Book Presentations and Signing Event with Dr. Emilio Zamora and Dr. Cynthia Orozco on Alonso S. Perales and the Founding of LULAC

Friends,

Happy to invite you to this event taking place tomorrow evening at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center (ESB-MACC). Do come and hear from Dr. Cynthia Orozco and Dr. Emilio Zamora on their recently published books, both on the history of Alonso Perales, one of the co-founders of LULAC.  Founded in 1929, LULAC is one of the oldest and largest civil rights movement organizations for Latinas/os in the U.S. with origins that track back to Corpus Christi, Texas. 

Texas LULAC State Director Rudy Rosales, Jr., will offer an opening welcome, as will Cynthia Valadez from LULAC District VII. 

Details:  

Title: Book Presentations and Signing Event with Dr. Emilio Zamora and Dr. Cynthia Orozco 

Date and Time: Friday, November 4, 2022, 6:30 PM-8:00 pm 
 
Location: Auditorium, Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center, 600 River St. (off of I-35 and Holly)
Discussant: Martha P. Cotera 

 

After the event, the authors will have a book-signing—in tandem with the Texas Book Festival happening right now in Austin, Texas.

Orozco, C. (2021). Alonso S. Perales: Pioneer of Mexican American Civil                   Rights. Houston, TX: Arte Público Press.

Zamora, E. (2022). In Defense of My People. Houston, TX: Arte Público Press.

Thanks to Nuestro Grupo/Academia Cuauhtli, LULAC District VII, and UT-

History Department for their co-sponsorship, and to the ESB-MACC for the auditorium venue. Light snacks and drinks will be provided. 

If you can't make it, you can view it virtually via Facebook live on the National LULAC Facebook page.

-Angela Valenzuela

 

Every American needs to take a history of Mexico class, by Dr. Gabriela Soto Laveaga

Excellent piece! Harvard University professor of the history of science and the study of Mexico, Dr. Gabriela Soto Laveaga, makes a compelling case for why every American should learn about the history of Mexico—presumably in K-12, as well as higher education. After all, our histories are intertwined. It would help us to have a broadened perspective in debates on immigration, race relations, the U.S.-Mexico border, and why so many of us advocate for bilingual education. 

It's pretty incredible that one can earn a college degree and still know precious little about Mexico or Mexican history. Even well-educated people know little more than knowing how to order tequila or Mexican food in a restaurant, as if symbolically consuming Mexicans in this way makes one culturally competent. 

These mindsets are transborder and hemispheric, too, with many Americans regarding Mexico and Latin America as little more than a playground for tourists designed to cater to mostly Anglo Americans, as well as Anglicized ones, who may be of any hue. This posture translates into the gobbling up choice property throughout Mexico, elevating gentrification to a global scale. 

In places throughout Mexico like San Miguel de Allende in Guanajuato, one pays for property in U.S. dollars and at least half the city is Anglo. I have many friends from Guanajuato, including from San Miguel, and they can't afford to live there because Anglos have raised the cost of housing as a result of what they call, "colonización," the Spanish term for gentrification (and colonization) that makes it difficult for them to live there, impelling them to migrate to the U.S. 

Once here, they're targeted by Immigration Customs Enforcement (ICE). Then they become the targets anew of gentrification as their apartments get bulldozed in East Austin, forcing them to vacate and move to the outer rings of the city and county, resulting in long-distance commutes to largely either construction, domestic, or service-sector jobs working in restaurants and hotels throughout our city. Many of these persons have advanced degrees in Mexico that unfortunately count for little here. We work precisely with families like these at our Saturday academy, Academia Cuauhtli.

Instead of being entitled and self-serving and teaching future generations to be so oriented, let's do take up Dr. Soto Laveaga's plea for greater understanding based on a long-overdue, clear reading of the history of Mexico and the Southwest. 

As the Mexican American experience itself suggests, we shall acquire an enhanced understanding of social relations, policies, politics, culture, and how to be better neighbors with a community whose future is caught up with our own in ways big and small. 

-Angela Valenzuela

Every American needs to 

take a history of Mexico class

Learning the history of Mexico can help Americans better understand themselves.

Members of the Sons of the Republic of Texas gather in front of the Alamo Cenotaph monument in San Antonio to commemorate the 184th anniversary of the Battle of the Alamo on March 6, 2020. (Tamir Kalifa for The Washington Post)

By Gabriela Laveaga | Washington Post | July 22, 2021 at 6:00 a.m. EDT

The recent backlash over a new book on the history of The Alamo is not about partisanship nor misapplied critical race theory. It is, however, about denying who we are as a nation. More than an erasure of historical fact it is another example of the ongoing and dangerous practice of cherry-picking parts of our past to fit prepackaged national myths. This is not a new practice nor is our society the only one to rewrite history to suit current political winds. Yet denying a serious, factual analysis of our past sabotages the ability to achieve a more just and equal society. If we start our national origins story with historical falsehoods, we will continue to repeat and expand these fictions to make the initial lie make sense.

