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Monday, September 07, 2015

The Stalinization of American Public Education by Lawrence Baines

I'm re-posting this 2011 piece as it has or should have implications for how we think about education in the U.S. today and how we as a citizen public might want to reimagine an alternative to the current, high-stakes system that we currently have in place. Key quote:
Ubiquitous in American schools, outcomes-based education seems more suited to the goals of communism than the ideals of democracy. “The activity of the [Stalinist] system of education was not oriented toward encouraging creativity, and the development of the personality but rather toward universal leveling, averaging, and the fulfillment of the social mandate” (Borisenkov, 2007, p. 7).
I sense that the current COVID moment is casting the system we have into doubt.  Minimally, as I've blogged previously, we should eliminate high-stakes testing.

-Angela Valenzuela

The Stalinization of American Public Education

All three are pushing a totalitarian model for American public education: Left to right (at Chicago's Schurz High School on September 9, 2011): Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel; U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan; Chicago Schools Chief Executive Officer Jean-Claude Brizard. Substance photo by George N. Schmidt.The similarities between contemporary American educational reform and Soviet educational reform of the 1930s are as striking as they are discomfiting.

Of the following three statements, which refer to the Soviet Union in the 1930s and which refer to America today?

1. “Teachers are asked to achieve significant academic growth for all students at the same time that they instruct students with ever-more diverse needs….The stakes are huge—and the time to cling to the status quo has passed.”





2. “We had to have a campaign for 100 percent successful teaching…all students must learn.”

3. “Poor work by the school and poor achievement by the entire class and by individual pupils are the direct result of poor work by the teacher.”

Although all three of the above sentiments could be attributable to current officeholders in Washington, D.C., only the first is American — from Secretary of Education Arne Duncan (Duncan 2010, January). The second and third are policy statements which emanated from old Soviet policy papers on educational reform (Ewing, 2001, p. 487).

In the 1930s, the Soviet Union was mired in recession. Poverty and unemployment, especially among the peasant class, were rampant. Although the existing educational system was efficient and progressive, especially considering schools’ negligible funding, most Soviet children did not attend school. The Soviet government, led by Joseph Stalin, instigated a series of educational reforms designed to obliterate the established educational system and to create a new centralized structure that would increase literacy, create “good citizens,” and transform the Soviet Union into a global power, particularly in the areas of science, mathematics, and technology. The similarities of Soviet educational initiatives in the 1930s to American educational reform today are as discomfiting as they are striking.

Trend 1: The move to a nationalized curriculum

The adoption of a new, national curriculum in the United States has proceeded rapidly with little fanfare. Despite the small difficulty that no one is exactly sure what the final standards will look like, 48 states have already accepted the new, improved standards de facto as a national curriculum.

Although the federal government in the United States pays a proportionally small percentage of costs for public K-12 education (as low as 4% of costs for New Jersey schools, for example), states and local school districts are increasingly ceding power to the central government. In the recent past, federal policymakers have mandated the following:

• Students must take standardized tests at frequent intervals,

• Schools must provide “least restrictive environments” for all children (including instruction in the student’s home language)

• Schools must incur all costs associated with providing the “least restrictive environment,”

• Schools must track the achievement levels of all students by ethnicity (and soon, by teacher and teacher preparation program).

Despite such demands, the federal government contributes little towards the costs of implementing these policies. With Race to the Top, federal intervention in public schooling has been taken to new heights. Now to qualify for federal funds, a state must agree to undermine its own system of public schools by guaranteeing the proliferation of charter schools (possibly run by corporations); must promote alternative pathways to certification by bypassing state universities (for-profit institutions); must guarantee that organizations formed to protect teachers, such as collaboratives or unions, be rendered powerless.

At a recent speech to the national Parent Teachers Organization, Secretary of Education Duncan said, “For years, we have actually been lying to children and lying to ourselves by pretending that 50 different standards, in 50 different states, will make America competitive and help our children succeed in life. We have to stop pretending. We have to tell the truth. And we have to raise the bar for all children” (Duncan, 2010b). Obviously, the goal of the current administration is to establish national standards and national testing so that states, regions, schools, teachers, and students can be compared and ranked.

Before Stalin’s educational reforms in the Soviet Union, teaching was characterized by local control. Educational policies were significantly influenced by what were known at the time as “pedologists,” scholars who considered learning the result of a conglomeration of genetic, cultural, environmental, and instructional factors. Soviet pedologists were early believers in using research to inform practice and were blatantly oriented towards a “child-centered” education. Educational theorist Lev Vygotsky, a revered figure among many American academics, was writing some of his seminal works, such as Adolescent Pedagogy (1931) and Language and Thought (1934) during this time (Vygotsky died in 1934). Despite some promising practices, the Communist Party rejected the child-centered, scholarly approach of the pedologists and replaced it with a standardized curriculum that featured frequent examinations, competitive grading, and an emphasis on mathematics, science, and technology (Ewing, 2002; Holmes, 1999; Petrone, 2000). Sound famliar?

Trend 2: An emphasis on the teaching of science, math, and technology

Sporadic promotion of the study of mathematics, science, and technology has been a hallmark of American initiatives in education for more than a century. Legislation such as The Morrill Act of 1862, the National Defense Act of 1958, and Goals 2000 generously funded universities and school districts that agreed to encourage study in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics). While there is little debate about the importance of STEM to future developments in medicine, engineering, robotics, and computer science, the emphasis on the sciences has resulted in a corresponding national evisceration of the arts, humanities, and physical education. The elementary school in my neighborhood, like the elementary schools in many American neighborhoods today, no longer employs an art teacher. The physical education teacher is shared by two schools. The school nurse is shared by six schools. If a student in an American public school becomes ill while at school, he or she had better do it on the one day per week that the nurse is scheduled to be in the building or the student will be out of luck.

A vestige of the punitive policies of No Child Left Behind, elementary schools in many states that fail to meet adequate yearly progress standards are reprimanded by removing all electives, such as art and physical education, from the curriculum. As a result, students who have the misfortune of attending a low-performing elementary school may never have the chance to draw, paint, run, or play during school hours. Instead of art or physical education, they receive a relentless diet of “the basics” until scores improve.

In a speech in November, 2009, President Obama (2009b) lamented the waning of American leadership in the sciences, but pledged “that’s what we’re going to be about again.” Similarly, Stalin saw education in STEM as key to a flourishing economy. “We frankly and deliberately consented to incur what in this case would be inevitable charges and over-expenditures owing to the inadequate number of technically trained people” (Stalin, 1954, p. 45). In September 1931, the Soviet government officially decreed that the “abstract sciences” should dominate the curriculum. With billions of federal dollars earmarked to support STEM in K-12 and post-secondary schools, the United States has decreed the dominance of the “abstract sciences” as well.

