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Tuesday, April 24, 2018

'Just watch me': Challenging the 'origin story' of Native Americans

Dr. Paulette Steeves, professor at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, is researching the origin story of native people of this continent and in so doing, also challenging the colonial legacy of archeology. Not surprisingly, the academy resists.

Great read and check out the video, too, where she refers to herself and others as the survivors of forced assimilation.  I can't help but think about how our current struggle with the Texas State Board of Education is at once about respect and dignity and  "resistance to forced assimilation," as Steeves maintains.  After all, most of us who testified in support of Mexican American Studies acknowledge our indigenous ancestry with a similar goal to Steeves of reclaiming our deep and profoundly historic connection to the land.  

Thanks to local indigenous elder Alejandro Yolquiahuitl Martinez for sharing.

Angela


'Just watch me': Challenging the 'origin story' of Native Americans

Paulette Steeves' work as an archeologist seeks to upend long-held notions about Indigenous culture in the Americas.













The 14-year-old girl who bumps around in the police wagon is being unceremoniously returned to the Willingdon Industrial School for Girls, a juvenile correctional institute on Vancouver’s east side.
It is 1969. Paulette Steeves, a ward of the provincial government and incorrigible runaway, has been incarcerated here since the age of 13.
“I’m not going back,” Steeves says defiantly. “I’m going to get away.”
The other young women in the police wagon respond with disbelief. “You can’t do that. How are you going to do that?”
“Just watch me,” the girl says. 
The wagon passes through the front gate, pulls up the drive, and slows to a stop. A female police officer opens the rear door to let the prisoners out. 
Suddenly, the girl bolts, long hair whipping behind her. She leaps onto the fence, scrambles to the top, seizes the barbed wire with bare hands, hurls her body forward. Points of metal shred her skin as she sails over the top.
She hears the other girls erupt in cheers. Steeves lands hard, then she’s away. Escaping is her specialty.
Forty-five years later, Steeves’s hands and legs are mapped with scars from that fence, clues to her origin story. 
Now ensconced in a fortress that is equally imposing, though far more genteel than Willingdon, Steeves is telling another origin story. She has just been named director of the Native American Studies program at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, and her work as an archeologist seeks to upend long-held notions about indigenous culture in the Americas.
Steeves, who is Cree-Metis, was the first PhD candidate in her field to successfully defend her dissertation using indigenous method and theory. She has spent years building a database of Pleistocene archeological sites that show her ancestors have been in the Americas far longer than previously acknowledged. (The Pleistocene is the geological epoch that lasted from 2.6 million to approximately 12,000 years ago.)
Her work, which challenges the “colonial” legacy of archeology, is considered revolutionary by some, controversial by others. Steeves believes objections to inclusion of “indigenous ways and methods” in archeology comes from “a really strong, and deep-rooted racism in North American anthropology against Native Americans.” 
Now 60, Steeves is tall and broad, with a mass of long hair, a figure that is both imposing and soft.
The history of indigenous people in the Americas was manufactured, says Steeves, to make it easier to overlook the atrocities that colonization brought. “When people started coming here to the Americas, they were finding signs of great civilizations, and stories were created to say these sites and this civilization was not built by the indigenous people — they called them the savages, they created the people here as ‘nature’, not as culture. If it’s culture, you can’t massacre them, or kill them, or put a head price on them. But if they are nature, it’s okay to do that.”
When she began her research, Steeves hoped to compile a list of 10 or 20 archeological sites in the western hemisphere older than 11,000 years ago. She was stunned to find over 400 sites. “Counter to the western stories that we’ve been here 12,000 years, we’ve been here over 60,000 years, likely over 100,000 years, and there is a great deal of evidence to support that.”
She refutes the common narrative of indigenous people as a group that has been culturally erased, wiped out by bad luck, disease and a lack of resistance, both metaphorical and physical.
“I see a different story. A story of persistance.”
She should know. The Cree-Metis girl who threw herself over the fence of the Willingdon school time and time again until she won her freedom, says simply: “I am a survivor of forced cultural assimilation.”
***
“We were extremely poor,” says Steeves. Born in Whitehorse, her childhood was cut from the cloth of aboriginal marginalization. “My mom was an alcoholic. My parents split when I was five. My stepdad used to beat the shit out of her.”
By the age of 12, Steeves was running away regularly. She dropped out of school, picked apples, panhandled, and made her way to Vancouver, where she survived as a street kid before landing in Willingdon at age 13. 
“My mother, who was 80 per cent native, warned us never to tell anyone we were Indians,” she says. The reason was heartbreaking: Long before Paulette and and her siblings were born, her mother had two children who were taken from her by authorities and put up for adoption.
“She never saw them again, and she never, ever got over it,” says Steeves. “Because of that, it was really important to her to hide our Indian-ness.”
Part of racism is who is included and who is excluded, socially, economically and historically. Steeves grew up on the outside, excluded first from her own culture, and also outside of mainstream white culture. 
By 21, Steeves had moved to Lillooet, where she worked in a sawmill and gave birth to her first son, Jessie. She had two more children, but found herself trapped in an abusive relationship. Her eldest son was diagnosed with a serious environmental illness. Doctors told her he wouldn’t live beyond the age of six.
Steeves, who had begun to reclaim her heritage — her ancestors are Cree, Sioux and Dutch — sought the counsel of elders. “You are going to do something really good for Indian people. Not just us Indians here, Indians everywhere. It’s going to be a lot harder than this, so learn from this.”
