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Showing posts with label Wokeness. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wokeness. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 28, 2024

In defence of wokeness: Right-wing attacks on ‘wokeness’ are part of a wider campaign to undermine social justice and equality advocacy.

This piece is helpful in that it shows how the far right accomplishes its goals. What they do is delegitimize a concept like "wokeness" by redefining it, and then equating it with extreme cases, or lying about its meaning.

Accordingly, "wokeness" becomes leftist hysteria over pronouns or diverse superheroes, rather than genuine efforts to combat discrimination and promote inclusivity. The question that remains is how to reclaim what today is a "dirty word" that I see the left abandoning. This is a good question to ask as this is what they're doing with critical race theory (CRT) and Diversity Equity and Inclusion (DEI).

DEI was always a nice way to not have to say "racist," "racism," "prejudiced," or "discrimination," so perhaps we—as marginalized people—go back to that.

The far right is so devious and disingenuous. But then, that's the point....

-Angela Valenzuela

In defence of wokeness

Right-wing attacks on ‘wokeness’ are part of a wider campaign to undermine social justice and equality advocacy.
Christopher Rhodes | Al Jazeerah |Sept. 11, 2022


Florida Governor Ron DeSantis signed into law the Stop WOKE Act in April, but it was blocked by a court in August [Reuters/Octavio Jones]

In late August, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis made headlines with a dubious declaration. “Florida is the state where ‘woke’ goes to die,” he said at a Republican Party event in his US state, celebrating a slate of conservative victories in school board elections.

Given the governor’s policies over the last few years – including hostility to anti-COVID measures such as vaccines and masking – DeSantis’s Florida is indeed a prime destination for anyone with a death wish. But this declaration represents more than just a snappy sound bite. Rather, it is a wilful distortion of the reality of “woke” activism and history, and an attack against both the concepts of justice and equality that underlie wokeness and the people who advocate to make these ideals reality.

The terminology of being “woke” – waking up to a new awareness of the world and particularly the oppressions around us – has a long tradition in African American Vernacular English. The term has been used by Black musicians for nearly a century, from 1930s blues singer Huddie William “Lead Belly” Ledbetter to 21st-century hip-hop and neo-soul artists like Childish Gambino and Erykah Badu. The more overtly political connotations of the term were popularised by the Black Lives Matter movement during campaigns in places such as Ferguson, Missouri, before being adopted, or coopted, by non-Black activists in real life and on social media.

It was around this time, in the 2010s, that “anti-wokeness” began to emerge. At first, the main criticism, from both left and right, was against people who were using “woke” rhetoric in a performative or insincere way. In the past several years, however, the very concept of wokeness has been attacked, specifically by conservatives.

While people like DeSantis, who has created his political brand by fighting battles in the ongoing culture wars that he himself has created, or Fox News host Tucker Carlson are among the loudest “anti-woke” voices in America, they are far from the only ones. Right-wing advocates across the country – politicians, pundits, even social media trolls – have spent the last few years demonising wokeness as a destructive radical ideology.

According to the GOP and the conservative media, wokeness – not COVID-19, racism, violence or inequality – is the most dangerous challenge to America today, with “woke” ideology being tied to a variety of largely manufactured societal ills. Some decry wokeness as a new (false) religion and even accuse it of being used to undermine traditional religious beliefs. Others have condemned “woke racism”, an ill-defined criticism that seems to imply that we are taking the concept of battling racism too seriously and perhaps even engaging in reverse racism as a result.

“Woke history” is condemned for portraying the United States and its founders in a negative light, undermining patriotism. Even superhero movies and shows are now being criticised for increasingly casting actors who are not white men in leading roles, with claims that film studios like Marvel are putting wokeness – here defined as “forced” diversity – ahead of telling serious stories about flying people punching robots and aliens.

Lost in all these accusations are the actual concerns of wokeness: recognising racist violence, combating bias and fostering equality. The verbal sleight of hand that has been deployed against wokeness is not new. The rhetorical tricks employed by conservatives have been used against many groups and ideas.

A variety of terms and phrases have been redefined and demonised by the right, ranging from specific movements like “Black Lives Matter” to general concepts like “social justice” or “equity”. To see how effective these tactics can be, we need only look at a whole generation of white moderates who believe in equal rights but bristle at being called feminists.

But Black activists have long borne the brunt of this redefinition, and it is no surprise that concepts like wokeness that originated in Black activism have received the harshest attacks. In recent years, Black Lives Matter and critical race theory have received this treatment, as have writers and academics such as Nikole Hannah-Jones, Ta-Nehisi Coates and Ibram X Kendi.

