than shunting everyone into four-year colleges, we should place greater emphasis on vocational programs, internships, and workplace learning. Then, last month, a front-page article in the Times delivered striking news: Student-loan debt in the U.S. is approaching the trillion-dollar mark, outpacing credit-card debt for the first time in history. With all that debt, more and more are asking, what are we buying?
James Altucher is a self-made man. A onetime New Jersey high-school chess champion, he was raised in a middle-class home and taught himself how to invest by preparing for the role as if it were a do-or-die match, obsessively studying the ways of the established masters. (He claims he read every letter Warren Buffett wrote to shareholders and investors from 1957 on.) Yet unlike many of the figures associated with the view that college isn’t needed for success—Gates, Jobs, Zuckerberg—Altucher didn’t find his fortune young, and he didn’t drop out of college to pursue it. He holds a bachelor’s degree in computer science from Cornell, and he did two years of graduate work in the subject at Carnegie Mellon.
Not surprisingly, Altucher’s detractors often cite his credentials as evidence that he would like to deprive others of a privilege from which he’s benefited. To this, Altucher responds that his college experience is exactly what gives him the knowledge to criticize the institution. “People come back to me,” he says over lunch at a crowded restaurant in Union Square, “very smart, intelligent people, and say, ‘Look, college teaches you how to think, college teaches you how to network, college teaches you how to write.’ Personally, I didn’t learn how to do any of those things in college.” What Altucher learned to do in college, he says, is what all young men—“with almost no exceptions”—learn to do: drink and talk to women.
That training didn’t come cheap. By the time Altucher enrolled, in 1986, private-college tuition was already so high that he had to borrow heavily to attend. “Except for the first semester, I paid for my whole education,” he says. “I borrowed every dime.” He did everything he could to mitigate the expense. He took six classes a semester, stayed on for summer sessions, worked 40 hours a week at the computer lab. In the end, he managed to graduate a year early and still wound up about $40,000 in the hole.
Altucher’s views on higher education aren’t always consistent. “College is like the best thing in the world,” I was surprised to hear him say when I first called him. “It’s idyllic.” Indeed, he sometimes suggests that college is so idyllic it’s wrong to populate it with the young. Instead, he urges students to take time off and take advantage of their youth—to start a business, travel around the world, work for a charity. “What everyone asks then is, ‘How are they going to pay for that?’ Well, it’s one fiftieth of the price of college to do any of those things.”
This isn’t just a matter of harnessing people’s resources more productively, Altucher insists. It’s a matter of harnessing the country’s resources more productively. “Let’s take a step back,” Altucher says. “What’s the other American religion? Owning a home.” For years, the government encouraged home ownership for all citizens. “So we got more and more loans that were considered subprime, and look what that did. The idea, the religion of home ownership for all, turned into a national nightmare, a national apocalypse instead of a religion. The same thing’s going to happen here.”
The economic recession that began at the end of 2007 has had numerous, cascading effects: a decline in property values, retirement savings, birthrates, geographical mobility; an increase in the national deficit, political rancor, mental-health complaints. One effect the recession has conspicuously not had, however—despite what economists say may be the worst job market for graduates since the Great Depression—is on the number of American families who send children off to college each September. Fifty years ago, 48 percent of recent high-school graduates enrolled in a college or university. In 2009, that number was more than 70 percent—a historic high.
What is perhaps even more striking than these figures is that in the opinion of the vast majority of Americans, they’re too low. A 1999 survey sponsored by the Educational Testing Service found that 87 percent of Americans felt the lack of a college education to be a disadvantage in life. Ninety percent of high-school seniors expect they will go on to college, with seven out of ten of those believing they’ll progress from there into a professional career. “Education has been central to the American Dream since the time of the nation’s founding,” Drew Gilpin Faust, the president of Harvard, wrote in 2009. But in the decades since World War II, it has been college—not just elementary or high school, as before—that has become “fundamental to cherished values of opportunity.”
Social scientists and historians long ago identified this transformation in American educational expectations as the “college for all” movement, and public leaders and private philanthropists enthusiastically rallied support for it. But the data gathered in recent years on the value of college has been mixed at best, blunting the moral edge of “college for all” and turning some higher-ed advocates into skeptics like Altucher and Thiel.