Steeves was mystified. “Here I was with three children, one of whom was terminally ill. I had a Grade 8 education, a truck and 26 cents. What was I going to do?”
Steeves left the abusive relationship. Because Jessie would have only a few years to live, she resolved to fill them with love and happiness. She moved to Ottawa, where, inspired by local buskers, she bought a small guitar and taught herself to play. She made a tub bass for her daughter, Marina, then four. Her six-year-old, Dustin, was a natural on harmonica. Jessie, 12, played the Cajun washboard, banjo and wooden spoons. “The first time we played, we sounded so terrible. Someone felt sorry for us and gave us $60.” 
They called themselves The Mother and Child Band. Soon they were recording, touring festivals, playing in Las Vegas, and being courted by Nashville.
“We got really good,” says Steeves. “The music was a blessing.” 
But Jessie’s health was deteriorating — he told Steeves he longed to live out his remaining days in one place and go to school like a regular kid. So they moved again, to northwest Arkansas, where there were no coal or industrial plants. Jessie’s environmental allergies and asthma could be kept partly at bay.
Steeves decided to go back to school. After writing her GED, she was admitted to the University of Arkansas Fayettville. She covered tuition costs by working as a janitor.
Jessie, by then 21, had lived much longer than doctors first predicted. “One day, I was coming home and Jessie came running out of the house. He said, ‘Whatever happens to me, don’t you ever quit. Don’t you ever give up on your education.’”
He died later that night in his sleep.
“It was really hard. I think if he hadn’t told me that, I wouldn’t have been able to go on. But I did.”
***
Since leaving Lillooet, Steeves had been asking herself: “What did the elders mean? What am I supposed to be doing?”
She was studying archeology with an eye on medical school when she was approached by Quapaw tribe elders in the U.S. Midwest to do genetic research on ancestral bones held in local museums, so they could be returned to the Quapaw for burial. The process revealed a calling to Steeves, and she listened: She would work in archeology, at the intersection of western science and traditional indigenous ceremony. 
“We don’t do research just to do it,” explains Steeves. “All research has a purpose, a relationship, and a reason.” 
In academia, Steeves had to battle for her right to belong. 
“My first week of graduate school, I was called a bitch, a damned Indian, and a troublemaker. It was extremely, extremely hard.” She argued with professors about the way indigenous people and artifacts were framed in textbooks: A stone spear point from France was described as “beautifully shaped”, while a similar artifact uncovered in the Americas was described as “undistinguished”, belonging to some “weary Native American.”
While doing archeological field work, Steeves said, “I was learning that our people were everywhere, all over these lands. Not just a few groups of hunter-gatherers.”
Steeves’ database of Pleistocene archeological sites in the Americas is part of the evidence she says debunks the “Clovis first” hypothesis. Based on the discovery of a fluted tool in Clovis, New Mexico, “Clovis first” argues that indigenous North Americans have been here no longer than 12,000 years, arriving from Asia over a land bridge connected to Siberia.
“The bias against pre-Clovis is so strong that many archeologists who found older sites and reported on them were academically destroyed,” says Steeves. “For years, archeologists spent their time looking for this ‘Clovis’ tool in Siberia and Asia to show that culture came from the East to the West. Nothing was ever found. 
“Archeologists invented a pan-hemispheric cultural group called the Clovis people. The Clovis people didn’t exist.” 
Steeves work and methods were considered so radical, she burned through four graduate committees.
“She is a trailblazer,” says Claire Smith, head of the department of Archeology at Flinders University in Australia. “By drawing on indigenous theory and method, she enriches the discipline of archaeology, brings new ideas to the discipline, tests them and uses them. It’s also about linking people to their homeland, building bridges to their communities in archaeology. ”
Tim McCleary, department head at Little Big Horn College in Montana, said that “Paulette’s work is part of a growing idea of re-examining the scientific approach to include the voice of native people in their own story about themselves.” McCleary says there is both archeological and genetic evidence to support the theory that “indigenous people in the North Americas have been here 20,000 years or more.”
***
Not everyone agrees. Stuart Fiedel, an archaeologist with the consulting firm Louis Berger Group, calls Steeves’ claims placing indigenous peoples and culture in the Americas as far back as the Pleistocene era “absurd”. 
“The ancestors of Native Americans arrived no more than 15,000 to 16,000 years ago from populations in Eurasia.” Fiedel disputes the genetic evidence and dismisses indigenous “ways and methods” such as oral tradition as simply “not science”.
“There was a great injustice, a theft of the New World by the Europeans, and Europeans are inherent to the scientific tradition. If you want to link those two up and throw out the baby with the bathwater, well, decolonizing the landscape means you are also throwing out the ideology of the Europeans. What are we left with if we deny science because of its linkages to and use by oppressive culture?”
To Steeves, Fiedel’s comments are equally “absurd”.
“Everyone else teaches the standard world view, but understanding issues of colonization is important to thinking critically. If you don’t understand what colonization is, and where it came from, how can you decolonize your own mind?”
Indigenous ways and methods don’t exclude Western science, says Steeves. They add to it. “It’s about re-linking our communities to these ancient sites and times. It challenges the status quo and places our people in deep time, on par with other areas in the old world.”
By sharing the story of her past — her own “deep time” — Steeves is making another offering.
“What I really, really hope is that First Nations and indigenous students, and non-indigenous students, will realize that you can come from those places and that background and do good things. Your past doesn’t define you. If you listen to the ancestors and what path you are supposed to be on, you can do good things.”
Steeves knows she has a big job ahead. As for how she plans to do it, the words she uttered as a 15-year-old making her wild break for freedom still echo: “Just watch me.”