Non-verbal forms of protest have also been subjected to this distortion. American football player Colin Kaepernick still remains blacklisted from the National Football League, years after he began kneeling during the playing of the national anthem at NFL games. The reason for his protest – speaking out against police brutality and anti-Black oppression – was clearly stated for anyone who wanted to listen.

Yet, by the time Fox News and the Trump administration were done opining on the matter, Kaepernick’s respectful protest had been transformed into a hate-filled screed against veterans and the American flag. These accusations were, of course, invented out of thin air, but that hasn’t stopped a large swath of the American population from continuing to believe that the quarterback is attempting to attack the country’s most haloed institutions and symbols.

Such slander has real consequences. Kaepernick has had to sit at home, as athletes with less talent and more serious, even criminal, transgressions continue to take the field. And the meaningful discussions that could have been sparked concerning anti-Black violence continue to be obfuscated with debates over patriotism and acceptable forms of protest.

These outcomes are, of course, the point. Modern American conservatism is quite adept at deflecting from substantive debates over reform by creating arguments over language. For all the criticisms placed on the left for enforcing “political correctness” (the same criticisms that have simply been repackaged to condemn “wokeness”), it is largely the right that has engaged in policing language.

The overall disinformation campaign against progressiveness, with anti-wokeness as its latest manifestation, is surprisingly calculated and efficient. The first step was to delegitimise a concept by redefining it, equating it with its most extreme manifestations or simply lying about what it actually means. Thus, wokeness became leftist hysteria over pronouns or attempts to recast superheroes as non-white men, rather than genuine attempts to combat discrimination or increase inclusivity in society.

The second step was to use this manufactured outrage to caricature and condemn the advocates who use this terminology. Thus people like Hannah-Jones, Coates and Kendi have been dismissed by the right as “ultra-left” or “race hustlers”.

Now people like DeSantis have succeeded at the third step in the process, passing laws that actually make progressive conversations illegal, such as the (possibly unconstitutional) Stop WOKE Act that he pushed through the Florida legislature. By eroding the actual definitions of ideas, such as critical race theory, these laws are already achieving a widespread silencing effect over people, such as educators and librarians, across the Republican-controlled areas of the country.

And so allowing the right to shape the conversation over wokeness impacts much more than just semantics. Conceding the debate over “wokeness” is having tangible, oppressive consequences on people throughout the country.

And this is why it’s so important to not simply abandon terms like woke (or feminist or Black Lives Matter) as problematic or tainted. Words have meaning, and there is immense power in the ability to control those meanings. Exercising that linguistic power is an increasingly impactful tactic of those who want to roll back progress within this country.

To prevent such regressive politics from becoming even more powerful, it’s important to hold onto and defend terms, such as wokeness, that symbolise much-needed progress in this country. And defending these concepts means that we must be aware of the full implications of conservative attacks against them.

We must stay woke, even about attacks on the concept of wokeness itself.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Saturday, November 18, 2023

Please indulge me on this day of reflection on "Doing the work: The Protestant ethic and the spirit of wokeness," by Ian Buruma

Friends,

Please indulge me on this day of reflection on "Doing the work: The Protestant ethic and the spirit of wokeness," by Bard College Professor Ian Buruma in this July, 2023 piece in Harper's Magazine that I'm sure will get widely read. He blames Protestantism for ostensibly caving in to "woke culture," more readily than might be found among Catholics or Jews. While an interesting hypothesis, I think it is a somewhat misplaced concern.

What I most appreciate about Buruma's piece is just how deeply it made me think not so much about his sensed correlation between weak-kneed Protestantism capitulating to "wokeness" via cancel culture, engaging in forms of public apology, and virtue signaling, but rather about his simple solution of a return to a more tempered and less puritanical mindset that would benefit progressive causes. While this would clearly help, it's insufficient in light of race/ethnicity and class dynamics that I outline below.

Buruma takes aim at diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs, essentially blaming "identity politics" for going too far and forgetting about the white working class. This is a misrepresentation of DEI programs as they have in fact evolved to incorporate students with disability, veterans, and persons of rural origins that may be of any race or ethnicity. Plus, race and ethnicity frequently overlap with class background such that the former is often a proxy for the latter.

As importantly, Buruma fails to acknowledge white's identity politics that we may otherwise term, white supremacy politics that you can learn about in Ashely Jardina's (2019) book titled, White Identity Politics that she also maintains, are bigger than the KKK in her Washington Post piece titled, "White identity politics isn’t just about white supremacy. It’s much bigger."