How close is current American rhetoric on the importance of STEM to the old propaganda of the Soviet Union during the 1930s? Try to identify who said what below—Comrade Stalin or President Obama.

1. “There is no doubt that our educational institutions will soon be turning out thousands of new technicians and engineers, new leaders for our industries.”

2. “Improving education in math and science is about producing engineers and researchers and scientists and innovators who are going to help transform our economy and our lives for the better.”

3. “Galileo changed the world when he pointed his telescope to the sky and now it’s your turn.”

4. “In the course of its development science has known not a few courageous men who were able to break down the old and create the new, despite all obstacles, despite everything. Such scientists as Galileo…are widely known.”

Key: Joseph Stalin said the first (Stalin, 1954/c1934). President Obama said the second (Obama, 2009, November 23) and the third (2009, October 8), and Stalin said the fourth (Stalin, 1978/c1940, pp. 329-330).

Trend 3: Focus on predetermined outcomes

Soviet teachers in the 1930s had little leeway to veer from the newly revised Soviet curriculum, despite the composition of the children who might be sitting in their classrooms. Similarly, in most states in America today, the same curriculum must be delivered to all students-whether they happen to be poor immigrants from Somalia sitting in an urban classroom in Minneapolis or a group of profoundly gifted savants sitting in a classroom in a wealthy suburb of Atlanta.

Perhaps one of the most debilitating new policies is the federal mandate to use test scores to assess the quality of learning. When the test becomes a template for the curriculum, any diversion from the sanctioned curriculum becomes suspect. For example, for all intents and purposes, a teacher of social studies in most states cannot teach anything about the Iraq War, though the conflict is ongoing, one of the most expensive confrontations of all time, and the lengthiest war in American history. The Iraq War is neglected as a topic of study not because it is inconsequential, but because it rarely shows up on standardized exams. On the other hand, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which occurred over 150 years ago, is a staple on standardized examinations so it is furiously “covered” in American schools from coast-to-coast.

The students of a teacher who launches into an intensive study of the Iraq War, then, will likely score lower on a standardized exam than students of a teacher who has chosen to focus attention on the intricacies of the American Civil War. In this way, learning for the real world has become supplanted by the directive to memorize facts and events that someone else has deemed important. The distance between inert and useful knowledge is not just a feature of the social studies. Contemporary breakthroughs in science, mathematics, and technology, while profuse in real life, are conspicuously absent in K-12 schools because the discoveries are too new to have been formally vetted by the bureaucracy that controls the sanctioned curriculum.

Proponents of standardized testing claim that making tests better will, perforce, make the curriculum better (Hirsch, 2009). However, the development of a sanctioned curriculum takes collaboration, negotiation, and incredible expenditures of time, energy, and money. In the current era of rapid, radical change, by the time a curriculum gets codified and approved, it may well be obsolete. Finally, the very notion of establishing predetermined outcomes for American children seems antithetical to democratic ideals. Establishing precisely what a child should know and be able to do sounds more like an antediluvian communist fantasy of yesteryear than an American policy for the twenty-first century. In fact, it is. About the Soviet curriculum of the 1930s, Zajda (1980) comments, ”Uniformity in the curricula, teaching methods, and textbooks was also followed by a blue-print like uniformity of the entire educational system in the USSR” (p. 25). One might have thought that the American way would be to offer rich opportunities and varied experiences, then allow students to decide for themselves what they mean. A prefabricated curriculum takes the adventure out of learning; it dictates both what is important and why.

For most children, especially American children, prescribing final outcomes seems absurd. Most parents would find laughable the notion of forcing all their offspring to think, act, and speak in identical ways, yet the expectation for American teachers today is to get all students to think, act, and speak in the ways that the sanctioned curriculum specifies. Despite its flagrantly anti-democratic, anti-individualistic underpinnings, outcomes-based education has become pandemic, providing the very foundation for American educational reform for more than forty years. Ubiquitous in American schools, outcomes-based education seems more suited to the goals of communism than the ideals of democracy. “The activity of the [Stalinist] system of education was not oriented toward encouraging creativity, and the development of the personality but rather toward universal leveling, averaging, and the fulfillment of the social mandate” (Borisenkov, 2007, p. 7).

Trend 4: Stronger teacher accountability, less teacher autonomy

Both Secretary of Education Duncan and President Obama praised the recent firing of the entire teaching staff at Central Falls High School in Rhode Island. True, test scores at the school were far from stellar, but absenteeism and misbehavior were down and graduation rates were up, no small feat for a school located in one of the poorest areas of the state. Below is a table that compares the achievement of students at Central Falls High School, again, located in one of the poorest parts of Rhode Island, with that of Barrington High School, a school located in one of the richest areas of Rhode Island, over the past two years.

School

Change in mean reading score, 2008-2009

Change in mean mathematics score, 2008-2009

Change in mean writing score, 2008-2009

Barrington (rich students)

-1

No change

-.3 (-5%)

Central Falls (poor students)

+3

+2

+.5 (+10%)

The teachers from which school were fired?

Perhaps inspired by the plaudits from the White House for firing teachers, Teach for America alumna and ex-superintendent of Washington, D.C. schools Michelle Rhee fired 6% of her district’s teachers for not sufficiently raising student achievement. Perhaps the fired teachers in D.C. also happened to work with the most disadvantaged children in the poorest neighborhoods. Increasingly, teachers in urban schools are alternatively certified brand new graduates from “somewhere else,” who were trained in quick-and-easy, non-university programs. With the enthusiastic support of Secretary of Education Duncan, alternative certification continues to gain momentum across the country. Keisha, a recent graduate of a research university in the southwest who went through five years of intensive study that included field experiences in four different schools before a full semester of work as a student teacher, returned to her old high school, an underperforming high school in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to accept a job as teacher. Despite her ties to the neighborhood and a superlative first year as teacher, Keisha was laid off by Tulsa Public Schools and replaced by a fresh recruit from Teach for America’s New York office, an individual with no classroom experience, zero courses in education, who has never set foot in Oklahoma.

The recent firings of teachers across the country represent a new wave of vituperative accountability for teachers. Historically, the lure for American teachers has been job satisfaction and job stability. The unwritten rule was that teachers would exhibit dedication, indefatigable enthusiasm, a modicum of intelligence, and an unshakable belief in the potential of children in exchange for low pay and job security. No more. A teacher who finds herself in a school of at-risk children and does not produce tangible jumps in test scores in the first year is in danger of losing her job.