Monday, April 23, 2018

Too Dangerous to be Called Mexican-American Studies by Greg Pulte

Happy to post Greg Pulte's op-ed appearing in today's Texas Tribune. I cannot help but wonder what some Anglos, including those on the Texas State Board of Education, are fearful of.  Empowered Mexicans maybe?  Mexicans with a voice and a vote?  Whatever the reason, history will record that the SBOE acted in bad faith as Greg Pulte's synopsis lays bare, magnifying their affront to our dignity as Mexican American Studies scholars, long-invested in a field that is legitimate, robust, and relevant.

Many thanks to the Texas Tribune for publishing this given the importance of this struggle to us as MAS scholars, but also to us a state given our large and growing demographic in K-12 public education statewide.

Great job, Greg!

Angela Valenzuela
#ApproveMAS

Too Dangerous to be Called Mexican-American Studies

At this month’s meeting of the Texas State Board of Education (SBOE), a vote to establish education standards for Mexican-American Studies (MAS) courses in public schools should have been an easy undertaking. For the past several years, a coalition of educators and advocates for MAS have asked the SBOE to create academic standards for those courses.
At the meeting, the SBOE voted in favor of establishing standards for MAS courses, but with a catch. Without warning, explanation, public input or deliberation, the SBOE voted to title the course “Ethnic Studies: An Overview of Americans of Mexican Descent.” If that title is not a mouthful of backwater, I do not know what is.
Nine Republicans and one Democrat, Georgina Perez, voted for a last-second amendment to change the course title. SBOE members appeared to have come to the meeting with this amendment already decided as there was no discussion and no hesitation about it or its implications. When questioned by member Marissa Perez-Diaz, member David Bradley, who introduced the amendment, said he did not subscribe to “hyphenated-Americanism.” Member Pat Hardy waxed poetic about the appropriateness of calling oneself Italian-American before voting in favor of the name change.
They fail to understand that many non-Anglo ethnic groups never asked to be described as hyphenated-Americans. Those labels were imposed upon them. These hyphenated identities were no more chosen by these ethnic groups than was the white-washing course title adopted by the SBOE.
Referring to “Americans of Mexican descent” implies that Mexican-American history is dead, and to be relegated to the past. For SBOE members to assume a twisted notion of inclusivity by rejecting a hyphenated label because they do not approve of that ethnic group’s identity or the liberation that label represents is high-handed and deeply hurtful.
One must ask if this name change transfers to other ethnic groups or is it just Mexican-Americans who cannot be called Mexican-Americans? Would it be acceptable for the SBOE to prescribe a course title “Ethnic Studies: An Overview of Americans of African Descent?”
The SBOE would never, and politically could never, arbitrarily change the way African-Americans or other groups self-identify, and it is unacceptable for the board to impose this name change upon Mexican-Americans.
To refer to Mexican-Americans as Americans of Mexican descent is reductive and dismissive. The board’s vote renamed an entire ethnic group and a long-standing academic field of study in a way designed to reject Mexican-American identity. The name change arrogantly negates history and culture, essentially saying, “get over yourselves and forget about your Mexican-American heritage; you are not entitled to call yourself what you choose to call yourself or to identify in the way you choose to identify, the Texas SBOE will make that decision for you.”
At the conclusion of the vote, the mood among MAS advocates was not one of victory that standards had been approved. It was somber. We recognized that our work is not yet done.
One would think that when a determined coalition of Mexican-American Studies educators and advocates struggles for five years to persuade the SBOE to provide standards, that the board would act with integrity rather than blindsiding those dedicated citizens with a disrespectful and colonizing name change. The SBOE’s offensive course renaming was disorienting to the point that it left some wondering if this was a victory. One thing is certain, the struggle will continue.

The University of Texas has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.
PhD student, University of Texas at Austin

The Struggle for Mexican-American Studies Continues




In the past several weeks I have been especially conscious of including the hyphen when referring to a group that identifies as a hyphenated American. Who knew the Texas State Board of Education would make the hyphen a symbol of ethic pride and American patriotism? 

In my OpEd that appeared April 23rd in the Texas Tribune (Too Dangerous to be Called Mexican-American Studies), I describe how at the April meeting of the Texas State Board of Education, the SBOE voted in favor of changing the name of Mexican-American Studies courses taught in public schools to Ethnic Studies: An Overview of Americans of Mexican Descent. 

Members Bradley and Hardy claimed they do not identify as Irish-Americans or Italian-Americans as they framed the hyphenated identification as ridiculous. We should all just be American right? (We actually are all American but for some board members this seems to be in question). 

These school board members do not identify as Irish-Americans or any other group, not because they are American, but because they are White. They identify as White because there is privilege tied up in being White, privilege not afforded Irish-Americans or any other group. It must be nice for some board members to insist that a hyphenated group identify only as American, while they themselves have dismissed their respective hyphenated identities to assume the privilege derived from identifying as White. 

-Greg

Friday, April 20, 2018

The Anti-Mexico and Anti-Mexican Narrative is Tired and Wrong


In a study released from generally conservative SMU and its Texas-Mexico Center at Southern Methodist University, researchers find that “Far from taking jobs away from Texans, Mexicans are helping create additional employment opportunities, providing valuable labor for a growing economy and helping the deepening integration with Mexico.” (https://www.dallasnews.com/business/economy/2018/04/19/mexicans-help-create-not-take-jobs-away-texans-smu-study-says”.

In spite of the Trump rhetoric about the harms of Mexico and all things Mexican, “As many as 1 million jobs in Texas are attributed to trade with Mexico. GRUMA alone generates about 1,000 direct jobs and more than 4,500 indirect jobs in the north region.”

Additionally, the study calls for “freer immigration” across the border with Mexico. It is time the anti-Mexico narrative was relegated to the dustbin of racist history.  