This new criticism of higher education comes from three main sources. The first is the reality that, while all parents want their kids to complete college, little more than half of those millions who haul their laptops to campus each fall actually end up with a bachelor’s degree. The United States now has the highest college-dropout rate in the industrialized world, and in terms of 25-to-34-year-olds with college degrees, it has fallen from first to twelfth.
The second source is the quality of the education available on campus. Nearly half of all students demonstrate “exceedingly small or empirically nonexistent” gains in the skills measured by the Collegiate Learning Assessment, even after two years of full-time schooling, according to a study begun in 2005 by sociologists Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa. (Many education reformers have focused their attention to gains from investments on the other end of the spectrum, in pre-K schooling.) In 1961, the average undergraduate spent 25 hours a week hitting the books; by 2003, economists Mindy Marks and Philip Babcock recently found, that average had plummeted to thirteen hours. In a typical semester, one third of the students Arum and Roksa followed for their recent book, Academically Adrift, did not take “any courses that required more than forty pages of reading per week” and half did not take “a single course that required more than twenty pages of writing.”
But it is the data on the economics of college that is most disturbing. It’s bad enough that our colleges are underperforming, one can’t help thinking—but do they have to charge so damned much? In the past 30 years, private-college tuition and fees have increased, in constant 2010 dollars, from $9,500 a year to more than $27,000. Public-college tuition has increased from $2,100 to $7,600. Fifteen years ago, the average student debt at graduation was around $12,700; in 2009, it was $24,000. Over the past quarter-century, the total cost of higher education has grown by 440 percent. “Like many situations too good to be true,” Louis Lataif, the dean emeritus of Boston University’s School of Management, wrote in February for Forbes, “like the dot-com boom, the Enron bubble, the housing boom or the health-care-cost explosion—the ever-increasing cost of university education is not sustainable.”
This analysis, of course, takes a purely utilitarian view of college—higher education, as its many defenders hasten to point out, has a significance for students that defies the cost-benefit ratio. Last year, in response to a Times article titled “Plan B: Skip College,” The New Yorker’s Rebecca Mead published a rousing defense of college’s ability to, among other things, “expose individuals to the signal accomplishments of humankind.” In an essay published in March in The New York Review of Books, critic and professor Peter Brooks dismissed the swelling discontent with college as cranky and narrow-minded. The university is, he wrote, “one of the best things we’ve got, and at times—as when reading these books—it almost seems to me better than what we deserve.”
“What kind of an economic good is college?” Peter Thiel likes to ask. One answer is that college is a luxury good—a high-end commodity whose appeal, like a designer handbag, grows in direct proportion with the size of the sticker price. This is the answer given by such recent polemics as Higher Education?: How Colleges Are Wasting Our Money and Failing Our Kids—And What We Can Do About It, by the Queens College sociologist Andrew Hacker and the Times science writer Claudia Dreifus. Higher Education? contends that American colleges have transformed from rigorous scholarly communities into corporate-minded youth resorts, where some presidents command salaries of more than $1 million and competition centers on outdoing one another in acquiring high-end amenities (duplex-apartment dormitories, $70 million gyms).
Another possibility is that college is an investment—an expenditure on which one can expect high future returns. This answer is one to which many mainstream economists subscribe. When I spoke to Stephen Rose, a research professor at Georgetown’s Center on Education and the Workforce and the author of Rebound, an optimistic forecast of the postrecession economy, he pointed again and again to what he calls the “totemic number”: 74 percent. That is the financial benefit—the so-called B.A. wage premium—that economists calculate college graduates can now expect to reap relative to their peers with high-school diplomas. It is a number that has nearly doubled over the past 30 years.
Still another possibility is that the primary role of college today is to serve a “signaling” function—like an elegant business suit, an impressive B.A. advertises talent, pedigree, and ambition employers can use as a hiring shorthand. Thiel, for instance, received both an undergraduate and a law degree from Stanford, credentials that he was able to parlay into a clerkship with a federal judge, an associate position at a white-shoe Manhattan firm, and a job trading derivatives at Credit Suisse before he returned West to join the Internet rush.