While a teacher is an important influence in a child’s life, the social and cultural contexts of learning are also cogent. To illustrate, of the 2,000 high schools that produce half of the nation’s dropouts (Duncan, 2010c), none are located in middle class or wealthy neighborhoods. In the United States, the percentage of schools where 75 percent or more students are eligible for free or reduced-price meals rose to 17 percent in 2008. Almost half of all students attending urban elementary schools live in poverty (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). Data substantiating the link between poverty and academic performance is well established (Baines, 2007; Bracey, 2009; Darling-Hammond, 2010; Khadaroo, 2010), though largely ignored in recent American educational policy decisions.

As with current American educational reformers, Soviet leaders of the 1930s “rejected any suggestion that heredity or environment presented limits that could not be overcome with the proper combination of enthusiasm and dedication” (Ewing, 2001, p. 481). As in American schools today, Soviet teachers in the 1930s were expected to conform to governmental demands or they would lose their jobs; exile and imprisonment for uncooperative Soviet teachers were possible consequences, too. In the Soviet Union, increased pressure on teachers resulted in enormous rates of turnover, quick attrition, and unsurprisingly—teacher shortages.

Consider the experience of Nikolai Nennik, a Soviet teacher during the 1930s who received scant training before being sent to a rural school as full-time instructor (Ewing, 2002). Mr. Nennik’s first year of teaching was considered “practice teaching,” though it was full-time and involved real children: “more than fifty pupils…around only ten desks” (p. 178). To Soviet leadership, the composition of students in Mr. Nennik’s classroom, his (negligible) training and experience, and the deplorable conditions under which he was expected to teach were superfluous. He would produce significant achievement gains or he would lose his job--or worse.

While the Soviet government expounded upon the vital role of the teacher, genuine professional development was virtually nonexistent. If training was given at all, it was brief and sporadic; most teachers learned “on the job” as do teachers from alternative certification programs in the U.S. today. Teachers who would “keep their heads down” and “do what they are told” were preferred.

Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel (right) and Groupon chief Brad Keywell (at podium) announced Chicago Ideas Week at Groupon's headquarters on August 3, 2011. At the same time, Emanuel declared his support for STEM. Substance photo by George N. Schmidt.Teachers in the Soviet Union during the 1930s often operated out of fear—fear of failure to control a classroom, fear of not knowing how to teach effectively, fear of “stepping out of line,” fear of repercussions for not performing the job of teacher as the government requires. Yet, fear is not a particularly desirable trait for an individual whose job it is to stimulate interest and build intellectual curiosity among the young. Fear inhibits learning, increases stress, limits possibilities, and shuts down creativity.

A Militaristic Turn

In many ways, Stalin’s Five Year Plan amounted to a military takeover of Soviet schools, replete with the surrender of the pedologists, the conversion of teachers to the Communist party line, and the whole-scale politicization of schooling. The Five Year Plan forced Soviet schools to change from loosely-organized, largely locally-controlled, child-centered schools to tightly-governed, centrally-controlled, outcomes-focused schools.

Of course, one of the problems with a militaristic orientation is that it often clashes with the delicate, immeasurable, exhausting work that goes along with helping a child develop into a fully realized adult. Openness, benevolence, spontaneity, tolerance, and intellectual skepticism might be attractive traits for a teacher, but they could cost a soldier his or her life. The American military today is strong, agile, and effective, but a militaristic orientation may not be optimal for educating young children.

If pay-for-performance becomes a reality for teachers in America, as it looks like it will, the transformation from teachers as caretaker-nurturer to teacher as technician-soldier will be complete. Thus, the qualities of what constitutes a “good teacher” will be transformed utterly—from child-centered to curriculum-centered.

Which comments are about American schools today and which comments are about Soviet schools of the 1930s?

1. “You can’t compare teachers if they’re not pursuing a common standard.”

2. “No provision was made…for critical thought in cultural and other matters or for creative growth in a non-collectivist direction.”

3. “To a great extent, teachers’ relations with state power were shaped by a constant sense of vulnerability to repression.”

Key: Bill Gates said the first about American teachers in a speech in 2008. Mathews (1982, p. 3) wrote the second and Ewing (2002, p. 258) wrote the third about Soviet educational reforms of the 1930s.

Conclusion

Why is current American educational policy so focused on punishing teachers rather than helping students? In examining the credentials of the individuals in the Secretary of Education’s cabinet, those who are guiding the educational reforms that will inexorably alter the character of American public education for the foreseeable future, one characteristic becomes apparent—none of the members of the cabinet listed below has ever worked as a teacher in a public school.

Decision-makers in the United States Department of Education

Name

Title

Number of years as teacher

Other experience

Arne Duncan

Secretary of Education

0

Chief Executive Officer, Chicago Public Schools (appointed)

Gabriella Gomez

Assistant Secretary for Legislation and Congressional Affairs

0

Assistant Director of the Department of Federal Legislation

Anthony Miller

Deputy Secretary

0

Operating partner of private investment firm

Peter Cunningham

Assistant Secretary for Communications and Outreach

0

President of a communications company in Chicago

Peter Groff

Director of the Center for Faith Based and Neighborhood Partnerships

0

Executive Director of the Center for African American Policy in Denver

Jacqueline Jones

Senior advisor to the secretary for early learning

0

Educational Testing Systems administrator

Carmel Martin

Assistant Secretary of Planning, Evaluation and Policy Development

0

Formerly, a general counsel (lawyer) and advisor to Senator Edward Kennedy

James Shelton

Assistant Deputy Secretary for Innovation and Improvement

0

Program director for the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, business consultant.

In an interview with H. G. Wells in 1934, Stalin said, “Education is a weapon the effect of which is determined by the hands which wield it, by who is to be struck down.”

The Stalinization of Soviet schools during the 1930s had a pervasive, enduring impact on Soviet life. Scholars (Rust & Dneprov, 1992; Brodinsky, 1992) reckon that Soviet schools remained largely unchanged for more than fifty years, well beyond Stalin’s demise.

Perhaps surprisingly, Stalin was somewhat envious of the unbridled vigor of the American student of the 1930s, whom he considered to be wholly free from the artifices of regimentation. He stated: ‘In America two types of creativeness are recognized—one is the creativeness of the study and the other is broad, life-inspired creativeness, manifestations of the creative spirit in life” (1954/c1934, pp. 269-270).

Educational reforms currently underway in America promise to trade the uncertainty of the “creativeness of the study” for measurable, prescribed outcomes. As proven by the Soviet educational reforms of the 1930s, the goals of a nationalized curriculum, a focus on STEM, measurable outcomes, stronger accountability for teachers, and increasingly militarized schools are, indeed, attainable. But, these goals are gained at enormous costs—to schools, to children, and to democratic ideals. Once “the creativity of the study” goes, the “the creative spirit in life” cannot be far behind.

References

Baines, L. (2007). Learning from the world: Achieving more by doing less. Phi Delta Kappan, 89(2), 98-100.