CENSORING MEXICAN AMERICAN STUDIES IN TEXAS SCHOOLS IS NOT ONLY ETHNIC CLEANSING BUT ALSO CENSORSHIP AND MUFFLING OF THE FIRST AND FOURTEENTH AMENDMENTS by Felipe de Ortego y Gasca

There’s a nativist streak in the American psyche that emerges periodically to unravel the constitutional gains of American society, moving the nation more to the right—in a sort of dance macabre of the American national zeitgeist; in other words: something akin to an American Nazi Party (with the word “Nazi” being short for “National”). What has kept this Nazi zeitgeist at bay has been the vigilance of Americans working to create “a more perfect union,” committed to the preservation and process of democracy as articulated in the American Constitution.  What is little cogitated is that democracy is a process not a product.
That process has long held at bay inclusion of the real story of the American people, including those of color, starting with the story of Native Americans, then African Americans, and Mexican Americans. Other non-color groups have been given short shrift in the American Story as well. The real story of who we are as a nation has yet to be told, perhaps because it’s still an unfolding story. There’s little doubt that the American story today is not the same story as told by the French American writer J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur in his 3rd Letter fro an American Farmer first published in 1782: he wrote, “they are a mixture of English, Scotch, Irish, French, Dutch, Germans, and Swedes. From this promiscuous breed, that race now called Americans have arisen.” He did not include Native Americans nor African Americans.
Censorship of the Mexican American story in American annals began long before 1848 when the United States dismembered Mexico as a booty of war (1846-1848), and per the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of February 2, 1848 annexed more than half of Mexico in what is known as The Mexican Cession—a land mass more than the size of Spain, France and Italy combined (529,000 sq. miles) the third                                 The Mexican Cession          largest acquisition of territory in US history now constituting the states of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and pars of Wyoming, Kansas, and Oklahoma. That land-grab fulfilled the American dream of a nation from sea to shining sea. The flies in the ointment were the Mexicans—viewed as that vermin spawned by the Spaniards and the mongrel horde of Indian women—Mestizos as they came to be called but identified in the 20th century as La Raza Cosmica (the Cosmic People) by Jose Vasconcelos, the Mexican educator.
Arizona tried muzzling Mexican American Studies but the state’s foundation for that action was declared unconstitutional by a Federal Judge in Arizona on August 23, 2017 because Arizona’s ban of Mexican American Studies violated the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the American Constitution.  The judge concluded that racism was the animus propelling the Arizona ban of Mexican American Studies. 
In Texas, Governor Rick Perry railed that if things continued as they were Texas would have no other option than to secede from the Union—just like it did when it decided to join the Confederacy during the Civil War.
Secession is a mighty big gamble. It didn’t work the first time for segregationists and it won’t work this time for racists. In Texas, the Textbook Massacre is actuated by the mentality found in Arizona—“we know what belongs in the textbooks our kids read,” say white Texans.  Never mind that the majority of kids in Texas schools are Latinos and that their history ought to be represented in those textbooks—but isn’t. What are we to do when the governor of Texas thumbs his nose at public opinion and retorts that Texans know better? Where does that leave Tejanos? And when the governor threatens to secede from the Union if he doesn’t get his way, does he really think that Tejanos (Texas Latinos) will follow him like lemmings into that abyss of raging hyperbole? Na, na, na, na, na!
Ortego, Texas Textbook Massacre
