Gains in Educational Attainment, Enrollment in All Hispanic Groups, Largest Among South American Population [U.S. Census]

Such great news from the U.S. Census indicating that Hispanics' educational attainment has increased over the past several decades. According to researchers, Erik L. Hernandez and Kevin McElrath, "the Mexican population had the largest increase in college enrollment with a 12-percentage-point increase from 21% in 2005 to 33% in 2021."  

The authors don't mention a pandemic effect, but Fig. 2 suggests as much with a dip in educational attainment in 2021.

With the attainment of bachelor degrees going up for all Hispanic subgroups between 2005 and 2021 (Fig. 4), the data are encouraging and suggest that bachelor degree attainment is becoming more of a norm for the college-age population, as a whole. That said, these gains have clearly come at much sacrifice for Hispanic students and families. 

-Angela Valenzuela

Gains in Educational Attainment, Enrollment in All Hispanic Groups, Largest Among South American Population

May 10, 2023

by Erik L. Hernandez and Kevin McElrath

 

The nation’s fast-growing Hispanic population made dramatic strides in educational attainment in recent decades — especially among younger age groups.

The number of people of Hispanic or Latino origin (referred to as the Hispanic population in this article) more than quadrupled from 14.6 million 1980 to 62.1 million 2021, and their share of the U.S. population jumped from 6.2% to 18.7%.

As the Hispanic population grew so did its educational attainment, especially high school graduation rates.

In 1996, 58.2% of the Hispanic population ages 25 to 29 graduated from high school; by 2021, the share increased to 88.5%, according to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey data tables.

The number of Hispanic people ages 18 to 24 enrolled in college increased to 2.4 million in 2021, up from 1.2 million in 2005. 

Trends in educational attainment were particularly relevant for the nation’s Hispanic population given its low median age (30.5 in 2021).

For many Hispanic people in the United States, educational milestones are recent events. In 2021, the majority of Hispanic adults were between ages 25 and 34.

This young segment of the Hispanic population had the highest rate of college completion (bachelor’s degree or higher) as well as the lowest rate of not completing high school. 

Educational Expansion for Young Hispanic People

We looked at 2005-2021 estimates of educational attainment among the young Hispanic population by four education categories: less than a high school degree; high school only; some college; and a bachelor’s degree or higher. A growing number of Hispanic people reached higher educational attainment over this time span (Figure 1).

In 2005, one-third of Hispanic people ages 25-34 had some college: 2.7 million had less than a high school education; 2.3 million only had a high school degree; 1.6 million had some college; and fewer than 1 million had a bachelor’s degree or higher.

By 2021, over half of young Hispanic people had some college. The number with less than a high school degree dropped 45.8% to 1.5 million. There were increases in all other categories: high school only (up 28.3% to 2.9 million); some college (up 76.5% to 2.9 million); and a bachelor’s degree or higher (up 145.2% to 2.2 million).

Increasing College Enrollment

From 2005 to 2021, an increasing number of Hispanic people enrolled in college and became a greater share of the total student population (Figure 2).

The number of Hispanic people ages 18 to 24 enrolled in college increased to 2.4 million in 2021, up from 1.2 million in 2005.

The share of all college students ages 18 to 24 who were Hispanic grew, too. The lowest share during the period (11.4%) was in 2006; by 2021 it had swelled to nearly 20%. 

Educational Differences Between Hispanic Origin Groups

From 2005 to 2021, the percentage of 18-24-year-olds in all Hispanic origin groups enrolled in college or graduate school grew (Figure 3). 

But there were different growth patterns. For example, Cuban and South American populations started with relatively high levels of college enrollment in 2005 and saw relatively small or non-statistically significant increases.

In contrast, other groups had lower levels of college enrollment in 2005 and larger gains over the period.

The Mexican population had the largest increase in college enrollment with a 12-percentage-point increase from 21% in 2005 to 33% in 2021. Puerto Rican, Dominican, Central American and other Hispanic or Latino populations also experienced enrollment increases of 7.5 percentage points or higher.