One way to right this tendency is by studying the role of Mexico and Mexicans in the making of an American identity. It will not solve a concerted effort to refuse historical truths, but it may help us develop critical skills to identify the problems with teaching a single story of American history. Why Mexico? Among other reasons, Mexico lost more than 50 percent of its territory to the United States. Put starkly, much of our country was once Mexico. Analyzing the origins of this territorial gain places current debates about immigration, the border and even what languages can be taught in schools in a broader perspective.

Essayist and Nobel laureate Octavio Paz understood the value of this decades ago when he wrote, “by coming to know Mexico, North Americans can learn to understand an unacknowledged part of themselves.” That unacknowledged part is complicated. Let’s use just one example, the Mexican American War or the U.S. Invasion, as it is known in Mexico, to illustrate how this pivotal event could be taught in American classrooms to expand how we study the actions of our then still-fledgling nation.

While the history of The Alamo is not as consequential for Mexico, Mexican schoolchildren learn that when their country granted Anglo-Americans permission to settle in the sparsely populated territory of Tejas these settlers agreed to abide by the laws of Mexico and were encouraged to learn Spanish, convert to Catholicism, intermarry with Mexicans and, eventually, renounce slavery.

Instead, Anglo-Americans defied all of these expectations. They started by blowing past the cap on the number of Anglo-Americans who could settle in Mexico. That enabled them to outnumber Mexicans in its northern territory. The Americans then refused to follow the laws of the land; in response, Mexico sent troops to patrol its borders, understanding that a faction of Texans were intent on fostering secession from Mexico.

That is the backdrop for the 1836 siege of The Alamo: a country intent on quelling a rebellion of lawless foreigners who had overstayed their welcome in Mexico.

Yet the fate of Texas would not be decided on the battlefield but in Washington, D.C. In 1837 the U.S. recognized Texas as an independent state, fueling the anger of its southern neighbor. A few years later in 1844, James K. Polk ran his presidential campaign on the annexation of Texas, which many in Mexico still considered a rebel territory that was part of their nation.

Part of the dispute was where Texas claimed to draw its border, at the Nueces or the Rio Grande, which would give it an additional 150 miles of territory.

This geographic detail is important. Polk, determined to push for war, claimed that a border skirmish involving Mexican and American troops spilled “American blood on America’s soil.” But this claim was false; the battle happened in this disputed territory. A young congressman from Illinois, future president Abraham Lincoln, objecting to Polk’s lie, introduced the Spot Resolution of 1847, which laid out the evidence that the fight did not happen on American soil.

What if schoolchildren learned to examine Lincoln’s resolution and protests against what he thought was an unjust war? This broader context would show students that national stories are not tidy, they are messy and sometimes brimming with illegal, or at least problematic, acts. It would also teach students to interrogate presidential actions and claims, not simply accept them as fact.

In the past few months, diverse battles over what will be taught in our classrooms have a common denominator: pushback against a triumphalist narrative, which glorifies the actions of one group over another. Studying the Mexican American War can also teach us about the changing roles of race in our country. Specifically, how some ethnic groups that enjoy broad acceptance today were once reviled, such as, for example, the Irish.

One of the most symbolically powerful events of the war is mostly forgotten in the U.S. today. But Mexicans see the U.S. execution of a predominantly Irish regiment — the Saint Patrick’s Battalion — for treason, as a key event in the war.

In the 1840s, the Irish, fleeing famine, arrived destitute, hungry and, as political cartoons of the era show, in droves to the United States. Relegated to low-class jobs and living in crowded ethnic ghettos, the Irish were portrayed as undesirable immigrants with less-than-average intelligence, who were prone to criminality.

Yet when the call went out for an additional 50,000 troops to invade Mexico, immigrants — many of them Irish — answered the call with the hopes of achieving acceptance in the U.S. It did not take long, however, for many Irish to realize that they were fighting an unjust war started on false pretenses. As Catholics, they also sympathized with Mexicans who were appalled at the desecration of churches by the invading American army. Switching allegiances, a battalion of Irish deserted and fought on the Mexican side. While most were captured and hung for treason, today in Mexico you can find memorials to the Irish, considered heroes of the war. Not every Mexican schoolchild will know about The Alamo but they will all know about the Saint Patrick’s Battalion, when a group of unwanted immigrants rose up against a falsehood. In other words, the questions we ask of the past matter.

At the war’s end the U.S. gained the future states of California, Texas, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah and portions of Oklahoma, Colorado, Wyoming and Montana from Mexico. To carry through with the belief that it was a God-given right to expand from “sea-to-shining sea” Mexicans were transformed into strangers on their own land. The new courts and laws helped take away the rights of Mexicans, setting a legal precedent for making them second class citizens, penalized for speaking Spanish or simply gathering in groups.

