This blog on Texas education contains posts on higher education, as well as preK-12 policy accountability, testing, bilingual education, immigration, school finance, race, class, and gender issues at both the state and national level. It also represents my digital footprint, of life and career, as a community-engaged scholar in Texas.
Great quote by former Richardson ISD superintendent Jeannie Stone: "CRT is about as easy as nailing Jell-O to a moving train." When one considers that bill sponsor Rep. Steve Toth also didn't know something he was against, it all starts to get really ludicrous. No, it's not about teaching culturally relevant curriculum. According to Stone, the fight against CRT is designed to protect weak-kneed adults from children as follows:
"The genie is out of the bottle, the cat’s out of the bag. We’re not protecting children with these bills, we’re protecting adults. We’re protecting adults from children, because adults are afraid of looking hypocritical, of being caught flat-footed when their child questions some view on race they’ve voiced at the dinner table."
Adults should improve their posture rather than compensating for weakness. Moreover, as Stone suggests, they should not at all confuse CRT with culturally relevant teaching or pedagogy.
Nobody can agree on what CRT means, or whether it's actually being taught in public schools.
State Rep. Steve Toth (R-The Woodlands) sponsored the so-called "Anti-CRT" legislation that later became law in Texas.
It’s only three letters, but defining CRT is about as easy as nailing Jell-O to a moving train—something former Richardson ISD superintendent Jeannie Stone explained recently in a post on her blog.
First, there is what it is on its face: Critical Race Theory, a 40-year-old academic theory that examines race as a social construct, and how it has become entrenched in how justice is meted out and how public policy is formed.
Then there’s what many educators at first (Stone included) thought it was: Culturally Relevant Teaching, which works to build connections between student culture at home and what they experience at school. When you have districts as diverse as Richardson ISD and Dallas ISD, for instance, that opportunity to provide a mirror (students seeing themselves as appreciated in the classroom for the experiences and perspective they bring) versus a window (looking at fellow classmates, but not a part of the actual learning process) is an important one.
It’s why some of the first queries about CRT at a Richardson school board meeting threw Stone for a loop.
Stone writes:
“I honestly thought throughout the entire meeting she was referring to concepts we had been attempting to advance for years in Richardson ISD: Culturally Relevant Teaching. Because … Culturally Relevant Teaching (aka, “the other CRT”), is a thing–a really, really important thing–and something I had been heavily researching and referencing all throughout my last four years as a superintendent, albeit I regret that it wasn’t longer.”
Stone said that she actually had to look up Critical Race Theory to learn what parents were telling her they didn’t want to be taught at their schools.
District staff began digging into work by Zaretta Hammond (Culturally Responsive Teaching and the Brain) and Dr. Sharrocky Hollie (Strategies for Culturally and Linguistically Responsive Teaching and Learning), bringing the latter in to train administrators and later teachers in some of the district’s most diverse campuses, well before the movement against the “other CRT” was even a nascent idea.
“Beyond making individual connections, there is great communal value in helping students understand the cultures of other students with whom they interact,” she writes. “Developing their understanding of other cultures lets students have more meaningful interactions with those around them.”
But then the anti-CRT movement began to take hold. Parents began demanding that districts cease teaching something they weren’t teaching. At that point, CRT took on a third meaning: everything from Black history to Black Lives Matter to virtually any effort toward diversity, equity, and inclusion was conflated with CRT.
Then, as state legislatures began to convene, actual legislation banning CRT (although in many cases lawmakers don’t actually mention CRT in the bills) began to hit statehouse floors. Then those bills were passed, and nearly all put limits on social studies curricula that addressed race or history in ways that made people uncomfortable.
It’s a phenomenon I wrote about over the summer, as I covered House Bill 3979, Texas’ “anti-CRT” bill:
“I can tell you that right now, without my help, my fourth-grader can tell you what is going on in the world because he watches the news. He has access (with supervision) to the internet. He has friends. Your child does, too. The genie is out of the bottle, the cat’s out of the bag. We’re not protecting children with these bills, we’re protecting adults. We’re protecting adults from children, because adults are afraid of looking hypocritical, of being caught flat-footed when their child questions some view on race they’ve voiced at the dinner table.”
As I wrote, my family tree is entwined with the use of enslaved Black people as free labor. It is never comfortable to think about or talk about. But even learning about that history is being cut off entirely in some cases, with just the barest of mentions about slavery in textbooks. (I know, I sat next to a fourth-grader for all of 2021.)
Stone lays out the case for why it’s important to approach the classroom in culturally relevant and informed ways—and why that is imperiled by this wave of anti-CRT rhetoric.
“It seems as though Critical Race Theory was the perfect weapon of disruption to stall forward momentum in equity work which aims to close achievement gaps,” Stone says. “Maybe it was even part of the strategy to conflate Critical Race Theory (CRT) with Culturally Relevant Teaching (CRT) to focus the opposition’s attack, and also to muddy the waters of public debate even further.”
Later this week, we’ll talk about the additional unintended consequences of anti-CRT legislation.
Bethany Erickson is the senior digital editor for D Magazine. She's written about real estate, education policy, the stock market, and crime throughout her career, and sometimes all at the same time. She hates lima beans and 5 a.m. and takes SAT practice tests for fun.