Bracey, G. (2009). The Bracey report on the condition of public education. Tempe, AZ: Education and the Public Interest Center & Education Policy Research Unit. Retrieved August 7, 2010 from http://epicpolicy.org/publication/Bracey-Report.

Brodinsky, B. (1992, January). The impact of perestroika on Soviet education, Phi Delta Kappan, 73(5), 378-385.

Borisenkov, V. (2007, October). The strategy of educational reforms In Russia, 1985-2005. Russian Education and Society, 49(10), 6-29.

Darling-Hammond, L. (2010). The flat world and education: How America's commitment to equity will determine our future. New York: Teachers College Press.

Duncan, A. (2010a, January). Teacher preparation: Reforming the uncertain profession. Education Digest, 13-22.

Duncan, A. (2010b). Beyond Bubble Tests and Bake Sales., A Speech to the Parent Teachers Association on June 11, 2010. Retrieved August 9, 2010 from: http://www.ed.gov/news/speeches/beyond-bubble-tests-and-bake-sales-secretary-arne-duncans-remarks-114th-annual-nationa.

Duncan, A. (2010c). The Three Myths of High School Reform. Secretary Arne Duncan's Remarks at the College Board AP Conference on July 15, 2010. Retrieved August 10, 2010 from: http://www.ed.gov/news/speeches/three-myths-high-school-reform-secretary-arne-duncans-remarks-college-board-ap-confere.

Ewing, T. (2001). Restoring teachers to their rights: Soviet education and the 1936 denunciation of pedology. History of Education Quarterly, 41(4) 471-485.

Ewing, E. (2002).The teachers of stalinism. New York: Peter Lang.

Gates, B. (2008). Education Forum Speech on November 11, 2008. Retrieved August 5, 2010 from http://www.gatesfoundation.org/speeches-commentary/Pages/bill-gates-2008-education-forum-speech.aspx.

Hirsch, E. (2009). The making of Americans. New Haven, CT: Yale University.

Holmes, L. (1999). Stalin’s school: Moscow’s model school no. 25, 1931-1937. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.

Khadaroo, S. (2010, May 27). Economic segregation rising in US public schools. Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved June 11, 2010 from www.csmonitor.com/usa/education/2010/0527/economic-segregation-rising-in-US-public-schools. Mathews, M. (1982). Education in the Soviet Union. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Obama, B. (2009a). Education to innovate campaign speech on November 23, 2009. Retrieved August 9, 2010 from http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-education-innovate-campaign.

Obama, B. (2009b). Remarks by the President at an Astronomy Event with Students on October 27, 2009. Retrieved August 10, 2010 from http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-by-the-President-at-an-Astronomy-Event-with-Students/.

Perez, G. (2006). How a scholarship girl becomes a soldier: The militarization of latina/o youth in Chicago public schools. Identities, 13(1), 53-72.

Petrone, K. (2000). Life has become more joyous, comrades: Celebrations in the time of Stalin. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Rust, V., & Dneprov, E. (1992). An interview with Edward Dneprov: School reform in the Russian Republic. Phi Delta Kappan, 73(5), 375-377.

Stalin, J. V. (1954, c1934). Works, Volume 13, July 1930-January 1934. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House.

Stalin, J. (1978, c1940). Works, Volume 14, 1934-1940. London: Red Star Press.

U.S. Department of Education (2010). The Condition of Education 2010. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education.

Zajda, J. (1980). Education In The U.S.S.R. Oxford, England: Pergamon Press.

Sunday, September 06, 2015

What Latino Students Want from School by Jason G. Irizarry

What Latino Students Want from School by Jason G. Irizarry

If you asked Latino students how
to improve schools for young
people like themselves, what would
they say? What recommenda-
tions would they have for edu-
cators committed to improving their
education?
Certainly, we need to do more to
improve the education experiences
and outcomes for the largest minority
group of students in the United States.
Approximately 13 percent of all U.S.
Latinos between the ages of 16 and 24
don’t have a high school diploma or
the equivalent. That rate is four times
higher than it is for whites and almost
twice that of blacks (U.S. Department
of Education, 2014). Some scholars
have called this a crisis (Gándara,
2010; Gándara & Contreras, 2009).
Most districts with significant con-
centrations of Latino students are
engaged in some type of school or
districtwide improvement initiative.
But who typically gets invited into
those conversations? Who gets to
share their expertise? Who gets to
shape education policy and practice? Continue reading here.

Texas: Whitewashed Textbooks Headed to Classrooms

Texas: Whitewashed Textbooks Headed to Classrooms  Quote from within:
"This fall, five million Texas public school students will begin
using new social studies textbooks. The content of these textbooks is
based on new state academic standards, adopted in 2010 to correct what
the Texas State Board of Education, a 15-member elected panel dominated
by Republicans, calls a liberal slant. According to a July 5, 2015
report in the Washington Post, these textbooks barely address racial
segregation—nor do they mention Jim Crow laws throughout American
history, or the existence of the Ku Klux Klan."
This reflects precisely why Texas State Board Elections matter. There of course has been a
lot of significant protest over the years but it all comes down in so
many ways to who who wants to run for these offices and ultimately, who
got voted in.  SBOE elections tend to happen on off cycles, guaranteeing
very low voter turnouts and so it's frequently a motivated right-wing
community concerned about its perceived loss of centrality that ends up calling
the shots on textbook content not only for Texas, but the nation. 
Overall, as a state, Texas controls at least 10 percent of the textbook
market nationwide which makes what we do (or do not do) here exceedingly
important and meaningful.


In response to these very difficult structures associated with elections, right-wing politics, and
governance, SBOE continues to be nevertheless an important ongoing and continuing site of activism.  Even if folks don't always get the news on this, believe me, it's always a contentious and acrimonious struggle.  Just as importantly, an impressive, organic Mexican American Studies curriculum movement has emerged statewide.  Check out Tony Diaz' Librotraficante website for more information on this where you will also note an important connection to struggles surrounding curriculum in Arizona.


The next statewide meeting on Mexican American Studies takes place at the Texas Association for Bilingual Education (TABE) Conference in El Paso, Texas October 14th-17th at the El Paso
Convention Center.  


In response to these historic forces of exclusion, we don't as a community have the luxury of waiting until the SBOE gets it right.  Rather, we must develop parallel institutions such as what we are doing here in Austin via Academia Cuauhtli (Eagle Academy) through a partnership effort with the Austin Independent School District, the City of Austin's Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center, and our community-based organization called "Nuestro Gruupo."

Academia Cuauhtli is a language and culture  revitalization project located at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center (ESB-MACC) at 600 River St. in Austin, Texas.
Fourth-grade students from three nearby east Austin elementary schools—Metz, Sanchez, and Zavala—are taught a Mexican American and Tejano history curriculum exclusively in Spanish every Saturday beginning this year in October, from 9 a.m. to 12 noon. 