To be sure, mandating a history of Mexico class for a fuller understanding of our current society implies that we will have teachers trained and willing to teach a factual past. So far, we have mixed results in that area.

Despite these challenges, expanding our curriculum will enrich the understanding of the next generations of Americans. Borderlands scholar Gloria Anzaldua described the U.S.-Mexico border, a product of the Mexican American War, as an open wound, the marker of a collective and traumatic history that continues to have an impact on the present lives of communities and individuals. Problems, whether these be workers’ rights, migration, declining ground water at the border, economic development or drug trafficking affect both countries and cannot be solved with unilateral decisions. Unilateral histories also do not work.

The past few years have shown us that to remain purposefully ignorant of history is dangerous for democracy. If we move to erase uncomfortable pasts then we remain tethered to fictions.

Gabriela Soto Laveaga is professor of the history of science and the Antonio Madero Professor for the study of Mexico at Harvard University. She is working on a book on agricultural research and water in Sonora and the Punjab.  Twitter

Ethnic Studies, Anti-Mexicanism & the Chicano Moratorium—Webinar, Thursday PM, August 27, 2020

I am happy to announce this free webinar featuring these outstanding scholars, notably, Drs. Irene Vasquez, Juan Gomez-Quiñones, and Álvaro Huerta to commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the Chicano Moratorium and the continued push to implement Ethnic Studies as a requirement in K-12 & higher education throughout the nation.

It's titled, "Ethnic Studies, Anti-Mexicanism & The Chicano Moratorium," Thursday, August 27, 2020, from 6pm to 7:30pm (pacific time) taking place on Thursday, August 27, 2020 from 6-7:30PM PST / to 8-9:30PM CST. You can view it on Facebook live here.  

Register (Zoom): https://cccconfer.zoom.us/meeting/register/tJYqf-Cspz4qHdDEX84P-7OEus3ZHhJQMxIy

Looking forward to this!

-Angela Valenzuela

#EthnicStudiesNow

#MexicanAmericanStudies

"A Select List of Books in Mexican-American History (2018) Update," by Dr. John R. Chavez, SMU

Happy to share this excellent resource on texts in the area of Mexican American history by Dr. John R. Chavez, history professor at Southern Methodist University (SMU) in Dallas, Texas. 
—Angela

Southern Methodist University
History Faculty Publications History
SMU Scholar
7-8-2018

A Select List of Books in Mexican-American History (2018 update)

John R. Chavez
Southern Methodist University, jchavez@smu.edu

Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/hum_sci_history_research
Part of the Latin American History Commons, and the United States History Commons


Recommended Citation
Chavez, John R., "A Select List of Books in Mexican-American History (2018 update)" (2018). History Faculty Publications. 7.
https://scholar.smu.edu/hum_sci_history_research/7


This document is brought to you for free and open access by the History at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu.

A SELECT LIST OF BOOKS IN MEXICAN-AMERICAN HISTORY

The following list of secondary sources includes surveys and monographs, but few collections or biographies; while some works may overlap disciplines, their content is historical on the whole and focused significantly on ethnic Mexicans in the United States.

Acosta, Sal.  Sanctioning Matrimony:  Western Expansion and Interethnic Marriage in the Arizona Borderlands.  Tucson:  University of Arizona Press, 2016.

Acosta, Teresa Palomo, and Winegarten, Ruthe.  Las Tejanas:  300 Hundred Years of History.  Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture, no.
10. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003.

Acuña, Rodolfo.  Occupied America:  A History of Chicanos.  8th ed.  New York: Pearson, Longman, 2014.

-----. Corridors of Migration: The Odyssey of Mexican Laborers, 1600-1933.  Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2007.

-----. East Los Angeles: A Community under Siege: A Chronicle of Chicanos East of the Los Angeles River, 1945-1975. Monograph no.11. Los Angeles: Chicano Studies Research Center Publications, University of California, 1984.

Alanís Enciso, Saúl Fernando. They Should Stay There:  The Story of Mexican Migration and Repatriation during the Great Depression.  Translation by Russ Davidson. Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press, 2017.

Alaniz, Yolanda, and Cornish, Megan.  ¡Viva la Raza!  Chicano Identity and Resistance.
Seattle, Wash:  Red Letter Press, 2008.

Alamillo, José M.  Making Lemonade Out of Lemons:  Mexican American Labor and Leisure in a California Town, 1880-1960. Statue of Liberty—Ellis Island Centennial Series.  Urbana:  University of Illinois Press, 2006.

Allsup, Carl.  The American G.I. Forum: Origins and Evolution.  Austin: Center for Mexican American Studies and University of Texas Press, 1982.

