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Saturday, January 04, 2025

A New Year's Reflection on Cecilia Ballí's NYTimes story on "Charro Days" and what "This Glorious Celebration Shows What Border Communities Can Be"

Friends:

Instead of the hideous, iron-gated wall along the U.S.-Mexico border championed by Trump and Texas' Governor Abbott—marked by violence, death, and tragedy for many seeking refuge from hardship and striving for a better life—let's envision a more positive and affirming approach to the U.S.-Mexico border. This is where art and the enduring beauty of cultural traditions come into play.

Journalist and cultural anthropologist Cecilia Ballí shares a beautiful story appearing in the New York Times about Brownsville's annually celebrated "Charro Days." A "charro" is a traditional Mexican horseman known for ornate attire, including fitted pants, intricately embroidered, fitted jacket, and a sombrero. Charros are known for "charreadas," or rodeo-like events that are Mexico's national sport. They're worth going to if you've never been to one.

As a side note, "charros" are analogous to, yet distinct from, "vaqueros," or "cowboys." It is important to recognize that vaqueros were the original cowboys of the American Southwest, predating the stereotypical image of the white, Marlboro-looking man popularized by Western films. Both charros and vaqueros are skilled horsemen and work with livestock, but charros are deeply intertwined with Mexican traditions, culture, and formal attire. 

Their role may extend beyond ranch work entirely such as through equestrian events and competitions.  In contrast, vaqueros were primarily members of the American working class of their time, with attire that was more functional than aesthetic. 

Not only do women participate in charrería, known as "escaramuzas"—together with silver threads and ornate sombreros, but the sport is gaining traction in the U.S. as you can learn from this CBS morning news story. A distinctive talent is riding sidesaddle and equally daunting and competitive "horesmanship" (or "horsewomanship"). Escaramuzas get scored on what they're wearing and may become rodeo queens. Check out this pertinent documentary titled, "Escaramuzas: The Elegant Tradition of the Mexican Charrería & Charreada."

Charrería dates back to the haciendas of the 1500s and is recognized by UNESCO as an "Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity." This designation acknowledges charrería not only as a sport but also as a rich cultural expression that reflects Mexico's history, values, and artistic heritage. 

A UNESCO designation further means that charrería has achieved international acclaim despite challenges like assimilation and urbanization, while simultaneously contributing to its preservation and ensuring its transmission to future generations as a powerful symbol of Mexican cultural identity. 

As beautifully recounted by Ballí, Brownsville's "Charro Days" is an annual fiesta, established in 1937, that celebrates the shared Mexican heritage of the border region.that U.S. assimilation policies have wanted us as U.S. Mexicans to ignore or somehow forget altogether. In the educational arena, I term this "subtractive cultural assimilation"—or simply, "subtractive schooling," to convey how priorities, policies, and practices have systematically sought to eviscerate our language, culture, and identities.

Thanks to the vision and leadership of Brownsville's business leaders, "Charro Days" defies subtractive cultural assimilation with its redemptive annual fiesta that began in 1937, celebrating a shared Mexican heritage across the border—a heritage U.S. assimilation policies have often pressured Mexican Americans to overlook. This year’s event, scheduled for February 20 to March 1, 2025, serves as a vibrant reminder of the power and beauty of cultural traditions. As Ballí’s account suggests, why should we ever stop celebrating something that not only fosters conviviality but also showcases the resilience and richness of our culture? 

The answer is clear. Transforming the border into a space of dialogue, connection, and aesthetic beauty empowers a community that state and national policies have historically sought to marginalize.

Finally, and most importantly, heartfelt thanks to Cecilia Ballí, whose work consistently reminds us of the transformative power of art, culture, and aesthetics. Through her storytelling, she demonstrates how, when guided by visionary leaders, these forces can heal divisions, uplift communities, and, indeed, save the world.

Happy New Years, everybody!

-Angela Valenzuela




This Glorious Celebration Shows What Border Communities Can Be



June 8, 2024 | New York Times



Thalía Gochez for The New York Times

By Cecilia Ballí | Photographs by Thalía Gochez

Ms. Ballí is a journalist and cultural anthropologist who is writing a book about competitive high school mariachis in South Texas. She wrote from Brownsville, Texas. Ms. Gochez is a Salvadoran Mexican American photographer based in Los Angeles.

The sky was muddy gray when I arrived at the Sams Memorial Stadium parking lot on a cool February afternoon. As soon as I parked, a school police officer appeared in a golf cart to rush me to the front of the parade line. I clambered aboard, one hand holding my large white Mexican sombrero rimmed with gold embroidered roses, the other scooping my thick, long skirt.

I was there for Charro Days, a festival that honors Mexican culture and our city’s intimate connection with Matamoros, Tamaulipas, across the border. As an alumna of the Brownsville school district, I’d been invited to serve as grand marshal of the children’s parade.