But of course, Silicon Valley is a mecca of countersignaling—witness the super-status Zuckerbergian hoodie—and it’s no surprise to discover that in the land of the billionaire dropout, an Internet entrepreneur like Thiel sees evidence that higher education inhibits innovation. All he has to do is look around to see a new model university—the college of innovation and pluck.
Thiel does not dismiss those who say that higher education is a luxury good or that for some it might be a worthy investment, but he finds neither account adequate to explain the college bubble. It’s undoubtedly true, he said, that “it’s a lot more fun to go to college than to work.” And yet the fact that college now costs so much, and requires so much debt to complete, “probably leads people to be a lot more stressed out than they otherwise would be, so it’s probably a lot less fun than when it cost less.” His hunch is borne out by a comprehensive 2010 survey of freshmen that found emotional health to be at a record low—in large part because of financial worries.
As for college being a good investment, Thiel believes the 74 percent wage-premium figure to be as inflated as tuition prices. A Clarium report Thiel commissioned in 2009 analyzed government data to argue that, while the return on a college diploma indeed increased markedly between 1978 and 2000, that’s only because the return on a high-school diploma decreased markedly during that same period. “Relative to the past,” the report stated, “students who go to college do better than their peers who do not, but this is simply a mathematical result of their peers doing worse than in the 1970s.” At the same time, more college debt means it takes students much longer to pay back their loans—a consideration Thiel thinks economists are wrong to omit from their calculations. “It’s not just a question of if you get [a degree], you make more money,” he says. “It’s also a question of how many options you’re precluding for the future.” Just as during the real-estate boom people bought more house than they could afford, trapping themselves in burdensome decades-long mortgages, “lots of college debt means that you’re maybe stuck on a particular career track for the next twenty years.”
But if college is neither a luxury good nor an investment, what is it? For Thiel, the commodity college most closely resembles is the humble insurance policy. Americans have become terrified, he says, of what will happen to their children if they don’t send them to college. The recession, widening income inequality, growing job insecurity, the uncertain future of the welfare state, the increasing costs of health care—all have deepened the anxieties that made college such an attractive option for a rising middle class in the first place. “I think that’s the way probably a lot of parents think about it. It’s a way for their kids to be safe, to be protected from the chaos. You’re paying for college because it’s an insurance policy against falling out of the middle class.” The larger question this raises, he says, is, “Why are we spending ten times as much for insurance as we were 30 years ago? And does that tell us something has gone really badly wrong with our country?”
At the core of the Thiel Fellowship application is a pair of open-ended, Miss America–like prompts: “Tell us one thing about the world that you strongly believe is true but that most people believe is not true” and “How do you want to change the world?” Within weeks of the applications going out, responses began to appear online—on Facebook, on student blogs, and on YouTube in the form of PowerPoint and HD-video presentations.
Among the first responses I came across, in February, was on the website of Dale Stephens, a freshman at Hendrix College, in Central Arkansas, which routinely shows up on rankings of the best liberal-arts schools in America. Stephens’s answer to the second question was to propose a new airline that would utilize a single aircraft family, secondary airports, and a single-class seating system to provide inexpensive transatlantic flights. This was no mere daydream: He had already forged contacts with Boeing, Southwest, and several major airport authorities, and he’d devised a business plan that, with adequate seed money, he was convinced could be brought to profitable fruition.
After I read his proposal, I tried to schedule an interview with Stephens. This proved harder than expected. He told me to check his online calendar for an opening; he was booked solid for weeks. When I finally did get through, a couple of days later, it became clear why he was so busy. Stephens’s 19-year-old life is crammed full with intellectual and creative ventures. He is writing a book. He participates in workshops, seminars, conferences. A month before we spoke, he put his airline idea on ice in order to launch an organization that applies the methods of “unschooling”—the self-directed brand of homeschooling with which he was raised—to the realm of higher education. UnCollege, as Stephens calls it, has already garnered coverage from The Chronicle of Higher Education, the Huffington Post, and ABC News. Then, of course, there was his classwork—though he’d already resolved to jettison that distraction. Whether he was awarded a Thiel Fellowship or not, he said, he was going to drop out. He did, at the beginning of last month.