It became more common for all Hispanic origin groups to earn a bachelor’s degree from 2005 to 2021:

• South American (46%) and Cuban (35.9%) groups had higher levels of bachelor’s degree attainment than all other Hispanic origin groups in 2021 and for the entire 16-year period. The South American population had the biggest increase (12%) of any detailed Hispanic origin group.

• Mexican and Central American groups each saw increases of around 10 percentage points.

• Puerto Rican, Dominican, and other Hispanic or Latino populations had similar growth, starting between 15% and 20%, and increasing to between 27% and 28%. 

Within the larger educational trends of the Hispanic population, there were different starting points and patterns of growth for detailed Hispanic origin groups (Figures 3 and 4).

Erik L. Hernandez and Kevin McElrath are survey statisticians in the Census Bureau’s Social, Economic, and Housing Statistics Division.

I like this piece by researchers at Pew because it separates out desire from the practical aspects of mobility for most Latinos. "Latinos say achieving the American dream isn’t easy. Only about half (51%) said they had achieved it so far, and about three-quarters (74%) said achieving the dream today is hard for people like them."

So when politicians and pundits say that Latinos aren't sufficiently aspirational, nothing can be further from the truth. The issue is less about the ideal of the American dream and more about the barriers they face in achieving it. Here is, of course, where equitable health, education, and housing policies can make a difference in helping families fulfill their own aspirations.

-Angela Valenzuela

Latinos are more likely to believe in the American dream, but most say it is hard to achieve. 

BY MARK HUGO LOPEZ, ANA GONZALEZ-BARRERA AND JENS MANUEL KROGSTAD

Sept. 11, 2018

Hispanics are significantly more likely than the general U.S. public to believe in core parts of the American dream – that hard work will pay off and that each successive generation is better off than the one before it. Yet many Hispanics see the American dream as hard to reach, and belief in it declines as immigrant roots grow distant, according to newly released results from a Pew Research Center 2016 survey of Hispanic adults.

More than three-quarters of Hispanics (77%) said at the time that most people can get ahead with hard work, a higher share than among the U.S. public (62%) in 2016. For Hispanics, similar shares expected their standard of living to be better than that of their parents (75%) and expected their children to be better off than themselves (72%). Among the U.S. public, by contrast, just 56% expected to be better off than their parents, and 46% expected their children to have a better standard of living than they did.

Even so, Latinos say achieving the American dream isn’t easy. Only about half (51%) said they had achieved it so far, and about three-quarters (74%) said achieving the dream today is hard for people like them.

While there is no official definition of the American dream, public opinion surveys of U.S. adults in recent years show it involves hard work, financial security, career success and confidence that each new generation will be better off than the one before it. Americans also see life milestones as a part of attaining the dream: graduating from college, owning a home, raising a family and giving your kids a life that’s better than your own.

The life goals of Latinos overlap with some of these ingredients of the American dream. The two goals rated most highly by Latinos were being a good parent (51%) and having the resources to provide for their family (49%). Owning a home – often seen as a key part of the American dream – was cited by 33% of Hispanics as an extremely important life goal for them. Other top goals for Hispanics included having a successful marriage (30%) and being successful in a high-paying career or profession (22%).

Among those who say they have achieved the American dream, about equal shares of Hispanics attributed their achievement to home ownership or financial stability (26%), their work or career (25%) and hard work (24%). Another 22% cited coming to or living in the U.S. as the reason for their success. Immigrant Hispanics often mentioned this last reason: About one-third who believed they achieved the dream said they did so by coming to the U.S. (Responses were to an open-ended question.)

The survey also asked those who have not achieved the American dream how they might one day do so: 31% cited homeownership or financial stability, 25% said work or their career and 14% said education.

In many ways, what Latinos say they need to accomplish to reach the dream reflects their concerns and worries: Three-quarters (74%) said they worry a lot about providing for their family and 60% said they worry a lot about their finances.

Differences by immigrant generation

The U.S. born account for about two-thirds of Latinos and for most of the growth in the Latino population today. Among these adults, belief in some aspects of the American dream fades as their immigrant roots grow distant.