This insanity has been going on for more than 20 years. Thirteen years ago in 2005 I made a presentation to the Texas State Board of Education (same Board, different folks) on “History and its Lacunae,” cautioning the Board not to go down the road it has finally wrong-headedly gone down. I explained how appalled I was by “the historical record in the American history textbooks which I have reviewed for this presentation and which are being considered for state adoption and use in Texas public schools, for nowhere in these texts is the story of American Hispanics fully told, particularly the story of Mexican Americans.” The Board did not listen then but has relented now except on the title for the Mexican American Study course. In real hegemonic fashion the Board deigns to know what is best for its subjects.
The Mexican American Study course is not about States’ Rights in regulating education per the 10th Amendment, it’s about the First Amendment: Censorship and Intellectual Freedom. White Texan Supremacists are trying to white-out (perhaps the better word is “whitewash”) anything that’s not white in the textbooks used in the Texas public schools. This sure smacks of censorship, especially in voiding the presence of Cesar Chavez in the social studies textbooks. Thurgood Marshall was also on the chopping block. 
Nevertheless, Val Benavides,  TFN Outreach and Field Director, posted:
Today we’re celebrating a historic vote at the State Board of Education: the creation of an elective course in Mexican American studies for Texas public schools. The board also voted to create a process for approving other ethnic studies courses in the future. 
These courses will help students across the state learn that the story of Texas and our nation includes the experiences and contributions of Mexican Americans and other people from diverse backgrounds. For too long those stories have been excluded from our classrooms. 
Let’s be clear: This victory came after years of tireless work by scholars and activists who educated the public and policymakers, rallied supporters, and testified and lobbied at the state board. They faced setbacks along the way, but they kept their eyes on the goal and demonstrated the power of grassroots activism to bring important change.
We at TFN have been proud to stand with and support these leaders and advocates. And we will work with them as the state board approves curriculum standards for Mexican American studies and other ethnic studies courses. 
        ¡Sí se puede!
It appears, however, that the Texas School Board sees the handwriting on the wall and while not capitulating entirely on this issue at this time, they’ve reserved the right to designate the title of the course—Americans of Mexican Descent, a throwback to the designation for Mexican Americans used by the Library of Congress 50 years ago. Here again, the white majority telling us who we are. But Dennis Bixler-Marquez, Director of Chicano Studies at UT-El Paso sees a glimmer of an unintended outcome in the decision of the Texas Board of Education’s approval of the Mexican American Study elective course when he said that the MAS course was not only for Mexican Americans (El Paso Times, 4/15/18, Borderlands, 1B/2B) but for everybody. Indeed, all Texans, nay, all Americans should know the Mexican American story. We should all know each other’s story—in their aggregate is the American story: immigrants and indigenous.
Juan Tejeda has it right:
Mexican American Studies and the historic vote and controversial decision to change the name of the MAS course by the Texas State Board of Education in CBS Austin below. The TXSBOE will be taking their final vote on this issue today in Austin. We are not hyphenated Americans. We are Native Americans. Mexican American Studies is an established Field of Study in Texas as authorized by the Texas Higher Education Coordinating Board. Call it what it is: a Mexican American History course for high school students in Texas. This is an elective course. Students don't have to take it if they don't want to. Tanto political pedo just to approve one elective course in Mexican American Studies in the state's history. #ApproveMAS
The insanity of purported conservative content replacing time-tested content traditional in social studies textbooks belies not only logic but the factual. The situation over textbooks in Texas is nothing more than “moral casuistry” based on evisceration of what has emerged as the Chicano Canon viewed as antithetical to the orthodox canon of American hegemony.