Almaguer, Tomás.  Racial Fault Lines:  The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1994.

Alonzo, Armando C.  Tejano Legacy: Rancheros and Settlers in South Texas, 1734- 1900.  Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1998.

Alvarez, Luis.  The Power of the Zoot:  Youth Culture and Resistance during World War
II.  American Crossroads.  Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008.

Anders, Evan.  Boss Rule in South Texas:  The Progressive Era.  Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982.

Andrés, Benny J.  Power and Control in the Imperial Valley: Nature, Agribusiness, and Workers on the California Borderland, 1900-1940. College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2014.

Arredondo, Gabriela F. Mexican Chicago: Race, Identity, and Nation, 1916-39. Statue of Liberty—Ellis Island Centennial Series. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008.

Araiza, Lauren.  To March for Others: The Black Freedom Struggle and the United Farm Workers.  Philadelphia:  University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.

Balderrama, Francisco E.  In Defense of La Raza:  The Los Angeles Mexican Consulate and the Mexican Community, 1929 to 1936.  Tucson:  University of Arizona Press, 1982.

----- and Rodríguez, Raymond.  Decade of Betrayal:  Mexican Repatriation in the 1930s.
Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1995.

Barajas, Frank P.  Curious Unions Mexican American Workers and Resistance in Oxnard, California, 1898-1961.  Lincoln:  University of Nebraska Press, 2012.

Barton, Paul. Hispanic Methodists, Presbyterians, and Baptists in Texas. Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture, no. 18. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006.

Bebout, Lee.  Mythohistorical Interventions: The Chicano Movement and Its Legacies.
Minneapolis:  University of Minnesota Press, 2011.

Behnken, Brian D.  Fighting Their Own Battles: Mexican Americans, African Americans, and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Texas. Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press, 2011.

Benton-Cohen, Katherine.  Borderline Americans:  Racial Division and Labor War in the Arizona Borderlands.  Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009.

Blackwelder, Julia.  Women of the Depression:  Caste and Culture in San Antonio, 1929- 1939. College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1984.

Blackwell, Maylei.  Chicana Power!:  Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement.  Chicana Matters Series. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011.

Blanton, Carlos Kevin.  A Promising Problem: The New Chicana/o History.  Austin: University of Texas Press, 2016.

-----.  The Strange Career of Bilingual Education in Texas, 1836-1981.
College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2004.

Bowman, Timothy P.  Blood Oranges:  Colonialism and Agriculture in the South Texas Borderlands.  College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2016.

Boyle, Susan Calafate.  Los Capitalistas:  Hispano Merchants and the Santa Fe Trade.
Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1997.

Brackenridge, R. Douglas, and García-Treto, Francisco O.  Iglesia Presbiteriana:  A History of Presbyterians and Mexican Americans in the Southwest. Presbyterian Historical Society Publications, 15. San Antonio:  Trinity University Press, 1974.

Buitrón, Richard A.  The Quest for Tejano Identity in San Antonio, Texas, 1913-2000.
Latino Communities:  Emerging Voices. New York: Routledge, 2004.

Cadava, Geraldo L. Standing on Common Ground:  The Making of a Sunbelt Borderland.  Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2013.

Calderón, Roberto R.  Mexican Coal Mining Labor in Texas and Coahuila, 1880-1930.
Rio Grande/Rio Bravo:  Borderlands Culture and Traditions, no. 2. College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2000.

Camarillo, Albert.  Chicanos in a Changing Society:  From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios in Santa Barbara and Southern California, 1848-1930.  Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979.

-----. Chicanos in California. San Francisco:  Boyd & Fraser, 1984.

Cardoso, Lawrence A.  Mexican Emigration to the United States, 1897-1931: Socio- Economic Patterns.  Tucson:  University of Arizona Press, 1980.

Carrigan, William D., and Clive Webb. Forgotten Dead: Mob Violence against Mexicans in the United States, 1848-1928.  New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.

Carroll, Patrick J.   Feli x Lon gori a’s  W ake:   B er ea vement,  R acism ,  and  the  R ise of  Mexican American Activism.  History, Culture, and Society Series.  Austin: University of Texas Press, Center for Mexican American Studies, 2003.

Casas, María Raquel.  Married to a Daughter of the Land:  Spanish-Mexican Women and
 Interethnic Marriage in California, 1820-1880.  Reno:  University of Nevada Press,  2007.

Chávez, Ernesto.   M y P e ople  First!  “Mi  Raza Primero!”  Nationalism, Identity, and Insurgency in the Chicano Movement in Los Angeles, 1966-1978.  Berkeley and Los Angeles:  University of California Press, 2002.

-----.  The U.S. War with Mexico:  A Brief History with Documents. Boston, Mass.: Bedford/St. Martins, 2008

Chávez, John R.  The Lost Land:  The Chicano Image of the Southwest.  Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984.