I felt regal dressed in a bright salmon pink traje de charro, a modified version of the traditional Mexican horseman outfit worn by mariachis and ranchera singers. As we whizzed by the century-old red brick buildings of my junior high campus, norteño music wafting from nearby speakers, my eyes welled up and I felt a lump in my throat.

via Cecilia Ballí

Every year, right around Lent, life slows down in my hometown, and for eight glorious days we celebrate Charro Days. The first time I took part in the festival was in 1983, when my twin sister and I danced in the children’s parade to “La Cacahuata,” a norteño folk song, with our schoolmates.

During this week, residents often show up to work or school dressed in traditional Mexican clothing. Some wear charro outfits — the costume from central Mexico most associated with national identity. Others dress as chiapanecas and china poblanas, jarochas and tehuanas, in the blouses and skirts typical of the south. And there are lots of tamaulipecas, the fringed suede jackets of Tamaulipas.

To outsiders, it may all seem like a caricature of Mexican culture, but for Brownsville natives this is a time when we get to take pride and joy in who we are, in a country where it sometimes feels difficult to do so.



In the coming months, as the presidential campaign gets in full swing, Americans will no doubt be bombarded with visions of a broken U.S.-Mexico border. (Just this week President Biden issued an executive order that temporarily blocks most migrants from seeking asylum.)

What will be missing are portraits of the beautiful border some of us know — a place of community, continuity and celebration.

I like to say the border begins in Brownsville, where President James K. Polk first provoked a war with Mexico.

In April 1846, after the U.S. annexation of Texas, Polk dispatched 4,000 soldiers into the Nueces Strip in South Texas, ordering a land and water blockade of Mexican troops and civilians. Mexico claimed the border ran along the Nueces River in Corpus Christi, while the United States insisted it was the Rio Grande, 150 miles to the south.

When Mexican forces crossed the Rio Grande attempting to break the blockade, Gen. Zachary Taylor sent a small force to meet them. The Mexican Army fired, killing 11 American troops. Polk then convinced some skeptical members of Congress that it was an invasion.





Charro Days fiesta in Brownsville, Texas, February 1942.Credit...Arthur Rothstein, via Library of Congress

The war ended two years later, with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which required Mexico to cede 55 percent of its territory to the United States. Soon surveyors began the task of demarcating the new border from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean, which was nearly 2,000 miles long.

Thus the U.S. Southwest was born, marking the beginning of American westward expansion.

As children, we didn’t learn much about our city’s pivotal role in the construction of our nation, but the repercussions of that history hung over us. Both sides of my family, the Ballís and the Hinojosas, had been in the region since the 1700s and once owned vast tracts of land that, as was true for most Mexican American families in the region, they lost over time to Anglo land grabbers. My paternal grandfather was raised in Texas but moved to Matamoros in the late 1910s, during a period of intense racial violence against Mexican Americans.

While the national boundary changed, the border remained fluid. My parents were born in Matamoros. After they married, they got jobs as seasonal farmworkers. Eventually they saved enough to build a home in Brownsville.

Even though a vast majority of students I went to school with in the 1980s were Mexican American, there was a strong pressure to assimilate. In first grade, my teacher gave me a C in English because I spoke too much Spanish with my friends.

On Sundays, we crossed the international bridge to visit our grandparents on their small ranch outside Matamoros, which had an outhouse and no running water. We ate tamales and celebrated Christmas there. At night, my grandmother lulled us to sleep with Mexican folk tales.





Mexican culture was the salve that helped blunt the pain of growing up in poverty and of my father’s eventual cancer diagnosis and premature death.

Living in Brownsville I was able to be both deeply Mexican and deeply American — and crossing the border showed me that it was possible to hold those two identities at once. I learned to shift between countries, cultures, societies and political systems, ultimately giving me a stronger sense of myself.

Charro Days was founded in 1938, the brainchild of a local white businessman who wanted to stimulate the economy during the Great Depression, draw tourists and cultivate civic pride. It eventually morphed into a four-day fiesta that included parades, street dances, fireworks, a carnival, a rodeo and motorboat races.

It soon captured the nation’s imagination. National Geographic wrote about it. Paramount and Universal showed reels of the event in theaters across the country. By the 1950s, radio and television networks were broadcasting some of the festivities from coast to coast.

Around the same time, the main parade began crossing over into Matamoros, which also held its own events. In 1954, the U.S. government began opening the Gateway International Bridge in downtown Brownsville, which connects the two cities, so revelers could cross back and forth freely during the festival.

But our binational ties would wear thin as the border became harder to cross.

Beginning in the early 1980s, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans and Guatemalans fleeing civil wars poured into Brownsville and across other parts of the border. The Reagan administration responded by prosecuting religious activists who provided them safe harbor.