Eight-in-ten immigrant Latinos said in 2016 that their own standard of living is better than that of their parents, and just as many expected their children will be better off. Among second-generation Hispanics (the U.S.-born children of immigrant parents), these shares were 75% and 71%, respectively – slightly below the shares of immigrant Latinos. But for third or higher generation Latinos (U.S.-born Latinos with U.S.-born parents), just two-thirds (66%) said they will be better off than their parents and 60% said they expect their kids to be better off.

Note: See full topline results and methodology (PDF).

Friends,

Wrap  your heads around this: Texas has about 11.4 million Hispanic residents as compared with 11.9 million whites.  

These trends and numbers are astounding given the disparities we continue to see today with respect to Hispanic representation in our flagship institutions, legislative, school board, and city council representation, the teacher workforce, and white collar occupations and industries, as a whole.   So much of this does connect to the vote as this piece suggests, but any close reading of Texas history shows that it's deeper than that.  Much deeper.

Consider for instance, an underlying dynamic that journalist, Michelle Garcia, identifies in her recent CNN Opinion piece posted to this blog titled "In Texas, A call to action against white supremacy."

"Attacking Latinos is deeply woven into the genetic coding of the state that was built on the perception that some are more worthy to govern than others."

So the "problem" isn't simply reducible to Hispanics not voting when everything has been done legally and extralegally to curtail it.  That said, we can expect the seemingly unending forms of discrimination, prejudice, and exclusion that we're witnessing in full view today bodes positively for Hispanic voter turnout in 2020 where according to estimates by the Pew Research Center (cited by Garcia), "Latinos are projected to be the largest non-white voting group in 2020."

Accordingly, please note the following pertinent info provided by Laura Yeager  of Texas Educators Vote:

The deadline to register to vote in the November 5^th election is October 7^th.  There will be 10 constitutional amendments on the ballot and special legislative elections will be held that day also. Creating a culture of voting means voting in every election.  Make sure everyone you know is registered to vote!

To do:1. Check your voter registration status.  https://teamrv-mvp.sos.texas.gov/MVP/mvp.do2. Apply to register to vote if you are not already registered. https://webservices.sos.state.tx.us/vrapp/index.asp3. If you don’t have a printer, stamp, or want to look up your county election office, go to Register2Vote and get a completed voter registration application sent to you to sign and put in the mail. This saves you some steps, but takes a little extra time, so do it today! https://register2vote.org/Social Media Posts to share: -Make sure you are registered to vote. Deadline to register for the Nov. 5 constitutional amendment election is Oct. 7^th. #txed #txlege #vote #TxEdVote -Vote in every election. Make sure you are registered today! #txed #txlege #vote #TxEdVote

-Angela Valenzuela

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Texas Hispanics Edge Closer to Becoming the State’s Biggest Ethnic Group

STEPHEN YOUNG | JUNE 21, 2019 | 4:00AM

Texas' white plurality is this close to being over, according to data released Thursday by the U.S. Census Bureau. Any day now, it seems, the state is set to become majority Hispanic.

According to the bureau's 2018 population estimates, Texas has about 11.9 million white, non-Hispanic residents, compared with 11.4 million self-identified Hispanic residents. In 2010, the earliest year for which data is provided in the Census report, there were 9.5 million Hispanics living in Texas, compared with 11.4 million non-Hispanic whites.

While Hispanic population growth has easily outpaced white population growth from 2010 to 2018, the differences in growth over the last year are even starker. Texas' white population grew by about 24,000 residents in 2018. Its Hispanic population grew by almost 215,000.

Texas Hispanics' population growth has not been mirrored at the ballot box. According to Census Bureau data released earlier this year, about 1.9 million Hispanics voted in Texas' 2018 election, an increase of more than 800,000 from the state's previous midterm in 2014. That might sound like a big jump, but given that Texas' total turnout went up from under five million to more than eight million, Hispanic voters' relative electoral impact went up only about two percentage points, from about 23% of the electorate to about 25%.