O
ur concepts of race do not emerge from antiquity. They spring from the Age of Enlightenment in Europe. Notions of race, predicated on a matrix of ancestry, ethnicity, religion, and cultural practices, reveal how deep-seated racial prejudice is. The Jefferson ideal of equality falls short in American discussions of race. Despite the ideal, Jefferson himself believed that the differences between the races were “fixed in nature” and therefore the equality set out in the Declaration of Independence did not apply to all.
At the core of American racial studies one finds the American School of Anthropology and its theory of polygeny—that a hierarchy of human races had separate creations. Like the Nazi school of human differences, the American anthropologist Samuel Morton developed a scheme of racial differences based on cranial capacity to prove his theory that “Caucasian and Mongolian races had the highest cranial capacity and therefore the highest levels of intelligence, while Africans had the lowest cranial capacity and thus the lower levels of intelligence” (Ibid.).
What are we to do when the governor of Texas like the governor of Arizona thumbs his/her nose at public opinion and retorts that the citizens of their states know what’s good for their states? Where does that leave Latinos? And when the governor of Texas threatens to secede from the Union if he doesn’t get his way, does he really think that Tejanos (Texas Latinos) will follow him like lemmings into that worm hole of raging hyperbole? 
What conclusion can be drawn from the xenophobic ethnic cleansing spreading across Arizona and Texas? The conclusion is that xenophobic whites in those states are out to get rid of “Mexicans”—whether they’re citizens or not? That may sound like a harsh judgment, but “Mexicans” are left with little room to maneuver in this ethnic cleansing. White Arizonans and Texans see the world through the prism of whiteness, a prism that wants to white-out all traces of their historically Mexican past and present.
Like Arizona, the history of white Texas is studded with anti-Mexican sentiments. Not surprisingly, Arizona statehood was delayed until 1912 by Republican Senator Albert Beveridge of Indiana until the territory of Arizona had a white population that outnumbered the “Mexican” population there. But the insistence on a Mexican American Study course is to keep national mnemonic seepage at bay—that is, historic amnesia. 
Oscar Martinez, the historian, explains:
The creation of the U.S. –Mexico border in the mid-nineteenth century separated those Mexicans who lived north of the Rio Grande from the motherland, converting them into an ethnic minority in the United States. . . For Border Chicanos, the psychological consequences of continued separation from the U.S. mainstream and of mixed emotion toward Mexico will remain deep and acute.
--Martinez,“Border Chicanos” from Troublesome Border, University of Arizona Press, 1988. 
This is why Mexican American Studies.