-----. Eastside Landmark: A History of the East Los Angeles Community Union, 1968- 1993.  Stanford, Calif.:  Stanford University Press, 1998.

Chávez, Thomas E. An Illustrated History of New Mexico.  Niwot, Colo.: University Press of Colorado, 1992.

Chávez-García, Miroslava.  Negotiating Conquest:  Gender and Power in California, 1770s to 1880s.  Tucson:  University of Arizona Press, 2004.

-----.  States of Deli nque nc y:   R a ce and  S ci ence i n  the  Making o f  Cali forn ia’s  J uvenil e  Justice System.  American Crossroads, 35.  Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2012.

Cohen, Deborah.  Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Post-War United States and Mexico.  Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press, 2011.

Cool, Paul.  Salt Warriors:  Insurgency on the Rio Grande.  No. 11, Canseco-Keck History.  College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2008.

Crimm, Ana Carolina Castillo.  De León:  A Tejano Family History.  Austin:  University of Texas Press, 2003.

Cuéllar, Carlos E.  Stories from the Barrio:  A History of Mexican Fort Worth.  Fort Worth:  Texas Christian University Press, 2003.

Daniel, Clete.  Chicano Workers and the Politics of Fairness: The FEPC in the Southwest, 1941-1945.  Austin:  University of Texas Press, 1991.

De la Garza, Beatriz. From the Republic of the Rio Grande. Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture. Austin: University of Texas
Press, 2013.

De León, Arnoldo.  Ethnicity in the Sunbelt:  A History of Mexican Americans in Houston.  Mexican American Monograph Series, no. 7.  Houston: Mexican American Studies Program, University of Houston, 1989.

-----.  Mexican Americans in Texas:  A Brief History.  Arlington Heights, Ill.:  Harlan Davidson, 1993.

-----. Racial Frontiers: Africans, Chinese, and Mexicans in Western America, 1848- 1890. Histories of the American Frontier. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2002.

-----.  San Angelenos:  Mexican Americans in San Angelo, Texas. San Angelo, Tex.: Mulberry Avenue Books for the Fort Concho Museum Press, 1985.

-----. The Tejano Community, 1836-1900. Contribution by Kenneth L. Stewart.
Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1982.

-----.  They Called Them Greasers:  Anglo Attitudes toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821- 1900.  Austin:  University of Texas Press, 1983.

----- and Stewart, Kenneth L.  Tejanos and the Numbers Game:  A Socio-Historical Interpretation from the Federal Censuses, 1850-1900. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989.

Deutsch, Sarah.  No Separate Refuge:  Culture, Class and Gender on an Anglo-Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest. New York:  Oxford University Press, 1987.

Deverell, William. Whitewashed Adobe:  The Rise of Los Angeles and the Remaking of Its Mexican Past.  Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2004.

Dewey, Alicia M. Pesos and Dollars: Entrepreneurs in the Texas-Mexico Borderlands, 1880-1940.  Connecting the Greater West. College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2014.

Dimas, Pete R.  Progress and a Mex ican  Ameri can  C omm unit y’ s Struggle for Existence: Phoenix ’s Golden Gate Bar rio .  New York:  Peter Lang, 1999.

Driscoll, Barbara A. The Tracks North:  The Railroad Bracero Program of World War II. CMAS Books.  Austin:  Center for Mexican American Studies, University of Texas Press, 1999.

Echeverría, Darius V.  Aztlán Arizona: Mexican American Educational Empowerment, 1968-1978. Tucson:  University of Arizona Press, 2014.

Escobar, Edward. Race, Police, and the Making of a Political Identity: Mexican

Americans and the Los Angeles Police Department, 1900-1945.  Latinos in American Society and Culture. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1999.

Escobedo, Elizabeth Rachel.  From Coveralls to Zoot Suits: The Lives of Mexican American Women on the World War II Home Front.  Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press, 2013.

Estrada, William David.  The Los Angeles Plaza:  Sacred and Contested Space.  Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008.

Fernández, Lilia.  Brown in the Windy City: Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in Postwar Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012.

Flores, John H. The Mexican Revolution in Chicago:  Immigration Politics from the Early Twentieth Century to the Cold War.  Latinos in Chicago and the Midwest. Urbana:  University of Illinois Press, 2018.

Flores, Lori A.  Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement.  New Haven:  Yale University Press, 2016.

Foley, Neil.  The White Scourge:  Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture.  Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1997.

-----.  Quest for Equality:  The Failed Promise of Black-Brown Solidarity.  Cambridge, Mass.:  Harvard University Press, 2010.

-----.  Mexicans in the Making of America.  Cambridge, Mass.:  Belknap, Harvard University Press, 2014.