I spoke to a half-dozen applicants, and nearly all offered the same lament: College is impractical. The liberal arts are hazy, its lessons inapplicable to the real world. “The best way to learn is through purpose-driven education,” Max Marmer, a Stanford student who also dropped out recently in favor of entrepreneurship, told me. “Taking classes in itself is worthless.” Listening to these kids—these inordinately gifted, monumentally confident kids—was at once inspiring, intimidating, and a reminder of just how limited in reach the efforts of the anti-college leaders have been. Inevitably, perhaps, both Altucher’s rhetoric and Thiel’s philanthropy have appealed most to that segment of the college population that is bound least by the college system. With their sophistication, self-motivation, and autodidacticism, these students don’t truly need college. Lock the gates of the campus behind them and you can be reasonably certain they’ll do just fine—maybe better.
Attending to these outliers has been a PR boon for the Thiel Fellowship, which is intended, Thiel told me, “to reset the values all the way down the system”—a program of trickle-down entrepreneurship aimed to launch us out of our great stagnation. As Thiel and Altucher surely understand well, now is precisely the moment, with all its uncertainty and anxiety and instability, when systems as stalwart as college seem most in need of reconfiguration. But it is also the time—with all that uncertainty and anxiety and instability—when the millions reliant on a system as stalwart as college are least eager to do any real reconfiguring. The vast majority of undergraduates are in a peculiar and as yet unresolved bind. On the one hand, a college education will likely saddle them with crippling debt and consign them to four underwhelming years in classrooms with fluorescent lighting and drop-tile ceilings. On the other hand, opting out will likely consign them to a lifetime of unsatisfying, low-wage employment. What’s an average kid to do?
By Daniel B. Smith | New York Media
May 1, 2011
Pity the American parent! Already beleaguered by depleted 401(k)s and gutted real-estate values, Ponzi schemes and toxic paper, burst bubbles and bear markets, he is now being asked to contend with a new specter: that college, the perennial hope for the next generation, may not be worth the price of the sheepskin on which it prints its degrees.
As long as there have been colleges, there’s been an individualist, anti-college strain in American culture—an affinity for the bootstrap. But it is hard to think of a time when skepticism of the value of higher education has been more prominent than it is right now. Over the past several months, the same sharp and distressing arguments have been popping up in the Times, cable news, the blogosphere, even The Chronicle of Higher Education. The cost of college, as these arguments typically go, has grown far too high, the return far too uncertain, the education far too lax. The specter, it seems, has materialized.
It’s no surprise, given how the Great Recession has corroded public faith in other once-unassailable American institutions, that college should come in for a drubbing. But inevitability is just another word for opportunity, and the two most vocal critics are easy to identify and strikingly similar in entrepreneurial self-image. In the past year or so, James Altucher, a New York–based venture capitalist and finance writer, has emerged through frequent media appearances as something of a poster boy, and his column “8 Alternatives to College” something of an essential text, for the anti-college crusade. The father of two young girls, Altucher has a very personal perspective on college: He doesn’t think he should pay for it. “What am I going to do?” he asked last March on Tech Ticker, a popular investment show on Yahoo. “When [my daughters are] 18 years old, just hand them $200,000 to go off and have a fun time for four years? Why would I want to do that?” To Altucher, higher education is nothing less than an institutionalized scam—college graduates hire only college graduates, creating a closed system that permits schools to charge exorbitant prices and forces students to take on crippling debt. “The cost of college in the past 30 years has gone up tenfold. Health care has only gone up sixfold, and inflation has only gone up threefold. Not only is it a scam, but the college presidents know it. That’s why they keep raising tuition.”