Dr. Felipe de Ortego y Gasca, Ph.D. (Renaissance Studies/Chicano Studies)
Scholar in Residence (Cultural Studies, Critical Theory, Public Policy)
Recipient: 2018 NACCS-Tejas Foco Estrella de Aztlan Lifetime Achievement Award
Recipient: 1997 Distinguished Faculty Award, Texas Association of Chicanos in Higher Education
Distinguished Professor Emeritus of English, American and Mexican American
Texas State University System—Sul Ross
Alum: University of Pittsburgh, University of Texas, University of New Mexico
m Western New Mexico University, Miller Library, 1000 College Ave, PO Box 680
Silver City, New Mexico 88062, Branches: Gallup, Deming, Lordsburg & Web
t    O: 575-538-6410, F: 575-538-6178, C: 575-956-5541, e-mail: Philip.Ortego@wnmu.edu
v   Veteran: Sgt. Marine Corps, WW II / Maj. (Res) USAF, Korean Conflict, Early Vietnam Era

&&&&&&&&&&&&&&
Historia Chicana
Mexican American Studies
University of North Texas
Denton, Texas

Thursday, April 19, 2018

San Antonio Is a City of MetamorphosisBY JOHN PHILLIP SANTOS ISSUE MAY 2018

Beautiful piece by John Phillip Santos on San Antonio.  The future IS mestizo.  
A must-read. 

-Angela

San Antonio Is a City of Metamorphosis



What a drag it is getting very old. In our advancing years, every birthday can occasion reckonings with an increasingly voluminous and unwieldy past, sparking fond reminiscences alongside warts-and-all inventories of the years that might inspire reaffirmation of familiar paths, or a wholly new start, or leave us altogether unsettled and chastened, staring blankly toward a diminishing future.
Turns out this can be true even for cities. San Antonio turns 300 this May, and the city’s tricentennial commemoration of its founding has turned out so far to be a mixed bag of brightly festooned anticipation, remarkable creative outpourings, deep historical reflections—and an unmistakable seeping ambivalence. The city’s official programming has been plagued by confusion and early misfires. Nonetheless, San Antonio “obsessives” all over town are seeking out the hidden meanings of this auspicious anniversary.
Historians, artists, journalists, and curators are sorting through myriad narratives of our city’s past and their elusive echoes into the present, imagining what the city may yet become. In effect, though there are many official programs and initiatives, the best observances of the city’s founding are transpiring as a yearlong crowd-sourced event. San Antonio de Béjar is revealing itself to itself, from the ground up.
Historian Andrés Tijerina, who consulted with the Witte Museum on their impressive “Confluence and Culture” tricentennial exhibition, believes the city’s three-hundredth anniversary has a special importance. “San Antonio is, was, and will remain the heart of the story of Texas,” he recently told me. “What happens in San Antonio has always been at the heart of Texas.”
Tijerina is among a generation of historians whose work over the last thirty years has reminded us that Texas’s story began not with the Siege of the Alamo, but long before, and from the south. The fall of Aztec Tenochtitlán, the Conquest, and the emergence of New Spain and Mexico was our Plymouth Rock. San Antonio’s founding two hundred years later arose from those events, complete with the echoes of first encounters between the indigenous and Spanish worlds and the emergence of a mestizo settlement. It was this historic pedigree that made San Antonio the place where modern Texas would be born, connecting our Mexican origins to an American future. And, with its abiding, 
indelible ambiente Mexicano and the ongoing burgeoning of the state’s Latino population, Tijerina observes, San Antonio will likely prove to be a decisive community in the orientation of Texas’s future.
In the words of one of my mentors, the late San Antonio writer Virgilio Elizondo: “The future is mestizo.”