Give this a close read. Our governor himself is part of this horrible drama. He has no vision for the future unless destroying public education is a part of this narrative. Terrible leadership.
Greg Abbott is pushing as hard as he can to bury the actual truth of Strong Public Support for Public Education in Texas. Why is he even governor if he's working against parents' and communities' actual wishes?
That said, the story below is about how bad it really is right now in so many of our schools and districts. This anti-CRT movement is a convenient tool of the education privatizers about which I posted earlier today.
Without question, our schools are experiencing an unprecedented shake-up with retiring superintendents and fewer teacher applicants, losing career educators from the system. Crisis management is a new skill that any aspiring superintendent must have. I also think that they should take a college course in Critical Race Theory so that they can better defend their schools against this nonsense.
Several departures come after months of contentious fights over teaching about slavery, requiring pandemic precautions and limiting what books kids can access.
Former Richardson school district Superintendent Jeannie Stone said the increasingly contentious climate surrounding Texas public schools prompted her decision to step down. Cred Lauren Witte/The Texas Tribune
Educating kids is all Jeannie Stone ever wanted to do. She spent more than three decades in North Texas school districts, first as a teacher and eventually as an administrator.
After she was named Richardson Independent School District’s superintendent five years ago, she drew accolades for how well she advocated for district parents and the strides she made in closing the vast learning gap between students of color and white students. The Texas PTA named her superintendent of the year in 2019. Last year, the Dallas Business Journal named her a “leader in diversity.” Then it all came to a sudden stop.
Now here is a
disturbing, if revealing, story about one our Texas senators named Don
Huffines (R) who represents District
16 in the Dallas, Texas area, a senate district, by the way, that has some of
the wealthiest school districts in the state, referred to in the Texas
Education Code as “Chapter 41 districts” that have a significant tax advantage
well after paying into Texas’ recapture fund for distribution to the vast
number of “property-poor,” Chapter 42 districts in the state of Texas.
And now
representatives like Senator Huffines want to further extend that advantage via
education savings accounts (ESAs) that receive state taxpayer payments or
school credits—which is what SB3,
a bill on which he is a co-author is all about.
SB3 also happens to be a priority of Governor Abbott and Lt. Governor
Patrick.
Clearly, however, not
even in their own school districts do folks feel similarly. Check out how he treats his own constituents of color, including PTA parents and students in Richardson ISD who are asking him
questions about vouchers: Senator
Caught On Tape Yelling At Kids During A Private School Voucher Discussion(recorded on Monday, February 27, 2017; read
transcript here).
Shameful. Tsk tsk. Wasn’t
the whole point of the Republican-led, education reform movement in the form of
high-stakes testing and accountability to create a system where demography
would not be destiny? From the mouth of the "Education
President," George W. Bush himself, remember the highly-touted rationale
for Texas-style accountability? "All children
count!"
Geez, this agenda even involved swiping the "No Child Left
Behind" slogan from national civil rights leader Marion Wright Edelman,
founder and director of the Children's
Defense Fund— sneaky, calculated move to mask its real intention of labeling,
ranking, shaming, and blaming public schools to justify taxpayer dollars going
into the for-profit sector.
Regrettably, even civil rights organizations of repute in the broader
Latino community drank and continue to drink the Kool-Aid despite extensive
evidence to the contrary of its harms alongside significant political challenges against it
involving large numbers of top education leaders and school districts
throughout our state and nation (see FairTest.org, as well as this blog). I even have a whole book about this.
That said, if you are a politician and you do not even want to talk to
people who are being reasonable with you—and who are understandably concerned
about school vouchers since this connects to their children's futures--you are
being dismissive—which is how racism, sexism, and classism frequently get
manifest.
I guess it’s easier to lash out at students and parents than to own up
to your own narrow interest that seeks to further privilege the already
privileged in our state. Perhaps
Huffines' wealthy constituents themselves are feeling the pinch of private
schools and could really benefit from dipping into the public purse to pay for
their children’s tuition to places like Hockaday
and St. Mark’s that surfaced in his
diatribe. Check out their websites and
tuition. The parents of these K-12,
private-school children pay annually what manyparents pay annually for
their children’s four-year, university education.
To read another
take on this, read this piece in Texas
Monthly’s Burka Blog, Will
Vouchers Save the Schools or Starve Them? Senator Huffines’s outburst to
students shows the fervor of the debate. February
28, 2017 byR.G. Ratcliffe.
The best thing about what happened here with parents is that Huffines
exposed his willingness to sacrifice his own, not-so-well-endowed constituents
to the altar of school privatization even if accomplished at their
expense.
If you see the video, it’s
interesting to see how anything outside of what he thinks is good public policy
for the state of Texas like fairness and equal access to a quality or even
elite education for all is an inconvenient challenge to the neoliberal Nirvana
that he wishes upon us all: Vouchers and school privatization for the rich and
the McDonaldization of public education for poor.
What great recipe out of the Republlican playbook for disenfranchinsing the
“have-nots” while simultaneously securing their incumbencies.
C'mon, Huffines. The math is easy. From the video, we practically even have
this stated in your own words:
Vouchers=the best education you can buy
Kudos to the Richardson District PTA, parents and students! Maybe he ruined your day, but you pressed him
on an issue of grave concern to us all. Hopefully, your courageous questioning has helped to put this agenda to rest this legislative session. We can only hope.