 We co-construct curricula in the areas of civil rights, local history, immigration/migration, cultural arts, and indigenous heritage, including danza Mexica.


Check out this fantastic story on us in the Austin American-Statesman by Anjanette Gautier titled, "Program will teach Hispanic Students  about their Roots" http://tinyurl.com/oj64myq  Here are all the pertinent links:

Facebook page:  https://www.facebook.com/AcademiaCuauhtli 
AISD Website: http://www.austinisd.org/academics/cuauhtli

We work with professional curriculum writers at AISD in order to co-construct this curriculum with  teachers from the district’s dual language program getting prepared to teach the curriculum in the context of professional development workshops that we also organize. 

While it is not enough, it is something—and it is very nurturing and fulfilling for our community and it presents an alternative.  Moreover, it does involve a modicum of systemic change here locally in that the curriculum is now available to all AISD teachers in the
third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eleventh grades.  So there is hope.  Ours is a sophisticated community politically here in Texas and we have a long history of making a way out of no way.  Last but not least, to bring enlightenment to our community brings enlightenment to all.


Happy Sunday everybody!

-Angela

#academiacuauhtli #Texas #TxEd #Latino #LatEdPolicy

Thursday, September 03, 2015

When Mindfulness Meets the Classroom

Great piece in The Atlantic on mindfulness in the classroom.  I have thought about a pedagogy of mindfulness as an antidote to the bombardment of our children by advertisers and media, together with their ready access to a dizzying array of social media options even in the earliest years. Heck, we need this for the college classroom, too. 

-Angela

When Mindfulness Meets the Classroom

Many educators are introducing meditation into the classroom as a means of improving kids’ attention and emotional regulation.

Mindful Schools


Lauren Cassani Davis


State Asks Supreme Court to Drop School Finance Lawsuit

 The long-awaited School Finance trial finally taking place with "lawyers for school districts ask[ing] the justices to uphold Dietz’s ruling, pointing to sluggish STAAR scores and difficulty getting students ready for college or careers after graduating high school."

Lawyers for the state want the Supreme Court to either dismiss or remand the lawsuit, arguing that this case is best decided by the legislature rather than the courts.

Yet, as we know, the legislature always wants to punt it to the courts.  Another problem is that the legislature isn't truly representative so that children's rights to a good public, education get compromised.

-Angela

State Asks Supreme Court to Drop School Finance Lawsuit

Texas Solicitor General Scott Keller addresses the state Supreme Court on Tuesday. The state's highest civil court agreed to hear the state's appeal of a 2014 lower court ruling that struck down the state's method of funding public schools as unconstitutional. (AP/Eric Gay)
Texas Solicitor General Scott Keller addresses the state Supreme Court on Tuesday. The state's highest civil court agreed to hear the state's appeal of a 2014 lower court ruling that struck down the state's method of funding public schools as unconstitutional. (AP/Eric Gay)

“Money isn’t pixie dust” when it comes to improving public schools, lawyers for the state of Texas told the state Supreme Court on Tuesday, arguing an appeal in what has been described as the most far-reaching school finance case in state history. They urged the high court to either dismiss or remand the lawsuit brought four years ago by nearly two-thirds of the state's school districts.
Lawyers for those 600-plus districts meanwhile argued the state had not given them enough money to achieve higher goals state lawmakers have set for the state’s more than 5 million public school students, imposing them “without knowing the true cost” by relying on decades-old cost estimates that do not account for the growing population of disadvantaged students who are more expensive to educate.

Districts sued the state in 2011 after state lawmakers slashed $5.4 billion from public education to help balance a post-recession budget shortfall. During the long-running lawsuit, they have argued that the Legislature is violating its constitutional duty to provide an adequate and efficient public school system, enacting large cuts even as rigorous new testing and accountability systems raised the bar on expectations.
Since making those cutbacks, however, lawmakers have added back more than 90 percent of what they took away — albeit unevenly — while also enacting policy measures aimed at reducing the burden on student performance.
During a nearly three-hour hearing Tuesday that saw the court shower all sides with tough questions, lawyers for the state urged the nine justices to either dismiss or remand the lawsuit because of the kinds of changes made this year. They also said that more money is not the answer.
"Funding is no guarantee of better student outcomes," said Texas Assistant Solicitor General Rance Craft. 
But his boss, Texas Solicitor General Scott Keller, delivered what has emerged as the heart of the state's argument: That school finance should be addressed by the Legislature, not the courts — an argument at least one justice, Debra Lehrmann, pointed out the court specifically struck down a decade ago during the last school finance lawsuit. Others, including Justice Don Willett, appeared receptive to the claim.
Lawyer Richard Gray III, representing a group of 443 districts that was the first to sue, meanwhile told the court that "the output screams at you that this system is not doing what it's designed to do."
He noted stagnant scores on the state’s standardized exam known as STAAR, implemented in early 2012 just after the budget cuts took effect.
"The state can point to statistics that will make the system look better, but they choose to ignore their own standards, their own model," he said of the high-stakes test when Justice Eva Guzman asked about the state's high graduation rates.
"The STAAR test was the state's model that they developed to measure" student performance, he said. "And when they got the results that they got, which are abysmal by anybody's standards, then they run to other things and say, 'Oh but look at this,' and 'Oh, but look at that.'"
The school finance case was the first heard by the state’s highest civil court during its new term. The justices, who are all Republican, did not indicate Tuesday when they might rule, although some insiders and experts have speculated a decision could come shortly after the primary election next spring.
If the court rules well before the 2017 legislative session and at all favors the districts — or two other parties suing the state, including charter schools — it could force Gov. Greg Abbott to call a special legislative session.
As attorney general, Abbott — elected governor last year — appealed a lower court ruling against the state in the case directly to the state Supreme Court, on which he used to serve.
After considering changes lawmakers enacted in 2013, including a $3.4 billion funding boost to public education, the now-retired state District Judge John Dietz — a Democrat — struck down the state’s system of funding schools as unconstitutional last August. He cited inadequate funding and flaws in the way the state distributes money to the state's more than 1,000 regular school districts, and found that the system imposes a de facto state property tax.
Dietz also ruled against two groups that do not represent traditional school districts — Texans for Real Efficiency and Equity in Education and the Texas Charter Schools Association — whose lawyers also argued before the state Supreme Court Tuesday. Dietz concluded that the Legislature was the more appropriate entity to address the issues they raised at trial.
Later Tuesday, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton said the same should apply to school districts, elaborating on the solicitor general's jurisdictional argument — also advocated by Abbott in an amicus brief filed with the court ahead of Tuesday's hearing.
“This issue is best dealt with by the Legislature, the elected representatives of the people of Texas, and not by the courts," Paxton said in a statement released after the hearing. "Texas education must be about properly educating students, not endlessly battling in court.”
During the hearing, lawyers for school districts asked the justices to uphold Dietz’s ruling, pointing to sluggish STAAR scores and difficulty getting students ready for college or careers after graduating high school.
“We are not preparing students for the 21st century,” said former state Supreme Court Chief Justice Wallace Jefferson, who is representing schools in the lawsuit.
"Now is not the time to abandon judicial review," he said in his opening remarks, alluding to the long history of courts forcing state lawmakers to address the way the state funds its schools — and addressing the state's jurisdictional argument.
The current case is the seventh time since 1984 that a case challenging the state’s school finance system has reached the state’s high court, which partly sided with school districts in 2005 although it rejected their argument that the state was not providing adequate funding.
During Tuesday's hearing, lawyers for the state pointed to high graduation rates and slightly improving test scores as evidence that school districts are slowly but surely reaching the benchmarks the Legislature has set for them.
The public education system is “currently working toward its goals and is thus constitutionally adequate,” Craft said.