Like Altucher, Peter Thiel is a venture capitalist with strong misgivings about college. Unlike Altucher, he’s a billionaire and Silicon Valley royalty. In 1998, Thiel co-founded PayPal, and six years later, he made the first angel investment in Facebook. (In The Social Network, he is the imposing figure who conspires to oust Eduardo Saverin from the company.) A passionate libertarian—he was a generous supporter of Ron Paul in 2008 and is the main funder of the fringe Seasteading Institute, which aims to establish experimental political communities on offshore platforms—Thiel is deeply skeptical of top-down R&D and anything that smells like groupthink. At PayPal, he hustled $100 million in venture capital just ahead of the dot-com crash, which he anticipated, and he made another well-timed bet for his Clarium Capital Management hedge fund against the housing market in 2007. In higher education, he believes he has identified a third bubble, with all the hallmarks of a classic speculative frenzy—hyperinflated prices, investments by ignorant consumers funded largely by debt, and widespread faith in increasing returns.
When I asked Altucher what his aim was in railing against college, he replied that he wanted to “reduce demand so costs go down”: Persuade enough kids not to enroll and colleges will be forced to change their ways. When I spoke to Thiel from his home in San Francisco in late February, he offered much the same justification for his major salvo in the fight against college—a philanthropic initiative called 20 Under 20. The program, also known as the Thiel Fellowship, will award twenty students 19 years old and younger $100,000 each and the mentorship of some of the most prominent entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley. The catch? The winners have to stay out of college for two years. They are to be announced this month.
Their advocacy has made Altucher and Thiel no few enemies. Jacob Weisberg, of Slate, has called the Thiel Fellowship a “nasty” and narcissistic idea that will retard the participants’ intellectual development and funnel whatever altruistic energies they have into getting rich, like Thiel. Altucher has received voluminous hate mail as the result of his media appearances and blog posts, including one from a fan who threatened to murder him and then eat his remains.
But the skepticism is spreading, even among foot soldiers on the academic front lines. In March, “Professor X,” an anonymous English instructor at two middling northeastern colleges, published In the Basement of the Ivory Tower, an expansion of an Atlantic essay arguing that college has been dangerously oversold and that it borders on immoral to ask America’s youth to incur heavy debt for an education for which millions are simply ill-equipped. Professor X’s book came out on the heels of a Harvard Graduate School of Education report that made much the same point. The old policy cri de coeur “college for all,” the report argues, has proved inadequate; rather than shunting everyone into four-year colleges, we should place greater emphasis on vocational programs, internships, and workplace learning. Then, last month, a front-page article in the Times delivered striking news: Student-loan debt in the U.S. is approaching the trillion-dollar mark, outpacing credit-card debt for the first time in history. With all that debt, more and more are asking, what are we buying?
James Altucher is a self-made man. A onetime New Jersey high-school chess champion, he was raised in a middle-class home and taught himself how to invest by preparing for the role as if it were a do-or-die match, obsessively studying the ways of the established masters. (He claims he read every letter Warren Buffett wrote to shareholders and investors from 1957 on.) Yet unlike many of the figures associated with the view that college isn’t needed for success—Gates, Jobs, Zuckerberg—Altucher didn’t find his fortune young, and he didn’t drop out of college to pursue it. He holds a bachelor’s degree in computer science from Cornell, and he did two years of graduate work in the subject at Carnegie Mellon.
Not surprisingly, Altucher’s detractors often cite his credentials as evidence that he would like to deprive others of a privilege from which he’s benefited. To this, Altucher responds that his college experience is exactly what gives him the knowledge to criticize the institution. “People come back to me,” he says over lunch at a crowded restaurant in Union Square, “very smart, intelligent people, and say, ‘Look, college teaches you how to think, college teaches you how to network, college teaches you how to write.’ Personally, I didn’t learn how to do any of those things in college.” What Altucher learned to do in college, he says, is what all young men—“with almost no exceptions”—learn to do: drink and talk to women.
Altucher has a very personal perspective on college: He doesn’t think he should pay for it.
That training didn’t come cheap. By the time Altucher enrolled, in 1986, private-college tuition was already so high that he had to borrow heavily to attend. “Except for the first semester, I paid for my whole education,” he says. “I borrowed every dime.” He did everything he could to mitigate the expense. He took six classes a semester, stayed on for summer sessions, worked 40 hours a week at the computer lab. In the end, he managed to graduate a year early and still wound up about $40,000 in the hole.