I also think that Buruma is unfair on not only placing the onus for a lack of solidarity across class on people of color when considering long histories as we have enjoyed in Texas of interracial and interethnic coalitions in politics where we actually consistently advocate on issues like school finance and vouchers that benefit the rich and not the poor (see yesterday's post on vouchers, for example). School finance is another area.

Consider, as well, the decades-long work of one of our state's most significant education coalitions of our day, namely, he Texas Legislative Education Equity Coalition headed by Dr. Chloe Sikes, a former student of ours in the UT-Education Policy and Planning doctoral program. Consider, as well the storied Texas Organizing Project that is featured in Steve Phillip's national best-seller, How We Win the Civil War: Securing a Multiracial Democracy and Ending White Supremacy for Good.

There are also incredible stories and histories of in Krochmal and Moye's masterful anthology on this very subject titled, Civil rights in black and brown: Histories of resistance and struggle in Texas.

Consider, as well, the divide and conquer techniques that have worked to fracture the working class across time consisting, for example, of a lack of pay equity and wage gaps within the working class. This creates resentment and competition, fostering divisions at work. When inflected by race, this oftentimes doesn't address underlying dynamics of workers' exploitation, but rather gets addressed as a racial, as opposed to both a race and class issue related to working conditions, salaries, and opportunities for promotion. These dynamics play out within the professional occupations, as well, as exemplified by the Independent Equity Committee in their widely-read, highly impactful report recently at the University of Texas at Austin.

We must, in the same breath, be mindful of how as a consequence of the inter-ethnic competition that exists as a result of historic divide-and-conquer strategies, coalition-building is really hard work and often manifest internally via racial power dynamics within both the U.S. working and professional classes, respectively.

Omi and Winant (2014) similarly note in their seminal text, Racial Formation in the United States, that throughout history, the white working class that has historically either broken ranks with the Black and Brown members of the working class or in instances of cooperation, including unionization, still often seeks to rule over their Black and Brown segments.

Context is king, as well. Do note that according to Wilson (2016), by 2032, individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds will constitute the majority of the American working class. Eliminating our understandings of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) policies as currently getting legislated in states like Texas, Florida and North Carolina, ill-prepare us for an inexorably diverse future.

Last, but not least, I am very proud of our work in Black Brown Dialogues on Policy in promoting awareness of this vitally important work of building interracial and interethnic coalitions of conscience. I encourage you to view our recorded Facebook live event last week at the Texas State Capitol that I also announced on this blog.







I also encourage you to hear the student voices who reflected on their own experiences, as well as on what was shared throughout the day.





The testimonies were awe-inspiring. The students melt my heart.

My friends, this is the precise political work motivates community solidarity across struggles. It is exactly this coalitional work—of the kind that defeated vouchers yesterday—that holds enormous promise for a brighter future in our state and nation.

Sí se puede! Yes we can!

-Angela Valenzuela


References


Jardina, A. (2019). White identity politics. Cambridge University Press.

Jardina, A. (2017). White Identity Politics Isn’t Just about White Supremacy: It’s Much Bigger, WashingtonPost. com, August, 16(2).

Krochmal, M., & Moye, T. (Eds.). (2021). Civil rights in black and brown: Histories of resistance and struggle in Texas. University of Texas Press.

Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2014). Racial formation in the United States. Routledge.

Phillips, S. (2022). How We Win the Civil War: Securing a Multiracial Democracy and Ending White Supremacy for Good. The New Press.

Wilson, V. (2016, June 9). People of color will be a majority of the American working class in 2032: What this means for the effort to grow wages and reduce inequality, Economic Policy Institute.


Doing the Work: The Protestant ethic and the spirit of wokeness

by Ian Buruma | July 2023 | Harpers

Writing about “Woke” has at least two pitfalls. One is that any criticism of its excesses provokes accusations of racism, xenophobia, transphobia, misogyny, or white supremacy. The other problem is the word itself, which has been a term of abuse employed by the far right, a battle cry for the progressive left, and an embarrassment to many liberals.

No one can agree on what woke is supposed to mean. The right has blamed it for everything from the spike in school shootings to the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank, while many who are described as woke on the left see themselves as fighting a long-overdue battle for social and racial justice. These disagreements are not just political. In fact, they sometimes seem to be antipolitical. Arguments over wokeness are often tests, as the word indicates, of moral and spiritual enlightenment.

This is why John McWhorter, the author of Woke Racism, decided to drop woke as a descriptor of antiracism evangelists and instead call them “the Elect.” This has the right religious and class connotations. The Elect, he writes, are people who “see themselves as having been chosen . . . as understanding something most do not.” Like pre-modern Christians, the Elect must either convert or punish those who have not seen the light.