As world economies became more interconnected, the movement of people and goods across national borders increased. The attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, further changed the nature of border enforcement. The Department of Homeland Security was established in 2002; the Border Patrol eventually doubled in size.

In communities like Brownsville, these changes were felt intimately. Many residents stopped going to Matamoros, afraid of growing violence among Mexican drug cartels. With waits in customs lines to get into the United States now stretching for hours, many Matamoros residents also lost the incentive to come to Brownsville.



After my grandmother died in 2022, my family, too, lost our anchor across the border. So, when the school district invited me to participate in this year’s parade, it was a chance to reconnect with an older Brownsville that I missed.

I arrived in town a few days early to attend Fiesta Folklorica, an evening event where the children who will dance in the parade perform for their families. Dozens of little girls in elaborate costumes stomped on the wooden dance floor and swirled their colorful skirts furiously, like butterflies ready to fly.

That morning, the White House announced that Mr. Biden would be coming to Brownsville the same day as the children’s parade to underscore his policy wins. For a moment, we weren’t sure if his visit would interrupt our celebration. It’s a form of theater that border communities are familiar with: politicians visiting, flanked by border agents and cameras.

The record numbers of migrants and refugees are undeniable. In the 2023 fiscal year, which ended in September, Customs and Border Protection apprehended over 2.4 million people at the southwest border, many of them hoping to gain asylum.


Border communities are sandwiched between the issue, the politics surrounding it and the often misguided policies, which can prove unhelpful or even make the situation worse.

In the end, the children’s parade went on as planned. When I arrived at the meeting point that day, the young costumed dancers were lining up behind the car I would ride in. They were a picture of sheer beauty and joy, decked out in red lipstick with flowers and bows on their heads.

“I like your dress!” one little girl yelled, pointing at me. “You’re so pretty!” another one said. I laughed and asked if I could take their picture.

A mile away, the Rio Grande meandered languidly. On the grounds of the old Amigoland Mall, carnival operators added finishing touches to the mechanical rides that would begin receiving thousands of guests that evening.



My car lurched forward and what followed was a sweet, nostalgic blur. Spectators on metal folding chairs cheered. Children dressed as small charros and charras flashed toothy grins and waved. One little boy with a mustache penciled on his upper lip took off his cowboy hat, twirled it chivalrously and bowed.

All the while local, state and federal agents lurked at every street corner: hulky tactical vehicles and men in camouflage with radios, buzz cuts and bulletproof vests. It was emblematic of all the increased policing we’ve seen on the border.

A woman waved, and I realized it was Mrs. Gomez, my former kindergarten teacher. A couple of bandmates from high school called out my name.

But it was my mom, aunts and cousins who screamed the loudest when I passed by them in front of the old Majestic Theater. Fourteen blocks from where it started, the parade ended at the Gateway International Bridge — the bridge that had defined our lives.



As the festival wound to a close, I visited with Rosendo Escareño, the director of Charro Days Inc., the main organizer of the festival, and Henry LeVrier, the group’s board president. They described the simple satisfaction they get watching children enjoy themselves at the parades with their parents, as so many generations did before them. Every cycle builds the tradition. “It becomes a really huge memory for us,” Mr. Escareño said, “and that’s why we’re here, 87 years strong this year.”

While the country becomes increasingly divided over the border, during Charro Days, those of us from Brownsville have something that still brings us together. In one another’s waves along the parade route, in our approving gazes, we saw ourselves. We belonged to the same thing, the same place. A place called home.




Cecilia Ballí is a journalist and cultural anthropologist based in San Antonio. She is writing a book about competitive high school mariachis in South Texas.

Thalía Gochez is a photographer based in Los Angeles. The photographs of the Children’s Parade were taken during the Charro Days festival in Brownsville, Texas, this year.


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Wednesday, January 01, 2025

On the Uses and Abuses of Identity Politics: The philosopher Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò on the academy, the elite, and the future of politics

Friends:

Happy New Year! Wishing all a peaceful and blessed 2025. I'm happy to introduce you to philosopher Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò, author of Elite Capture: How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else). In this Chronicle of Higher Education piece, journalist Rebecca Tuhus-Dubrow interviews Philosophy professor Táíwò on identity politics.

The interview mentions where the phrase, "identity politics," originated. It emanates from a queer, Black feminist collective termed the "Combahee River Collective." I like how he defines identity politics, as being about...
"Who you are, where you stand in society, affects what you know, it affects what you want, it affects what you can do. Those are things worth self-consciously taking into account."
I refer you, as well, to an excellent Boston Review piece where Táíwò expresses his greatest concern about elites involving the (mis)use of identity politics:
"Identity politics is deployed by elites in the service of their own interests, rather than in the service of the vulnerable people they often claim to represent."