Altucher’s views on higher education aren’t always consistent. “College is like the best thing in the world,” I was surprised to hear him say when I first called him. “It’s idyllic.” Indeed, he sometimes suggests that college is so idyllic it’s wrong to populate it with the young. Instead, he urges students to take time off and take advantage of their youth—to start a business, travel around the world, work for a charity. “What everyone asks then is, ‘How are they going to pay for that?’ Well, it’s one fiftieth of the price of college to do any of those things.”
This isn’t just a matter of harnessing people’s resources more productively, Altucher insists. It’s a matter of harnessing the country’s resources more productively. “Let’s take a step back,” Altucher says. “What’s the other American religion? Owning a home.” For years, the government encouraged home ownership for all citizens. “So we got more and more loans that were considered subprime, and look what that did. The idea, the religion of home ownership for all, turned into a national nightmare, a national apocalypse instead of a religion. The same thing’s going to happen here.”
The economic recession that began at the end of 2007 has had numerous, cascading effects: a decline in property values, retirement savings, birthrates, geographical mobility; an increase in the national deficit, political rancor, mental-health complaints. One effect the recession has conspicuously not had, however—despite what economists say may be the worst job market for graduates since the Great Depression—is on the number of American families who send children off to college each September. Fifty years ago, 48 percent of recent high-school graduates enrolled in a college or university. In 2009, that number was more than 70 percent—a historic high.
What is perhaps even more striking than these figures is that in the opinion of the vast majority of Americans, they’re too low. A 1999 survey sponsored by the Educational Testing Service found that 87 percent of Americans felt the lack of a college education to be a disadvantage in life. Ninety percent of high-school seniors expect they will go on to college, with seven out of ten of those believing they’ll progress from there into a professional career. “Education has been central to the American Dream since the time of the nation’s founding,” Drew Gilpin Faust, the president of Harvard, wrote in 2009. But in the decades since World War II, it has been college—not just elementary or high school, as before—that has become “fundamental to cherished values of opportunity.”
Social scientists and historians long ago identified this transformation in American educational expectations as the “college for all” movement, and public leaders and private philanthropists enthusiastically rallied support for it. But the data gathered in recent years on the value of college has been mixed at best, blunting the moral edge of “college for all” and turning some higher-ed advocates into skeptics like Altucher and Thiel.
This new criticism of higher education comes from three main sources. The first is the reality that, while all parents want their kids to complete college, little more than half of those millions who haul their laptops to campus each fall actually end up with a bachelor’s degree. The United States now has the highest college-dropout rate in the industrialized world, and in terms of 25-to-34-year-olds with college degrees, it has fallen from first to twelfth.
The second source is the quality of the education available on campus. Nearly half of all students demonstrate “exceedingly small or empirically nonexistent” gains in the skills measured by the Collegiate Learning Assessment, even after two years of full-time schooling, according to a study begun in 2005 by sociologists Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa. (Many education reformers have focused their attention to gains from investments on the other end of the spectrum, in pre-K schooling.) In 1961, the average undergraduate spent 25 hours a week hitting the books; by 2003, economists Mindy Marks and Philip Babcock recently found, that average had plummeted to thirteen hours. In a typical semester, one third of the students Arum and Roksa followed for their recent book, Academically Adrift, did not take “any courses that required more than forty pages of reading per week” and half did not take “a single course that required more than twenty pages of writing.”
If college is neither a luxury good nor an investment, what is it?
But it is the data on the economics of college that is most disturbing. It’s bad enough that our colleges are underperforming, one can’t help thinking—but do they have to charge so damned much? In the past 30 years, private-college tuition and fees have increased, in constant 2010 dollars, from $9,500 a year to more than $27,000. Public-college tuition has increased from $2,100 to $7,600. Fifteen years ago, the average student debt at graduation was around $12,700; in 2009, it was $24,000. Over the past quarter-century, the total cost of higher education has grown by 440 percent. “Like many situations too good to be true,” Louis Lataif, the dean emeritus of Boston University’s School of Management, wrote in February for Forbes, “like the dot-com boom, the Enron bubble, the housing boom or the health-care-cost explosion—the ever-increasing cost of university education is not sustainable.”