Wednesday, September 02, 2015

Our Neo-Confederacy



Indeed, it seems Republicans' sympathy for African Americans goes only so far. The GOP's neo-Confederate agenda is almost diametrically opposed to the interests of the black electorate. A glance at the platforms of the cavalcade of presidential candidates now lining up for the Republican primaries reveals a solid consensus behind the neo-Confederate agenda and little support for measures that strike at the heart of structural racism, like expanding voting access, creating more federal jobs and reforming criminal justice.
In light of the GOP's Southern dominance, the once-revered Confederate battle flag has served its purpose. The GOP elephant is the only totem now relevant. The flag is dispensable; the agenda isn’t.

-Angela

Jalaluddin Abdul Hamid shouts, ‘Take it down!’ in response to a pro-Confederate-flag demonstration outside the South Carolina State House on June 27. (Lexey Swall / Getty Images)

Our Neo-Confederacy

The flag may be wiped from state grounds and license plates, but its ideals live on in the GOP agenda
BY Salim Muwakkil

The modern Republican Party—with its voter suppression schemes, states’ rights fetish, and steep cuts to government jobs and services that most benefit black communities—has absorbed the Confederate message.
It is an irony that the symbol of the old Confederacy has become the most prominent victim of the June 17 massacre in Charleston, S.C., rather than the three men and six women who were slaughtered at church.
After photos surfaced of the shooter posing with the flag, a bipartisan chorus of politicians, including at least a dozen Southern Republicans, denounced the flag's display on state grounds and license plates.
Though the Stars and Bars served as the battle flag for the Confederate Army, it only became a totem of the South in opposition to the integrationist push of the 1950s and 1960s, when it was adopted by the Dixiecrats—Southern Democrats repelled by their party's embrace of civil rights.
Those disgruntled white Democrats were aggressively recruited by the GOP through Nixon's Southern Strategy, which was exceedingly successful in transforming the Dixiecrat South into Republican central. Alienated Republican Michael Lofgen, a former staff member of the House and Senate Budget Committee, told MSNBC's Chris Hayes in 2013 that the GOP has become, in the past few decades, “an insurrectionist, neo-Confederate party.” Or, as Paul Krugman put it in a June 22 column, “Race made Reaganism possible.”
Some see the Tea Party as the latest manifestation of the GOP's neo-Confederate march. Law professor Ian Haney Lopez, author of Dog Whistle Politics: How Coded Racial Appeals Have Reinvented Racism and Wrecked the Middle Class, argues that the Tea Party's appeal has much to do with its coded racist messaging. The modern Republican Party—with its voter suppression schemes, states’ rights fetish, and steep cuts to government jobs and services that most benefit black communities—has absorbed the Confederate message. Its platform is in line with the principles espoused by neo-Confederate white separatist groups like the Council of Conservative Citizens, which donated $25,000 to GOP candidates in the last election cycle.
There is little doubt that the ascension of the first black president has contributed to this neo-Confederate boomlet. Obama's election exacerbated anxiety among America's white majority about the demographic changes that will, according to the U.S. Census, render it a minority in the next three decades. According to a 2014 Bloomberg poll, most Americans believe black-white “race relations” have worsened since Obama's election. In its official statement responding to the massacre at Charleston's Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) noted that racist hate groups are on the rise. The Charleston shooting was “an obvious hate crime by someone who feels threatened by our country’s changing demographics and the increasing prominence of African Americans in public life,” said SPLC President Richard Cohen. The most prominent example is the presence of a black man in the White House.
Every week, it seems we're presented with new evidence (often videotaped) of ongoing racial turmoil in Obama's America, incidents so egregious they've sparked national protests and given birth to the Black Lives Matter movement.
Perhaps the savagery of a rampage in a sacred sanctuary will hasten some racist white Republicans to reappraise their views. The victims' families' expressions of Christian forgiveness won many whites' admiration; yet those conciliatory attitudes disquieted many black activists, a growing number of whom are increasingly militant—frustrated with the seeming acceleration of police abuse and the concomitant lack of racial progress on other fronts.
Indeed, it seems Republicans' sympathy for African Americans goes only so far. The GOP's neo-Confederate agenda is almost diametrically opposed to the interests of the black electorate. A glance at the platforms of the cavalcade of presidential candidates now lining up for the Republican primaries reveals a solid consensus behind the neo-Confederate agenda and little support for measures that strike at the heart of structural racism, like expanding voting access, creating more federal jobs and reforming criminal justice.
In light of the GOP's Southern dominance, the once-revered Confederate battle flag has served its purpose. The GOP elephant is the only totem now relevant. The flag is dispensable; the agenda isn’t.
Salim Muwakkil is a senior editor of In These Times, where he has worked since 1983. He is the host of "The Salim Muwakkil" show on WVON, Chicago's historic black radio station, and he wrote the text for the book HAROLD: Photographs from the Harold Washington Years.




Mythology around Confederate John Reagan gives incomplete picture

Read here about how the Jefferson Davis status was taken down last weekend here at UT.  This story by a UT Urban Studies lecturer, Dr. Rich Heyman, sheds light on who John H. Reagan—after whom so many schools have been named—actually was.  Not the hero some think that he was, particularly for the neo-Confederate agenda.

 -Angela

Mythology around Confederate John Reagan gives incomplete picture



By Rich Heyman

-
Special to the American-Statesman
Mythology around Confederate John Reagan gives incomplete picture photo
Shelby Tauber


John H. Reagan High School in Austin















Since the shooting at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, S.C., people around the country have been debating the display of Confederate namesakes and symbols with new fervor.