Both pieces ground their critique of identity politics in alignment with the intent behind the Combahee River Collective's use of the phrase. They viewed it as positive and desirable when marshaled in the context of coalitions to address common problems across difference. It was never about fostering group exclusivity where one identity group only works with others who look like, or identify with, them. 

In the Tuhus-Dubrow Chronicle interview, Táíwò suggests that virtuous political struggles focus on outcomes over process, meaning the attainment of concrete goals like, for example, forming a union. He then asks us to consider that "outcomes" can further include things like people in the struggle caring for each other more. I love this, however, it's confusing to me since I see caring, mutuality, and trustworthiness as optimally always both means and ends, instead of as either-or.

For Táíwò, elite capture is a kind of "system behavior," instead of a conspiracy. My only concern here is that any close reading of Nancy MacLean's Democracy in Chains, Jane Mayer's Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right, or, for that matter,
Project 2025: Mandate for Leadership, the Conservative Promisethat crystalizes the decades-long, neoliberal agenda investigated by MacLean and Mayer—we must consider that atop system dynamics are nefarious plans to de-democratize, corporatize, and privatize our institutions and society. 

Eyes wide open, my friends. These are mutually inclusive, right? There is a system with system behaviors happening in it, including systemic racism, classism, etc. together with the expression of elite preferences that cut across race and class "differences" among the elite. However, real politics are also always at play among and by elites (as well as non-elites) in the political and policy making arenas.

The interview is confusing to me in places, but is overall helpful in thinking about things like tokenism and paternalism to avoid in politics. 

To conclude, I have read and highly recommend Táíwò's excellent book, Elite Capture. Great for the college classroom.

-Angela Valenzuela


On the Uses and Abuses of Identity Politics: The philosopher Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò on the Academy, the elite, and the future of politics.




By Rebecca Tuhus-Dubrow | Chronicle of Higher Education
MAY 11, 2022


In the past few years, the Georgetown University philosopher Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò has gained notice for his lucid, subtle writing on such subjects as identity politics, climate change, reparations, and more. He first garnered broad attention with a 2020 essay for the British magazine The Philosopher that explored the limitations of “epistemic deference”: that is, calls “to ‘listen to the most affected’ or ‘centre the most marginalized.’”

In practice, Táíwò wrote, such calls often mean passing the mic to someone like him, because he is Black — even though he is also a tenure-track professor who grew up among the highly educated Nigerian diaspora. Amplifying certain voices on the basis of group membership, he argued, could serve as a merely cosmetic change, leaving structural problems unaddressed. What’s more, compulsory deference is no way to forge authentic relationships. “The same tactics of deference that insulate us from criticism,” he wrote, “also insulate us from connection and transformation.”

Now, building on that essay as well as a related piece in Boston Review, Táíwò has published a short book: Elite Capture: How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else). Elite capture, he explains, is a concept that emerged from the study of developing countries. It initially referred to the tendency of the upper class to gain control over foreign aid; in other words, the rich get richer. But the concept has also come to encompass the ways that elites appropriate political projects and monopolize attention.

Elite capture, Táíwò says, is “not a conspiracy” but rather “a kind of system behavior.” Systems are a major theme of the book, a theme Táíwò develops by drawing on the philosophy of games. Another motif is his impatience with the symbolic gestures and efforts to avoid “complicity” that have come to take precedence, in his view, over actual political outcomes.

Elite Capture incorporates sociology, history, and folklore; Táíwò finds pertinent lessons in sources ranging from “The Emperor’s New Clothes” to the Cape Verdean independence movement. For all his focus on the traps systems set for us, he holds out hope that we can recognize those traps and escape them. “Despite all our social programming, we can just do things,” he writes. “We can do the thing that will be punished; we can ignore the potential reward, choose the smaller prize.”

I spoke with Táíwò recently about deference politics, the gamification of contemporary life, and how he sees elite capture playing out in higher education.

Early in the book, you distinguish between the original intent of identity politics and the ways that it’s been distorted. You write that the term was popularized by the 1977 manifesto of the Combahee River Collective, a queer, Black, feminist, socialist organization, and “it was supposed to be about fostering solidarity and collaboration.”

So [the cofounder] Barbara Smith says that when the Combahee River Collective was theorizing around this idea of identity politics, what they were talking about was a kind of right to start somewhere. A right to take your own experiences seriously when you’re thinking about your agendas, your actions, your priorities. Also a sort of political origin, a starting point. You could start off by thinking about your priorities and still end up in coalition with other people, working in concert with other people, and collaborating. And they in fact did that.

But some people have takfen up identity politics in ways that are anti-coalitional in various ways. I don’t think the anti-coalitional impulse is very promising, politically speaking.