White Texans are still over-represented at the ballot box, which is reflected in the policies pursued by Texas Republicans like Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.

"Basically, I think you can contrast the Dan Patrick versus (former Texas Gov.) Rick Perry approach," Rice University political scientist Mark Jones told the Observer in 2018 in an interview about Hispanic political power in Texas and when it might flip the state. "If all Republicans were like Rick Perry, you wouldn't have a significant disconnect between obtaining a significant percentage of the Latino vote and the policies pursued by Republican officeholders. Perry was always very astute in avoiding issues that would've damaged his standing and that of the Republican Party among Latinos who otherwise would be favorably disposed to vote for Republicans. He always focused on border security. He never focused on anything that would've involved the deportation of Latinos already in the country."

With Perry out of office and President Donald Trump in the White House, Texas Republicans have become more extreme on immigration issues. During the 2017 legislative session, Texas lawmakers famously passed Senate Bill 4, the state's "sanctuary cities" law, which threatened local elected officials with being removed from office if they failed to comply with orders from federal immigration enforcement officers. This year, Texas Senate Republicans forced through a ceremonial but controversial resolution affirming Trump's claims that there is a crisis at Texas' Mexican border.

Republicans' continued focus on the border and demonization of immigrants is already having an effect on Texas' Latino electorate, according to activists.

"With the Latino community, it's always very interesting because there's a segment that's been loyal to the Republican Party specifically because of the abortion issue," Carlos Duarte, the Texas director of Mi Familia Vota, a group that supports civic engagement among Latinos, told the Observer just before the election in November. "People would say, 'I'm conflicted because, on the one side, I want to vote for Democrats because of their positions on immigration, but on the other, I want to vote for my soul and therefore vote Republican because of the abortion issue.'

"This year, what I am seeing is that people are fed up, particularly with President Trump, and I have had several conversations where people are saying, 'I used to be a Republican, I've been a Republican all of my life, my family has been Republican, but we cannot take this anymore and now me and my family are going to vote Democrat.'"

In 2018, 64% of Hispanic voters in Texas said they cast their ballot for Democrat Beto O'Rourke, according to Pew Research, compared with the 47% who voted for Democrat David Alameel against John Cornyn in 2014. White turnout saved Republican Ted Cruz, but there's a chance Republicans are mortgaging their future for marginal short-term gains.

"I think (Gov. Greg) Abbott still wants to try to occupy ground that is similar, if a little bit to the right, of where Rick Perry was," Jones said last year, suggesting the governor might moderate after Trump leaves office. "It's not clear at all to me that Dan Patrick and Ken Paxton are interested in doing that. I think they still have a much more short-term vision that's focused on Republican primary voters. They seem much less concerned about the future of the party. They're much more focused on winning in 2018 and perhaps winning the Republican primary in 2022 for whatever office that might be, but they're unconcerned about where the party will go in the 2020s." 

 

Stephen Young has written about Dallas news for the Observer since 2014. He's a Dallas native and a graduate of the University of North Texas.

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Immigrants and Allies Weigh in on the Devastating Consequences of Chilling Participation in the Census

Terrible news.  Adding a citizenship question to the U.S. Census is a clear strategy for chilling immigrant participation and promises to result in an undercount which has enormous implications for resources and representation.  This is a Trumpian racist and xenophobic attack on the immigrant community, not unlike the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) dropping specific language related to our being a "nation of immigrants."  In my world, this is called institutionalized oppression. People don't have to be open bigoted if the government reflects their will where the president himself is playing to his base.

-Angela

 

For Immediate Release     Contact: Michael Earls at 202-494-8555 or press@americasvoice.org

March 28, 2018

Immigrants and Allies Weigh in on the Devastating Consequences of Chilling Participation in the Census

Washington, DC – In response to the Trump Administration’s announcement that a citizenship question will be added to the Census, immigrants and their allies have responded forcefully. They argue that asking about citizenship status will drive down participation and undermine the constitutional aim of the Census to count all residents in the United States. Of course, this potential undercounting is deliberate and part of the Trump and GOP’s larger attempts to undermine the political power and allocation of resources to diverse communities across America.