Thousands of Central Texas students Rally, Stepping out of class tomorrow at 10AM

Thousands of Central Texas students rally for gun safety, stepping out of class tomorrow at 10AM.  They gather first at Wooldridge Square located at (900 Guadalupe St., Austin, Texas 78701) and then make their way to the Texas State Capitol.  I hope that adults at school honor them and allow them to do this.
Angela Valenzuela

Thousands of Central Texas students rally in National School Walkout


 

Posted: 4:33 p.m. Thursday, April 19, 2018

Highlights

Central Texas students will walk out of their schools between 10 a.m. and noon.
The event marks the 1999 Columbine High School massacre anniversary, one of worst U.S. school mass shootings.
Students will gather at Wooldridge Square before joining Texas Capitol Walkout for Gun Safety rally.
When LASA High School sophomore Emma Rohloff hears about another school shooting, she isn’t so much scared or angry anymore as she is tired.
She’s tired when she hears what she says is rhetoric about why there shouldn’t be stricter gun laws. Tired that nothing more has been done to stop gun violence.
At 15, Emma is one of Austin’s organizers of the latest National School Walkout, the latest in a string of student-driven protests fueled by the February high school shooting that killed 17 people in Parkland, Fla. Planned for Friday, the event is timed to the anniversary of the Columbine High School massacre in 1999, when two teens killed 12 students and one teacher before killing themselves in one of the worst school shootings in U.S. history.
As they have during other local and national walkouts, students across the country on Friday will call for safer schools and action against gun violence.
“There will always be angry people who will take out their aggression on strangers,” said Emma, who wants a ban on civilian use of semiautomatic weapons. “A knife attack is going to be less deadly than a mass shooting. If we can take a step to reduce the number of lives lost, that is a step we should take.”
Last month, in the strongest show of force to date, tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets and rallied for stricter gun laws during the March for Our Lives rally. An estimated 20,000 participated in Austin.
While the organizers of Friday’s rally don’t anticipate so large a turnout on a weekday, thousands of Central Texas students will walk out of class.
Multiple schools will time the walkout to the 10 a.m. national call, providing time for speakers and observing 13 minutes of silence in honor of the 13 killed at Columbine. Other students are chartering buses (with money they raised that also paid for city permits and PA system speakers) and will immediately depart their campuses and join other students participating in the Texas Capitol Walkout for Gun Safety, at which students, educators and politicians will speak.
“Gun safety is an issue that effects everyone in America, especially students,” said Olivia Hoffman, a 14-year-old freshman at Austin High School. “We’re hoping to incite legislative action and show everyone teenagers are a political force that people need to pay attention to. We are the future leaders of America.”
Hays High School sophomore Vince Johnson, 16, will walk out with about 100 students at his school.
“I don’t like the idea that a school is an unsafe place for kids,” he said. “It’s a place of education, a place of community, a place where people can be together. The idea that the modern high school has been so plagued by gun violence … it’s unthinkable to me.”
The Capitol rally starts at 1 p.m. Students will gather at Wooldridge Square to make posters and signs before walking the few blocks to the Capitol.
Austin High math teacher Steve Trenfield will march alongside them.
“There are some things bigger going on than Algebra II,” said Trenfield, who has taught for five years, including three at Austin High. “This is a time we need to stand up and be heard. What’s happening in our schools around the country is unacceptable.”
Every time there is a lockdown or a school shooting, Trenfield is burdened with thoughts of how he would handle the situation if it were his school: “I’ll do my best if something should happen, but feel like there should be a bigger response from the government because this is a national epidemic.”
Stony Point High School Principal Anthony Watson also will walk alongside his students, not as part of the protest, but to ensure their safety as they walk to U.S. Rep. John Carter’s Round Rock office to deliver a school petition calling for gun reform.
“I want to be with them in case they are met with resistance in any form,” Watson said. “I’m just glad our kids know that to be respectful and responsible is the way to get things done. They’re just trying to have a voice. Whether I agree or not, whatever side they’re on, I’m all of their principal. I can’t give them my endorsement, but they have my help if they need it.”
School districts largely are handling the walkouts with no disciplinary action beyond giving the students unexcused absences, so long as the protests and rallies remain peaceful. Teachers and other staff members are not allowed to participate in their official capacities and therefore must take a personal day if they plan to rally.
“We believe finding their voice is an essential part of our students’ preparation for college, career and life,” Austin school Superintendent Paul Cruz said. “We recognize that emotions are charged in regard to school violence, and we respect the different perspectives of both our students and employees. … Creating an environment where we can support our students with positive and open conversations is key to helping them deal with uncertainty.”