This analysis, of course, takes a purely utilitarian view of college—higher education, as its many defenders hasten to point out, has a significance for students that defies the cost-benefit ratio. Last year, in response to a Times article titled “Plan B: Skip College,” The New Yorker’s Rebecca Mead published a rousing defense of college’s ability to, among other things, “expose individuals to the signal accomplishments of humankind.” In an essay published in March in The New York Review of Books, critic and professor Peter Brooks dismissed the swelling discontent with college as cranky and narrow-minded. The university is, he wrote, “one of the best things we’ve got, and at times—as when reading these books—it almost seems to me better than what we deserve.”
“What kind of an economic good is college?” Peter Thiel likes to ask. One answer is that college is a luxury good—a high-end commodity whose appeal, like a designer handbag, grows in direct proportion with the size of the sticker price. This is the answer given by such recent polemics as Higher Education?: How Colleges Are Wasting Our Money and Failing Our Kids—And What We Can Do About It, by the Queens College sociologist Andrew Hacker and the Times science writer Claudia Dreifus. Higher Education? contends that American colleges have transformed from rigorous scholarly communities into corporate-minded youth resorts, where some presidents command salaries of more than $1 million and competition centers on outdoing one another in acquiring high-end amenities (duplex-apartment dormitories, $70 million gyms).
Another possibility is that college is an investment—an expenditure on which one can expect high future returns. This answer is one to which many mainstream economists subscribe. When I spoke to Stephen Rose, a research professor at Georgetown’s Center on Education and the Workforce and the author of Rebound, an optimistic forecast of the postrecession economy, he pointed again and again to what he calls the “totemic number”: 74 percent. That is the financial benefit—the so-called B.A. wage premium—that economists calculate college graduates can now expect to reap relative to their peers with high-school diplomas. It is a number that has nearly doubled over the past 30 years.
Still another possibility is that the primary role of college today is to serve a “signaling” function—like an elegant business suit, an impressive B.A. advertises talent, pedigree, and ambition employers can use as a hiring shorthand. Thiel, for instance, received both an undergraduate and a law degree from Stanford, credentials that he was able to parlay into a clerkship with a federal judge, an associate position at a white-shoe Manhattan firm, and a job trading derivatives at Credit Suisse before he returned West to join the Internet rush.
But of course, Silicon Valley is a mecca of countersignaling—witness the super-status Zuckerbergian hoodie—and it’s no surprise to discover that in the land of the billionaire dropout, an Internet entrepreneur like Thiel sees evidence that higher education inhibits innovation. All he has to do is look around to see a new model university—the college of innovation and pluck.
Thiel does not dismiss those who say that higher education is a luxury good or that for some it might be a worthy investment, but he finds neither account adequate to explain the college bubble. It’s undoubtedly true, he said, that “it’s a lot more fun to go to college than to work.” And yet the fact that college now costs so much, and requires so much debt to complete, “probably leads people to be a lot more stressed out than they otherwise would be, so it’s probably a lot less fun than when it cost less.” His hunch is borne out by a comprehensive 2010 survey of freshmen that found emotional health to be at a record low—in large part because of financial worries.
“Not only is college a scam, but the presidents know it. That’s why they keep raising tuition.”— James Altucher
“College debt means getting stuck on a particular career track for the next twenty years.”—Peter Thiel
As for college being a good investment, Thiel believes the 74 percent wage-premium figure to be as inflated as tuition prices. A Clarium report Thiel commissioned in 2009 analyzed government data to argue that, while the return on a college diploma indeed increased markedly between 1978 and 2000, that’s only because the return on a high-school diploma decreased markedly during that same period. “Relative to the past,” the report stated, “students who go to college do better than their peers who do not, but this is simply a mathematical result of their peers doing worse than in the 1970s.” At the same time, more college debt means it takes students much longer to pay back their loans—a consideration Thiel thinks economists are wrong to omit from their calculations. “It’s not just a question of if you get [a degree], you make more money,” he says. “It’s also a question of how many options you’re precluding for the future.” Just as during the real-estate boom people bought more house than they could afford, trapping themselves in burdensome decades-long mortgages, “lots of college debt means that you’re maybe stuck on a particular career track for the next twenty years.”