Forrest, Suzanne.   P reser vati on  of the  Vil lage:   Ne w  Mex ico’s  Hispanics  an d  the  New  Deal. New Mexico Land Grant Series. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989.

Gamboa, Erasmo.  Bracero Railroaders: The Forgotten World War II Story of Mexican Workers in the U.S. West.  Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2016.

-----. Mexican Labor and World War II:  Braceros in the Pacific Northwest, 1942-1947.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990.

Gann, Lewis H. and Duignan, Peter.  Hispanics in the United States:  A History.
Boulder, Colo.:  Westview Press for the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, 1986.

García, Ignacio M.  Chicanismo:  The Forging of a Militant Ethos among Mexican
 Americans. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997.

-----.  United We Win:  The Rise and Fall of the Raza Unida Party.  Tucson:  Mexican American Studies Research Center, University of Arizona Press, 1989.

-----.  Viva Kennedy:  Mexican Americans in Search of Camelot.  Texas A&M Southwestern Studies, no. 12.  College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2000.

-----.  White but Not Equal: Mexican Americans, Jury Discrimination, and the Supreme Court.  Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009.

-----.  When Mexicans Could Play Ball: Basketball, Race, and Identity in San Antonio, 1928–1945.  Austin:  University of Texas Press, 2014.

García, Juan Ramón.  Operation Wetback: The Mass Deportation of Mexican Undocumented Workers in 1954.  Contributions in Ethnic Studies, no. 2. Westport, Conn.:  Greenwood Press, 1980.

-----.  Mexicans in the Midwest, 1900-1932.  Tucson:  University of Arizona Press, 1996.

García, Mario T. Cató licos:  Resistance and Affirmation in Chicano Catholic History.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008.

-----.  The Chicano Movement:  Perspectives from the Twenty-First Century.  New Directions in American History.  New York:  Routledge, 2014.

-----.  Desert Immigrants:  The Mexicans of El Paso, 1880-1920. Yale
Western Americana Series, 32.  New Haven:  Yale University Press, 1981.

-----. Mexican Americans:  Leadership and Ideology, 1930-1960.  New Haven:  Yale University Press, 1989.

García, Matt. From the Jaws of Victory: The Triumph and Tragedy of Cesar Chavez and the Farm Worker Movement. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2012.

-----.  A World of Its Own:  Race, Labor, and Citrus in the Making of Greater
Los Angeles, 1900-1970.  Studies in Rural Culture.  Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press, 2001.

García, Richard A.  The Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class, San Antonio, 1929-1941.  College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 1991.

Garcilazo, Jeffrey Marcos.  Traqueros: Mexican Railroad Workers in the United States, 1870 to 1930.  Denton, Tex.:  University of North Texas Press, 2012.

Getz, Lynne Marie.  Schools of Their Own:  The Education of Hispanos in New Mexico, 1850-1940.  Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1997.

Gómez-Quiñones, Juan.  Chicano Politics:  Reality and Promise, 1940-1990.
Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1990.

-----.  Development of the Mexican Working Class North of the Rio Bravo: Work and Culture among Laborers and Artisans, 1600-1900.  Popular Series, no. 2.  Los Angeles:  Chicano Studies Research Center Publications, University of California, 1982.

-----. Mexican American Labor, 1790-1990. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994.

-----.  Roots of Chicano Politics, 1600-1940.  Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1994.

-----.  Sembradores, Ricardo Flores Magón y el Partido Liberal Mexicano:  A Eulogy and Critique.  Aztlán Publications, Monograph no. 5.  Los Angeles:  Chicano Studies Center, University of California, 1973.

----- and Vásquez, Irene.  Making Aztlán:  Ideology and Culture of the Chicana and Chicano Movement, 1966-1977.  Contextos.  Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 2014.

Gonzales, Manuel G.  The Hispanic Elite of the Southwest. Southwestern Studies, no.
86.  El Paso:  Texas Western Press, 1989.

-----.  Mexicanos:  A History of Mexicans in the United States.  Bloomington:  Indiana University Press, 1999.

González, Deena.  Refusing the Favor: The Spanish-Mexican Women of Santa Fe, 1820- 1880.  New York:  Oxford University Press, 1999.

González, Gilbert G.  A Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation. Philadelphia: Balch Institute Press, 1990.

-----.  Culture of Empire:  American Writers, Mexico, and Mexican Immigrants, 1880- 1930.  Austin:  University of Texas Press, 2004.

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John R. Chávez Professor of History
Southern Methodist University Updated 7/8/18

The Brutal History of Anti-Latino Discrimination in America: School segregation, lynchings and mass deportations of Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are just some of the injustices Latinos have faced

Read about important history that helps to explain the vexed relationship that exists between the U.S. Mexican and broader Latino, community in the U.S. today.  It is clearly linked to a history of violent, U.S. expansionism that continues in the symbolic realm as evidenced in the systemic subjugation of this knowledge of our history that could actually shed enormous light on our political and policy struggles today.