This weekend in Austin, the University of Texas followed through on plans to
remove a statue of Jefferson Davis, but keep statues of Robert E. Lee, Albert Sidney Johnston, and John H. Reagan. The Austin school district
is currently contemplating changing the names of several schools named for Confederates, including Robert E. Lee Elementary and John H. Reagan
High.

people know much about Reagan. A myth about him has been repeated during
public forums at UT, at school district meetings, and in the Statesman:
That, although he served as postmaster general of the Confederacy, he
was actually a moderate who after the Civil War encouraged his fellow
Texans to cooperate with the federal government, renounced slavery and
secession, and advocated allowing freed slaves to vote. It is also
pointed out that Reagan served in the U.S. Senate after the Civil War
and as the first railroad commissioner of Texas, implying that he “made
good” after the war and was reformed.

This is a misinformed view of Reagan: He was an unrepentant defender of secession and white supremacy until the end of his life.

As postmaster general, Reagan was part of Jefferson Davis’ cabinet and
therefore was part of the central decision-making of the Confederacy.
Furthermore, as the longest surviving member of the Confederate cabinet,
Reagan became a spokesperson for the myth of the Lost Cause, giving
speeches that defended and justified secession, such as one at the
meeting of the United Confederate Veterans in Fort Worth
on April 19, 1903. Rather than renouncing the aims of the Confederacy,
he became one of the key voices keeping its ideology alive into the 20th
century.

Reagan’s views on black voting rights after the war has
also been misrepresented. What he advocated after the Civil War was a
cynical approach to appeasing Union demands in order to minimize the
impacts of emancipation in Texas. In page 227 of his 1906 memoir,
he maintained that the “elevation of the slaves to all the dignities of
citizenship” was an “evil” that needed to be prevented; what he
advocated was “to make such concessions [to the Union] as we would
inevitably be required to make … to save us from universal negro
suffrage.” Rather than advocating voting rights for blacks, Reagan
wanted to minimize them.

He first outlined this position in a
letter he wrote while imprisoned in Boston’s Fort Warren at the end of
the war. The letter explains in detail how black disenfranchisement
could be accomplished: “By fixing an intellectual and moral, and, if
thought advisable, a property test, for the admission of all persons to
the exercise of the elective franchise, without reference to race or
color.” By doing so, “no person now entitled to the privilege of voting
should be deprived of it by any new test.” In other words, he proposed
crafting laws in such a way as to prevent blacks — but not whites — from
exercising the right to vote. Reagan’s approach was exactly the one
white supremacists were able to put in place across the South following
Reconstruction, when African-Americans were systematically
disenfranchised through “literacy tests” and poll taxes. And it was
exactly this route that led directly to the need for the Voting Rights
Act of 1965.

Far from being reformed, Reagan continued to defend
the actions and ideology of the Confederacy to the end of his life, and
helped lay the groundwork for key tenets of post-reconstruction white
supremacy in Texas, most notably the denial of voting rights to blacks.

Reagan, while an influential politician in 19th and 20th century Texas,
is not worthy of the honor of having an educational institution named
for him. He does not represent the values or ideals of Austin, the
Austin Independent School District or the state of Texas.


Heyman is an urban studies lecturer at the University of Texas.

Tuesday, September 01, 2015

Troy LaRaviere: My Statement on CPS’ “Warning Resolution”

Powerful.  A school principal gets unfairly cited for insubordination because he supported the opt-out efforts of parents.  Eloquent response.

CPS is not interested in anything that contradicts its ideologically driven anti-public-school privatization agenda; an agenda which includes, among other things, over-testing students, and the diversion of public education funds away from students into the hands of private interests. It was action I took against both of these backward elements of the CPS reform agenda that led to the Board’s warning resolution against me. The resolution contains two warnings.
 Here is another earlier link/story by LaRaviere that helps illustrate the absurdity of all of this. I appreciate this principal's civil disobedience.  May his kind multiply.