But if college is neither a luxury good nor an investment, what is it? For Thiel, the commodity college most closely resembles is the humble insurance policy. Americans have become terrified, he says, of what will happen to their children if they don’t send them to college. The recession, widening income inequality, growing job insecurity, the uncertain future of the welfare state, the increasing costs of health care—all have deepened the anxieties that made college such an attractive option for a rising middle class in the first place. “I think that’s the way probably a lot of parents think about it. It’s a way for their kids to be safe, to be protected from the chaos. You’re paying for college because it’s an insurance policy against falling out of the middle class.” The larger question this raises, he says, is, “Why are we spending ten times as much for insurance as we were 30 years ago? And does that tell us something has gone really badly wrong with our country?”
At the core of the Thiel Fellowship application is a pair of open-ended, Miss America–like prompts: “Tell us one thing about the world that you strongly believe is true but that most people believe is not true” and “How do you want to change the world?” Within weeks of the applications going out, responses began to appear online—on Facebook, on student blogs, and on YouTube in the form of PowerPoint and HD-video presentations.
Among the first responses I came across, in February, was on the website of Dale Stephens, a freshman at Hendrix College, in Central Arkansas, which routinely shows up on rankings of the best liberal-arts schools in America. Stephens’s answer to the second question was to propose a new airline that would utilize a single aircraft family, secondary airports, and a single-class seating system to provide inexpensive transatlantic flights. This was no mere daydream: He had already forged contacts with Boeing, Southwest, and several major airport authorities, and he’d devised a business plan that, with adequate seed money, he was convinced could be brought to profitable fruition.
After I read his proposal, I tried to schedule an interview with Stephens. This proved harder than expected. He told me to check his online calendar for an opening; he was booked solid for weeks. When I finally did get through, a couple of days later, it became clear why he was so busy. Stephens’s 19-year-old life is crammed full with intellectual and creative ventures. He is writing a book. He participates in workshops, seminars, conferences. A month before we spoke, he put his airline idea on ice in order to launch an organization that applies the methods of “unschooling”—the self-directed brand of homeschooling with which he was raised—to the realm of higher education. UnCollege, as Stephens calls it, has already garnered coverage from The Chronicle of Higher Education, the Huffington Post, and ABC News. Then, of course, there was his classwork—though he’d already resolved to jettison that distraction. Whether he was awarded a Thiel Fellowship or not, he said, he was going to drop out. He did, at the beginning of last month.
I spoke to a half-dozen applicants, and nearly all offered the same lament: College is impractical. The liberal arts are hazy, its lessons inapplicable to the real world. “The best way to learn is through purpose-driven education,” Max Marmer, a Stanford student who also dropped out recently in favor of entrepreneurship, told me. “Taking classes in itself is worthless.” Listening to these kids—these inordinately gifted, monumentally confident kids—was at once inspiring, intimidating, and a reminder of just how limited in reach the efforts of the anti-college leaders have been. Inevitably, perhaps, both Altucher’s rhetoric and Thiel’s philanthropy have appealed most to that segment of the college population that is bound least by the college system. With their sophistication, self-motivation, and autodidacticism, these students don’t truly need college. Lock the gates of the campus behind them and you can be reasonably certain they’ll do just fine—maybe better.
Attending to these outliers has been a PR boon for the Thiel Fellowship, which is intended, Thiel told me, “to reset the values all the way down the system”—a program of trickle-down entrepreneurship aimed to launch us out of our great stagnation. As Thiel and Altucher surely understand well, now is precisely the moment, with all its uncertainty and anxiety and instability, when systems as stalwart as college seem most in need of reconfiguration. But it is also the time—with all that uncertainty and anxiety and instability—when the millions reliant on a system as stalwart as college are least eager to do any real reconfiguring. The vast majority of undergraduates are in a peculiar and as yet unresolved bind. On the one hand, a college education will likely saddle them with crippling debt and consign them to four underwhelming years in classrooms with fluorescent lighting and drop-tile ceilings. On the other hand, opting out will likely consign them to a lifetime of unsatisfying, low-wage employment. What’s an average kid to do?
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