I would only amend this piece to point out that at its base—and the use of the generic term, "Latino," notwithstanding—this reflects a continuation of a history of violence against peoples native to this continent.  These invasions resulted in the elimination of our native names, languages, and identities, resulting in an imposition of European ones and to a degree that is so profound that we often fail as native peoples to acknowledge this.  Moreover, the system has succeeded and continues to dominate us if we think critically in these ways.

I say all of this as we begin our danza Mexican curriculum this morning at Academia Cuauhtli at the Emma S. Barrientos Mexican American Cultural Center in Austin, Texas.

Like us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/AcademiaCuauhtli/

-Angela Valenzuela

#BrownContinent  #Decolonize #decolonization #mexicamovement #INDIGENOUS #lies #CritcalThinking #EthnicStudiesNow #danzaMexica

UPDATED:

AUG 29, 2018

ORIGINAL:

SEP 27, 2017

The Brutal History of Anti-Latino Discrimination in America

School segregation, lynchings and mass deportations of Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are just some of the injustices Latinos have faced.

ERIN BLAKEMORE

Olvera Street is a Los Angeles icon—a thriving Mexican market filled with colorful souvenirs, restaurants and remnants of the oldest buildings in Los Angeles. But though the bright tourist destination teems with visitors, few realize it was once the site of a terrifying raid.

In 1931, police officers grabbed Mexican-Americans in the area, many of them U.S. citizens, and shoved them into waiting vans. Immigration agents blocked exits and arrested around 400 people, who were then deported to Mexico, regardless of their citizenship or immigration status.

The raid was just one incident in a long history of discrimination against Latino people in the United States. Since the 1840s, anti-Latino prejudice has led to illegal deportations, school segregation and even lynching—often-forgotten events that echo the civil-rights violations of African-Americans in the Jim Crow-era South.

The story of Latino-American discrimination largely begins in 1848, when the United States won the Mexican-American War. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which marked the war’s end, granted 55 percent of Mexican territory to the United States. With that land came new citizens. The Mexicans who decided to stay in what was now U.S. territory were granted citizenship and the country gained a considerable Mexican-American population.

As the 19th century wore on, political events in Mexico made emigration to the United States popular. This was welcome news to American employers like the Southern Pacific Railroad, which desperately needed cheap labor to help build new tracks. The railroad and other companies flouted existing immigration laws that banned importing contracted labor and sent recruiters into Mexico to convince Mexicans to emigrate.

Anti-Latino sentiment grew along with immigration. Latinos were barred entry into Anglo establishments and segregated into urban barrios in poor areas. Though Latinos were critical to the U.S. economy and often were American citizens, everything from their language to the color of their skin to their countries of origin could be used as a pretext for discrimination. Anglo-Americans treated them as a foreign underclass and perpetuated stereotypes that those who spoke Spanish were lazy, stupid and undeserving. In some cases, that prejudice turned fatal.

According to historians William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb, mob violence against Spanish-speaking people was common in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They estimate that the number of Latinos killed by mobs reach well into the thousands, though definitive documentation only exists for 547 cases.

The violence began during California’s Gold Rush just after California became part of the United States. At the time, white miners begrudged former Mexicans a share of the wealth yielded by Californian mines—and sometimes enacted vigilante justice. In 1851, for example, a mob of vigilantes accused Josefa Segovia of murdering a white man. After a fake trial, they marched her through the streets and lynched her. Over 2,000 men gathered to watch, shouting racial slurs. Others were attacked on suspicion of fraternizing with white women or insulting white people.

Even children became the victims of this violence. In 1911, a mob of over 100 people hanged a 14-year-old boy, Antonio Gómez, after he was arrested for murder. Rather than let him serve time in jail, townspeople lynched him and dragged his body through the streets of Thorndale, Texas.

These and other horrific acts of cruelty lasted until the 1920s, when the Mexican government began pressuring the United States to stop the violence. But though mob brutality eventually quelled, hatred of Spanish-speaking Americans did not.

In the late 1920s, anti-Mexican sentiment spiked as the Great Depression began. As the stock market tanked and unemployment grew, Anglo-Americans accused Mexicans and other foreigners of stealing American jobs. Mexican-Americans were discouraged and even forbidden from accepting charitable aid.

As fears about jobs and the economy spread, the United States forcibly removed up to 2 million people of Mexican descent from the country—up to 60 percent of whom were American citizens.

Euphemistically referred to as “repatriations,” the removals were anything but voluntary. Sometimes, private employers drove their employees to the border and kicked them out. In other cases, local governments cut off relief, raided gathering places or offered free train fare to Mexico. Colorado even ordered all of its “Mexicans”—in reality, anyone who spoke Spanish or seemed to be of Latin descent—to leave the state in 1936 and blockaded its southern border to keep people from leaving. Though no formal decree was ever issued by immigration authorities, INS officials deported about 82,000 people during the period.