According to Migration Policy Institute, as of 2016 there were more than 43.7 million immigrants living in the United States, constituting 13.5% of the total U.S. population of 323.1 million. Of these, Pew Research estimates that 11 million are unauthorized immigrants. According to a Center for American Progress study, more than 8 million U.S. citizens nationwide have at least one unauthorized family member living in their household. This includes more than 5.9 million citizen children who live with at least one undocumented family member. 

Anything that chills participation from up to one-sixth of the population is surely going to affect the accuracy of the overall effort.

Many immigrants are highlighting why they wouldn’t want to share any information with the Trump Administration:

Gladis Perez, a native of Guatemala who became a citizen five years ago tells Miriam Jordan in a New York Times story titled, “If Census Asks About Citizenship, Some Already Have an Answer: No Comment: “I wouldn’t answer any questions before … I wouldn’t even open the door. If I were still undocumented, I would avoid this survey at any cost.”

Carmen Queveda, an undocumented babysitter and housekeeper in Southern California who has a 14-year old, U.S. citizen son told Jordan: “I would never answer, because I don’t have papers … Obviously, I am afraid. I have a son.”

Cesar Morio, an undocumented construction worker from Mexico who lives in Southern Californiatold Jordan: “I know that no parent in my neighborhood is going to be opening the door for anyone doing a survey.”

An unnamed immigrant woman in California interviewed by Noticiero Univision: “It would make me really nervous because you know how things are with immigration nowadays”. The reporter states that if people don’t complete the Census out of fear, California would stand to lose millions of dollars in federal funds. To this the woman adds: “I would not complete it” if the citizenship question is included.

In another Univision story on the American Community Survey conducted last year by the Census, one of the persons interviewed in Spanish stated that “the possibility that the Census could provide my information to the national security and that immigration could find me and arrest me for lack of documentation terrorizes me.”

Even before new Census announcement, immigrants have been fearful of sharing information with Trump Administration. As HuffPost’s Sam Levine reported, Arturo Vargas, the Executive Director of NALEO, “told HuffPost in January that officials already had trouble getting people to respond and convincing them the census would not share their information with other agencies.” 

The HuffPost story links to an internal Census Bureau memo from September in which “census field researchers reported that they were seeing unusually high concerns about confidentiality from respondents, particularly those in immigrant communities. Many people were falsifying the information they provided to researchers out of concern for their own immigration status or that of someone they knew.”

It is worth noting that in the aftermath of Hurricanes Harvey and Irma in Texas and Florida last year, many immigrants expressed fear about engaging with government-directed relief efforts, fearful that interacting with the government could exposed them to deportation.

Meanwhile, leading experts and advocates are explaining the implications of a potential Census undercount:

Angelica Salas, Executive Director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles (CHIRLA): “Their goal is to try to make invisible our immigrant community in the Census and to create a situation in which civic engagement action, to be counted, becomes risky … But we are going to make sure that our community understands that they count for the United States and should participate. We are going to fight it.”

Erika Reyna, who is helping to coordinate Census efforts in Hidalgo County in southern Texas: “We know this question is going to have a detrimental impact on our efforts and is going to make people wary of responding … An undercount will mean fewer resources in an area that is high-need and growing.”

Jerry Gonzalez, Executive Director of the Georgia Association of Latino Elected Officials (GALEO):“We have many mixed-status families, and given this administration’s record on being anti-immigrant and Latino, the question will sow fear and confusion.”

Kristen Clarke, President and Executive Director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law: “This is a clear attempt to politicize the process by discouraging minority communities and immigrant communities from participating in the count … This is an arbitrary and untested decision that all but guarantees that the Census will not produce a full and accurate count of the population as the constitution requires.”

Bob Ross, President of the NAACP Prince George’s County (MD) Branch and a named plaintiff in a new NAACP lawsuit against the Census Bureau: “When the Census Bureau undercounts my community, we lose political power, and fewer of our federal tax dollars end up coming home to fix our roads, run our schools, and fund our federal programs.”

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