-Angela


Troy LaRaviere: My Statement on CPS’ “Warning Resolution

CONTEXT AND BACKGROUND
I’ve been asked for my thoughts in response to the Chicago Public Schools (CPS) Board of Education issuing a “warning resolution” against me for opposing their backward education policy and corrupt fiscal management of our school district. Before responding, I have to write a few words about who I am.
I have never written about myself, and I don’t discuss myself in interviews unless the reporter asks a question that requires that I do. This is why it baffled me that the Tribune story on the warning resolution stated I worked to “raise [my] profile.” I work to raise the profile of CPS’ and City Hall’s incompetence and mismanagement. When I write and post, it is always about CPS policy; never about myself. However, it seems that it might now be helpful to tell you a few things about my record. After all, who am I to criticize CPS’ management, and why should anyone listen to me?
I am the principal of Blaine elementary school. When I arrived at Blaine in 2011, 79% of students were meeting standards—one of the highest percentages in the district among neighborhood schools. Just two short years later 89% we’re meeting standards—remarkable growth for an already high-performing school. Only 43% of African-American students were meeting standards on the ISAT test before I began my principalship. Just two years later almost 80% were meeting those standards (The ISAT was discontinued after two years).
Most importantly–according to criteria established by Rahm Emanuel himself, as a part of his principal merit awards–only three schools in the entire district have consistently met three or more of his four school excellence criteria—for three consecutive years.** That’s three schools out of more than 600. Blaine is one of those three schools. Although he calls it a “principals” award, Blaine’s progress has been the result of the collaborative work of a strong team of people. I lead that team.
One would think CPS and City Hall would pay more attention to the critiques of a principal whom their own criteria has identified as one of the district’s three most effective school leaders.
One would be wrong.
CPS is not interested in anything that contradicts its ideologically driven anti-public-school privatization agenda; an agenda which includes, among other things, over-testing students, and the diversion of public education funds away from students into the hands of private interests. It was action I took against both of these backward elements of the CPS reform agenda that led to the Board’s warning resolution against me. The resolution contains two warnings.
SUPPORTING PARENT CHOICE IN OPTING STUDENTS OUT OF TESTING
The first warning is in regard to actions I took in response to a PARCC testing Opt-Out movement initiated by Blaine’s PTA. It was the most successful elementary school opt out movement in Chicago, with more than 80% of our parents opting their children out of taking the test. It was a parent-driven effort and I fully supported their right to opt their children out.
Parents submitted forms directing us not to give the test to their students. CPS responded by telling principals that we must defy parents and sit the student down in front of a test—that only when the student refused it, could we allow him or her not to take it.
I know of no other field in which the professionals are ordered to disregard parents’ choices and force children to refuse to participate in what their parents have already refused to allow them to participate in. If a parent tells a doctor that she does not want her child to take a particular prescription, the doctor is not ordered to disregard the parent and put the medicine in the child’s hand and make the child refuse it himself.
CPS’ directive appeared to be a thinly veiled effort to pressure students into taking the test in defiance of their parents. It is blatant hypocrisy for a district that promotes itself as supporting “parent choice” to go to such great lengths to get children to violate the choices their parents make for them. I responded in an open letter to CPS stating:
“I will not be following ISBE’s ridiculous directives aimed at intimidating children and families into taking tests they do not want to take… No child under my watch whose parents have opted him or her out of the PARCC will be sat in front of any computer to take it, nor presented with any materials. The test wastes enough time on its own. We are not wasting even more learning time by engaging in CPS’ and ISBE’s test-driven political theater.”
This is the stance for which I was cited in the warning resolution.
Within the resolution the board plainly states that their reason for issuing the warning is because, “You publicly supported the Blaine PTA’s Opt Out initiative for the PARCC test.”
In response I return to my analogy with medicine. Doctors have the right to advise patients against taking unnecessary prescriptions and medical tests promoted by the hospital and the pharmaceutical companies that profit from them. Not only do they have that right, they have that obligation as medical professionals. As education professionals, we not only have the right, but we have the obligation to give our professional assessment of the worth and value of the tests promoted by our district and by the private testing companies that profit from the administration of those assessments.
In each situation there is a company that stands to profit, and an institution allied with that company. There to protect the interests of the child in either situation is the professional judgment of the doctor and educator. As they do in most aspects of their management of this district, CPS officials and the Emanuel administration are attempting to eliminate the professional judgment of educators from all major district decision-making.
In the end, parents must choose for themselves and the board of education certainly has an obligation to insist that principals administer the assessments to all who choose to take it. However, the board and CEO have overstepped their executive authority when they give directives to principals that prevent us from meeting our professional responsibility to speak openly to students and parents about the worth of these tests. If you believe doctors should not be prevented from advising parents to forego an unnecessary medical test for their children, then the same logic must apply for educators. In fact, that logic is even more applicable to educators since we work for the public, not private sector interests.
The only way to test the legality of an unjust policy or law is to break it. The classic examples are from our nation’s civil rights struggles. In order to fight segregated busing in Montgomery, Alabama for example, Rosa Parks had to test the law by deliberately breaking it. So let me state it clearly: I am deliberately testing the legal soundness of a policy that forces educators to violate parental choice, and prevents us from meeting our professional obligation to advise parents and students regarding the wisdom and need for them to subject themselves to an increasingly onerous load of unnecessary testing.
INSUBORDINATION: VIOLATING THE NO-QUESTIONS POLICY
The second thing I was cited for was insubordination when I violated a “no questions” policy at a district principals budget meeting. I sat there at the meeting listening to CPS officials blame Springfield and teacher pensions for the budget woes, while they completely ignored their own well documented corrupt and reckless spending (e.g., $20 Million Supes Contract, $340 Million Aramark Contract, $10 million central office furniture purchase, etc. etc.). So I stood up and asked the question anyway, citing several questionable expenses. Then CEO, Jesse Ruiz, stood up and told me that I was being disruptive. It is a profound moment of truth and clarity when a CPS official gets up and makes it clear that he considers asking relevant questions “disruptive.” I have already written extensively about the details of this encounter in a post entitled, “Adding Insult to Injury: A Look Inside a CPS Principals Budget Meeting.” In the resolution, the board cites me for insubordination, in part, because Ruiz asked me why I worked for CPS if I were so unhappy with its leadership, and I responded, “To save it from people like you.” It is important to note that Ruiz asked me to come into the hallway where he called me a “loud-mouthed principal” and asked me that question. In essence, the board is attempting to discipline me for answering his question. If he didn’t want an honest answer, he should not have asked the question.
Another disturbing thing about this resolution is the way I was informed about it. I received an email on Monday telling me I could come in on Tuesday at 1pm to respond to the allegations on a resolution that the board would be voting on the next day. The board clearly knew that I was scheduled to speak at the City Club of Chicago’s panel on CPS Bankruptcy at that time since one of their own—Jesse Ruiz—was also on the panel. I chose to keep my appointment on the panel and thereby miss my opportunity to respond to this absurd resolution.
WHAT NOW?
Yesterday, I drove by Washington Park to see if there was any organized activity at the scene of the Dyett School hunger strike. There didn’t seem to be, so I pulled away and headed toward 43rd and Vernon, about a block east of Martin Luther King Drive.   The entire part of the block facing 43rd street is an empty lot on which once stood a fire-damaged slum I lived in as a child; where my brothers and I slept on floors and cots for months until the owner of Moore’s Furniture and Piano Mover’s donated a bunk bed to my mother. I go back there often to remind myself of the road I have traveled, and of the awesome responsibility I have been given. I came here from nothing. By any reasonable odds, I was not supposed to be here. And yet, here I am. I am not an overtly religious man but circumstances leave me no choice but to believe that whatever power put me on this earth—and in this position—did so for a reason. While I am here, I have a responsibility and a duty to use this position to advocate as strongly as humanly possible for the betterment of our city and its schools. That includes advocacy for sound evidence-based education policy and prudent fiscal management of district resources—the advocacy that led to the current warning resolution.
I will continue to support all of my PTAs efforts on behalf of the children and families of Blaine and I will continue to call out CPS on its reckless fiscal operational and educational mismanagement of our district at every opportunity they give me. Unfortunately, for our teachers and the students they serve, those opportunities abound.
I have been called a hero many times; and sometimes a saint. I am neither, by a longshot. Like all of you, I have my personal flaws and my ominous fears. However, each day I work to rise above those flaws and to rise above the foreboding limitations and restrictions of the corrupt system in which we find ourselves living and working.
Cord Jefferson and Hampton Sides once stated: “It is self-defeating to want our heroes to be perfect, because we aren’t perfect ourselves. By calling our heroes superhuman we also let ourselves off the hook: Why do the hard work of bettering the world if that’s something only saints do?”
We don’t need heroes, and we don’t need saints. We need a movement. A movement of hundreds of thousands of people across this city who stand together to retake it from the grips of the corrupt and inept elected and appointed officials who hold the reigns of power. The hero we need is the public itself, awakened and ready to change our collective reality; ready to serve as examples to our children—examples of citizens who come together to work and change our city for the better.
On a related and somewhat humorous note, one of the Board’s “Directives for Improvement” was for me to “Conduct yourself as a role model for students.”
I don’t imagine they’ll ever get the irony.

Saturday, August 29, 2015

Habla Texas Carmen Tafolla

Tonight is Carmen Tafolla evening.  She's a dear friend and she's so awesome.  Plus, she is none other than Texas' 2015 Poet Laureate. We love you, Carmen! -Angela


CARMEN TAFOLLA - La Malinche

Provocative, poignant, and beautiful.  By Texas Poet Laureate and former San Antonio Poet Laureate, Carmen Tafolla.

She saw another world....  Indeed, she did.

-Angela