The impact on Spanish-speaking communities was devastating. Some light-skinned Mexican-Americans attempted to pass themselves off as Spanish, not Mexican, in an attempt to evade enforcement. People with disabilities and active illnesses were removed from hospitals and dumped at the border. As one victim of “repatriation” told Raymond Rodriguez, who wrote a history of the period, Decade of Betrayal, “They might as well have sent us to Mars.”

Others, like Rodriguez’s father, did not wait for raids or enforcement and returned to Mexico independently to escape discrimination and the fear of removal. His wife refused to accompany him and the family never saw him again.

When deportations finally ended around 1936, up to 2 million Mexican-Americans had been “repatriated.” (Because many of the repatriation attempts were informal or conducted by private companies, it is nearly impossible to quantify the exact number of people who were deported.) Around one third of Los Angeles’ Mexican population left the country, as did a third of Texas’ Mexican-born population. Though both the state of California and the city of Los Angeles apologized for repatriation in the early 2000s, the deportations have largely faded from public memory.

Another little-remembered facet of anti-Latino discrimination in the United States is school segregation. Unlike the South, which had explicit laws barring African-American children from white schools, segregation was not enshrined in the laws of the southwestern United States. Nevertheless, Latino people were excluded from restaurants, movie theaters and schools.

Latino students were expected to attend separate “Mexican schools” throughout the southwest beginning in the 1870s. At first, the schools were set up to serve the children of Spanish-speaking laborers at rural ranches. Soon, they spread into cities, too.

By the 1940s, as many as 80 percent of Latino children in places like Orange County, California attended separate schools. Among them was Sylvia Mendez, a young girl who was turned away from an all-white school in the county. Instead of going to the pristine, well-appointed 17th Street Elementary, she was told to attend Hoover Elementary—a dilapidated, two-room shack.

U.S. President Barack Obama presenting the 2010 Medal of Freedom to Sylvia Mendez, a civil-rights activist of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent. At age 8, Mendez played a pivotal role in a 1946 landmark court case that desegregated California schools. (Credit: Tim Sloan/AFP/Getty Images)

Tim Sloan/AFP/Getty Images

The bare-bones facilities offered to students like Mendez lacked basic supplies and sufficient teachers. Many only provided vocational classes or did not offer a full 12 years of instruction. Children were arbitrarily forced to attend based on factors like their complexion and last name.

Then Mendez’s parents fought back. In 1945, along with four other families, they filed a class action lawsuit against four Orange County school districts. Their goal: Ensure that all children could attend California schools regardless of race.

The case culminated in a two-week-long trial. In court, school officials claimed that Latino students were dirty and infected with diseases that put white students at risk. Besides, they argued, Mexican-American students didn’t speak English and were thus not entitled to attend English-speaking schools. (When asked, officials conceded that they never gave students proficiency tests.) “Mexicans are inferior in personal hygiene, ability and in their economic outlook,” said one official.

Mendez’s attorney countered with testimony from experts in social science. He argued that the policy trampled on Latino children’s Constitutional rights. When Carol Torres, a 14-year-old Latino girl, took the stand, she immediately proved that Mexican-American students in the district could and did speak English.
It took seven months for Judge Paul J. McCormick to render a decision. On February 18, 1946, he ruled that the school districts discriminated against Mexican-American students and violated their Constitutional rights. Though the school districts challenged the ruling, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with McCormick. Thanks to Mendez v. Westminster School District, California officially ended all segregation in its schools.

Mendez, who was eight when the lawsuits began, later told reporters that she thought her parents were fighting for her right to attend a school with a nice playground. But the case accomplished much more than that. Soon, parents in Texas and Arizona successfully challenged school segregation. In 1954, a decade after Mendez was turned away from the whites-only elementary school, the United States Supreme Court ruled that all school segregation based on race was unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education.

Though the case was a victory for the Mendez family, Sylvia was harassed and heckled by her fellow students when she attended the white school. Nonetheless, she pushed to succeed and became a nurse and civil-rights activist. She was awarded a Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2010—and now, two Los Angeles-area schools are named after her parents.

Today, an estimated 54 million Latinos live in the U.S. and around 43 million people speak Spanish. But though Latinos are the country’s largest minority, anti-Latino prejudice is still common. In 2016, 52 percent of Latinos surveyed by Pew said they had experienced discrimination. Lynchings, “repatriation” programs and school segregation may be in the past, but anti-Latino discrimination in the U.S. is far from over.

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HISPANIC HERITAGE MEXICO LYNCHING

BY

 ERIN BLAKEMORE

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