Friday, November 10, 2023

Greg Abbott Failed to Persuade Lawmakers on School Vouchers. Now He’s Threatening Them. | Texas Monthly

Gov. Greg Abbott is desperate and going against the public will. He has just called a fourth special session of the legislature to both pass vouchers and his racial profiling bill to beat up on immigrants and asylum seekers with penalties that will result in eye-popping profits for the prison-industrial complex.

As you can see in this October 4, 2023 piece by Alexandra Samuels in the Texas Monthly, he's been bullying members of his own party to accomplish this. Vouchers not only represent horrible, self-serving, de-democratizing policy, but is not all research-based. Here is but one policy brief that is based exclusively on peer-reviewed research that says as muchWill School Vouchers Benefit Low-Income Families? Assessing the Evidence," by Jabbar, H., Holme, J., Lemke, M., LeClair, Sanchez, J., Torres, E.M. & Pernetti, M. (March, 2023).

Gov. Abbott isn't interested in this research as he is party, like Florida governor Ron DeSantis, to an extremist agenda for our country from which he will surely profit where public education, environmental protections, public lands, and so on, are at enormous risk. Moreover, as cited below, he masquerades his false agenda as an "ethical" response to "right-wing outrage over alleged “woke” public school administrators teaching kids about sex and racism, public school administrators."

If elections this week are any indication—and they are—this characterization of both public schools is wildly off base. For example, read about results of school board elections where far-right Moms For Liberty candidates overwhelmingly flopped per the following news items:

Moms for Liberty and the ‘parental rights’ agenda flopped in this week’s elections

On Tuesday, Voters Rejected Moms for Liberty and Its Agenda of Cruelty and Hate

Texans and Americans, generally, are wisening up to these well-heeled, anti-democratic, white supremacist, fascist organizations, thankfully, as they should. 

Do always take a close look at that glossy flyer in your mailbox and do your research before voting. Organizations like Moms for Liberty, Right Turn, and America First—the latter of which has a notoriously anti-Semitic history that you can read about in The Atlantic—are anathema to democracy.

All told, Senate Bill 1 is moving quickly in this fourth-called special session of the Texas State Legislature. 

Do not be deceived by phrases like "education freedom" or "education savings accounts" as these are euphemisms for school vouchers. This is nothing more than taking our hard-earned, taxpayer dollars and diverting them to private schools that will seriously damage an already under-funded public education system and diverting these dollars into private schools that actually do indoctrinate and are not at all accountable to the public in the way that elected school boards are. Hence, a loss of governance with public dollars!

Plus, there's nothing holding back these schools from raising their private school tuitions meaning that these schools will segregate by class—and because class and race overlap, racial segregation will increase, as well. 

As for rural education, the price that rural schools will pay should SB 1 become law, is both declining funding and opportunity, considering that private schools mostly do not exist in rural communities—Tyler, Texas, notwithstanding.

Go to this link if you want to know who represents you in the Texas State Legislature so that you can reach out to them as soon as possible.

-Angela Valenzuela


Greg Abbott Failed to Persuade Lawmakers on School Vouchers. Now He’s Threatening Them.

 

Ahead of a special legislative session, the governor has implied there will be political consequences for those who get in his way.

by Alexandra Samuels | October 4, 2023 | Texas Monthly 


Governor Greg Abbott on September 9, 2023.

Vasha Hunt/AP

After a busy legislative session in Austin, Travis Clardy was ready for a lazy Saturday morning. It was mid-June, and the Republican state representative was finally back home in Nacogdoches, sipping coffee on the balcony of his downtown loft and watching his constituents amble about El Camino Real de los Tejas, a.k.a. Main Street, the central artery of the East Texas city. He had all but forgotten that one of his bills, regarding occupational licensing, remained unsigned on Governor Greg Abbott’s desk. Traditionally, the governor’s approval is automatic for minor proposals such as his that pass with overwhelming bipartisan support.

Then Clardy’s phone began to ring. A staffer for the governor was on the line, telling him Abbott was going to veto the representative’s bill, which would’ve made continuing education programs for state-certified fire alarm technicians mandatory rather than voluntary. The governor’s staffer explained that the bill, in Abbott’s estimation, presented an unjustified obstacle to maintaining an occupational license. But those qualms, Clardy said, could’ve been fixed in a matter of minutes during the session. “If that had been a concern,” he recalled asking, “why am I hearing about this now, after he’s already signed the veto?” The answer became clear to Clardy later, when Abbott published a missive explaining his decision. In the second paragraph of the letter, Abbott wrote: “This bill can be reconsidered at a future special session only after education freedom is passed.”